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THE 


OLD     GUARD 


A  MONTHLY  JOURNAL, 


DEVOTED  TO  LITERATURE,  SCIENCE  AND  ART, 


AND   THE   PRINCIPLES   OF 


I776     AND     I787 


C.  CHAUNCEY  BURR,  Editor. 


VOL.  IIL— 1865. 


New  York: 
VAN   EVRIE,  HORTON  &  CO.,   162  NASSAU  ST. 

PHILADELPHIA  :  J.  TRENWITH.     CINCINNATI :    W.  II.  KELLER.     CHICAGO  : 

J.  R.  WALSH.     ST.  L0UI3  :  GEO.  J.  JONES.     CHARLESTON,  S.  C. : 

H.  P.  RUGQ.     SAN  FRANCISCO:  WHITE  &  BAUKR. 


ALPHABETICAL   INDEX. 


A 

PAGE. 

American  Races ; 128 

Abolition  of  Slavery  Impossible 176 

American  Slave-Code 319 

A  Picture  fcr  the  Capitalists  ol  the  United 

States 331 

Apostate  Dt  mocrats 378 

Anacreon,  an  Antidote  lor  Brutal  Glory 466 

Advice  to  those  who  think  of  Purchasing 

Confiscated  Lands 476 

Aphorisms  on  Government 518 

B 

Brown,  Old  John,  History  of,  by  the  Presi- 
dent  324 

Bad  Policy  of  Salt  Words  in  Hard  Times 4G3 

C 

Close  of  the  Years  180C  and  1864  (poetry).. .  23 

Civilization  of  the  Tropics 25 

Conspiracy  in  Congress 91 

Colonial  and  State  Unions 97 

Conservative  and  Radical  Democrats 185 

Camp  Vergera 264,  315 

Constitution,  The,  to  be  understood  only  by 

the  Lights  of  English  Law  and  Liberty. .  .453 
Cost  of  Loyalty  to  the  People  of  England. .  .460 

Crimes  of  Modern  Philanthropy 498 

Camp  Lee 553 

D 

Douglas's  Suppressed  Pamphlet 80 

Difference  between  Government  and  Admin- 
istration   200 

Demoralization  of  the  Clergy 637 

E 

Epigrams 330 

Everett,  Edward 138 

F 

Federal  Adminis'  ration  keeping  up  the  "  Re- 
bellion"  372 

Free  Labor 419 

French  Bastlle 514 


paoe. 

Federalists  under  John  Adams .*    7 

Female  Parliament  of  Aristophanes 33 

Financial  Lying 43 

G 

Government,  Civil  Foundation  of .. . . .404 

General  Cox's  Plan 481 

H 

Hampton  Court .116 

Heathen  Generals  and  Christian  Ministers.  .234 

I 

Ideal  Republic .82 

Italian  Epigram 184 

J 

Johnson,  President,  Opportunity  of 288 

Juvinal'3  Satires  and  Modern  Manners 217 

K 

Kentucky  Resolutions 1 

Kisses,  Poetry  of .76 

L 

Laughing  at  all  the  F00I3 187 

Lessons  of  Liberty,  from  Napoleon 308 

Lincoln  and  Maximilian .236 

M 

Maxims  on  Loye 39 

Mexico,  Downfall  of 86 

Meaning  of  the  Phrase,  **  People  of  the  Uni- 
ted States" 511 

Massachusetts  and  Virginia 221 

Murder,  Progress  of 229 

N 

Napoleon  on  Taxes 168 

New  England,  Crimes  of. 35 

North  Bankrupt  in  Honor 385 

O 

Old  Guard,  Commendations  of 428 


11. 


ALPHABETICAL   INDEX. 


P 

PAGE. 

Patterson,  Governor 5 

Peer  and  Printer,  11,  57.  103, 155,  213,  251.  295, 

345,  301,  485. 

Puritan  Insolence 138 

Puritanism,  History  of 2S9 

Provost  Marshals .311 

Puritanh  in  against  Liberty 3G7 

Puritan  Philanthropy 424 

President  and  State  Aunihilators 473 

R 

Resolutions  of '98,  Basis  of  Union 1 

Republican  a  Disunion  Party 272 

Right  of  States  to  Tax  the  Inc  me  on  United 
States  Bonds 480 

S 

Sovereignty  of  States 8 

Sovereignty  of  States  Fully  Considered 337 

Secession,  Have  States  the  Right  ot 50 

Sbakspeare  and  the  Greet;  Poets 182 

Selections  from  Queen  Mab 269 

Slavery  among  the  Je <vs 319 

South  Pf  or  in  Cash 5S5 

Stanton,  Song  of. . . .  • ; 4J6 

Slaveocracy  and  Bondocracy 455 

Six  Cleopatras 475 

Spirit  of  Freedom  in  the  English  Parliament 
from  1641  to  179C 543 

T 

Taney,  Chief  Justice 138 

Tariffs 145 

Time>y  Readings  mm  the  Poets 232 

Titles  of  Rare  0:d  English  Pamphlets 463 

The  Authors   of  the  Federalist   " Copper- 
heads"  529 

The  Error  of  the  South 566 

U 

Union,  Disunion,  and  Ueunion 244 

Union,  Nature  of :  433 

V 

Virginia  Resolutions 8 

Voices  that  are  Gone  (poetry) 32 


W 

PAGE. 

War,  Literature  of 70 

War  of  Taiiffs 145 

War,  The  whole  Coniinentlhreatened  with.170 

Wisdom  in  the  Presbyterian  Synod. 277 

White  Supremacy   and  Negro  Subordina- 
tion  .193 

Poetry— 

Voices  that  are  Gone 32 

Alone  wih  Thee 38 

A  Lost  Heart 69 

Tbe  Poets  and  the  Gods 69 

The  Poet's  Toast 69 

Arabian  Epigrams :  75 

Song  of  the  Ages 79 

Fourteen 79 

Down  in  the  Woody  Hollor 154 

Epigrams  from  the  Latin 1G7 

Death  fcnd  Tenement  Houses 174 

Spanish  Epigram 202 

Old  Tjmes 215 

Bide  Your  Time 216 

Epigrams  from  Martial 220 

Jennie  at  her  Toilet 263 

The  Belles  of  Glenly  Waters 294 

Song  ot  the  Mountains 307 

Mahomet's  Paradise 344 

Under  the  O  d  Elm  Tree 357 

Deceived  Maiden 366 

Meaning  of  '*  No" 377 

Poor  Little  Nelly 403 

Love's  Astronomy 423 

The  Bachelor  a  Snail..- 438 

Phantoms 451 

Standing  Guard 458 

Salome... 476 

Sly  Love 476 

Oaths  and  Visions 496 

The  Soldier's  Baby 510 

Epigram  on  Wit 517 

The  Fickle  Heart 536 

Lessons  of  the  Brooklet. 565 

Editor's  Table— 

Pages  45,  93, 141, 189,  237,  285,  338,  381,  429, 
477,  525,  571. 


THE  OLD  GUARD, 


A  MONTHLY  JOURNAL,   DEVOTED   TO   THE   PRINCIPLES   OP    1776   AND    1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — JANUARY,    1865.  — No.    I. 


THE  RESOLUTIONS  OF  1198  AS  A  BASIS  OF  RE-UNION. 


The  Resolutions  of  Kentucky  and 
Virginia  of  1798-9,  have  always  been 
regarded,  especially  by  the  Democra- 
cy, as  a  sort  of  supplement  to  the  Con- 
stitution, from  the  fact  that  they  were 
drawn  by  the  parties  who  had  borne 
a  greater  share  in  moulding  the  Con- 
stitution than  any  other  statesmen  of 
our  Revolutionary  period.  Jefferson, 
the  author  of  the  Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions, was  the  Father  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  and  he  was  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  party 
which  held  a  commanding  majority  in 
the  Constitutional  Convention.  Madi- 
son, the  author  of  the  Resolutions  of 
Virginia,  has  been  called  the  Father  of 
the  Constitution,  These  Resolutions 
must  be  looked  upon,  at  least,  in  the 
light  of  a  commentary  upon  the  Con- 
stitution, by  the  authors  of  that  im- 
mortal instrument.  They  were  drawn 
about  ten  years  after  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  and  were,  therefore, 
almost  contemporaneous  with  it.  This 
circumstance  has  imparted  an  authori- 
tative character  to  these  celebrated 
Resolutions.     And,   just    at    this   mo- 


ment, they  acquire  new  interest  from 
the  fact  that  Vice-President  Stevens 
has,  in  a  recent  letter,  declared,  in  ef- 
fect, that  all  the  difficulties  between 
the  North  and  South  may  be  amicably 
settled  on  the  basis  of  these  Resolu- 
tions. Indeed  Mr,  Stevens's  letter  an- 
nounces that  the  Southern  States  are 
simply  contending  for  the  principles 
of  these  resolutions,  and  that  when 
the  North  acknowledges  these  princi- 
ples every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  re- 
union will  be  removed.  This  an- 
nouncement on  the  part  of  the  distin- 
guished southern  leader  would  seem 
to  bridge,  at  once,  the  bloody  gulf  that 
separates  the  North  and  South.  If 
these  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu- 
tions may  be  the  peace-maker,  our 
troubles  ought  to  be  nearly  at  an  end, 
because  they  have  been  the  uniform 
creed  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  of 
more  than  seven-tenths  of  the  states- 
men of  the  North,  down  to  the  period 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration.  It'  these 
Resolutions  will  save  the  Union,  it 
will  be  very  easy  to  stamp  the  brows 
of  the  real  traitors    to    the  Union,  by 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    OF    1798 


[Jan., 


simply  finding  out  who  rejects  these 
Resolutions,  after  they  have  received 
the  assent  of  nearly  all  the  first  states- 
men, both  of  the  North  and  South, 
from  the  very  beginning'  of  the  Re- 
public down  to  the  fatal  hour  of  this 
sanguinary  conflict. 

What,  then,  are  these  Resolutions  ? 
What  are  their  principles  ?  To  an- 
swer these  questions,  we  must  refer 
to  the  events  which  called  them  into 
existence.  Their  history  is  simple. 
They  were  really  a  protest  against  the 
usurpation  and  despotism  of  a  federal 
administration.  They  were  passed  as 
measures  of  resistence  to  an  attempt 
to  revolutionize  the  government  of 
these  States.  This  we  shall  prove  be- 
yond dispute.  Such,  in  fact,  has  been 
the  verdict  of  the  whole  country  from 
1798  to  1861.  No  party  has  dared, 
during  that  period,  to  go  into  a  popu- 
lar canvass  in  opposition  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  these  Resolutions.  They 
were  called  into  existence  as  a  remedy 
to  the  infamous  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws  of  the  administration  of  John 
Adams,  and  the  old  federalists.  These 
laws  struck  down,  not  only  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  States,  but  the  liberty 
of  the  individual.  The  passage  of 
these  atrocious  laws,  with  one  fell 
stroke,  swept  the  State  governments 
out  of  existence,  and  by  an  act  of 
usurpation  and  revolution,  centralized 
and  consolidated  all  power  in  the  fe- 
deral government.  They  gave  the 
President  the  power  to  override  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  States — 
to  banish  from  the  country,  or  to  im- 
prison or  punish  whom  he  pleased, 
without  reference  to  the  organic  laws 
of  the  land.  The  New  England  and 
Middle  States  were  burnt  over,  as  with 
fire,  by  this  revolutionary    fanaiicism. 


The  people,  for  the  moment,  were  mad, 
and  seemed  determined  to  throw  away 
all  the  liberties  they  had  won  in  the 
glorious  struggle  of  the  Revolution. 
Those  who  had  just  thrown  off  the 
weight  of  a  constitutional  monarchy, 
seemed  infatuated  with  a  despotism 
without  a  binding  constitution,  and 
without  any  law  except  the  unbridled 
will  and  caprice  of  one  man.  It  was 
one  of  those  hours  of  unaccountable 
insanity  which  sometimes  seize  a  na- 
tion, and  cause  it  to  devour  its  own 
laws,  as  the  unnatural  swine  devour 
their  own  young.  At  this  critical 
juncture  the  Legislatures  of  Virginia 
and  Kentucky  came  forward  with  a 
bold  and  emphatic  re-announcement  ol 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States — the 
grand  principle  on  which  the  Federal 
Government  was  built,  and  from  which 
it  derived  all  the  powers  it  possessed. 
The  Federal  Government,  they  con- 
tended, possessed  no  original  powers. 
All  its  powers  are  " derived"  "  deligat- 
ed,"  "  granted"  powers.  That  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Federal  Government  are  not, 
and  cannot  be  sovereign,  because  they 
are  derived.  That  they  are  necessarily 
limited,  because  they  are  "delegated" 
That  they  are  in  the  nature  of  a  grant, 
as  declared  in  article  first,  section  first, 
of  the  Constitution.  That  the  States, 
therefore,  alone,  are  the  fountains  of 
sovereignty.  They  are  the  original 
masters  that  delegate  and  grant  to  the 
dependent  Federal  Government  cer- 
tain of  their  powers,  according  to  their 
own  sovereign  will.  This  is  the  spirit 
of  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu- 
tions. Logically,  they  are  unanswer- 
able. The  fiifst  Resolution  of  the  Ken- 
tucky series,  drawn  by  Jefferson,  is  as 
follows  : 

"liesolved,  That  the  several  States  com 


1865  ] 


AS    A    BASIS    OF    RE-UNION. 


posing  the  United  States  of  America,  are  not 
united  on  the  principle  of  unlimited  submis- 
sion to  the  General  Government,  but  that  by 
c  mipact  under  the  style  anu  title  of  a  Con- 
stitution for  the  United  States,  and  of  amend- 
ments thereto,  they  constituted  a  General 
Government  for  special  purposes,  delegated 
to  that  government  cett  un  definite  powers, 
reserving  each  State  to  itself  the  residuary 
m  iss  of  righ  to  their  own  self-government, 
and  that  whensoever  the  General  Govern- 
ment assumes  undelegated  powers,  its  acts 
are  unath oxidative,  void,  and  of  no  force  ; 
that  to  this  compact  each  State  acceded  as  a 
State,  and  is  an  integral  party  ;  that  this 
government,  created  by  this  compact,  was 
not  made  the  exclusive  or  final  judge  of  the 
extent  of  the  powers  delegated  to  itself ;  since 
that  would  have  made  its  discretion,  and  not 
the  Constitution,  the  measure  of  its  powers  ; 
but,  that  as  in  all  other  cases  of  compact, 
among  parties  having  no  common  judge, 
each  party  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself, 
as  wdl  of  infraction  as  of  the  mode  and  mea- 
sures of  redress." 

The  third  Resolution  of  the  Virginia 
series,  drawn  by  Madison,  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  That  this  Assembly  does  explicitly  and 
peremptori  y  declare,  that  it  views  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Federal  Government,  as  resulting 
from  the  compact  to  which  the  States  are 
parties,  as  limited  by  the  plain  sense  and  in- 
tention of  the  instrument  constituting  that 
compact — as  no  further  valid  than  they  are 
authorized  by  the  grants  enumerated  in  that 
compact ;  and  that  in  case  of  a  deliberate, 
palpable  and  dangerous  exercise  of  other 
powers  not  granted  by  the  said  compact,  the 
Slates  icho  are  parties  thereto  have  the  right,  and 
are  in  duty  bound  to  interpose,  for  arresting  the 
projrdess  of  the  evil,  and  for  maintaining  within 
their  respective  limits  the  authorities,  rights,  and 

liberties  appertaining  to  them." 

t 

The  great,  the  unanswerable  point 
of  this  resolution  is,  that  the  States 
alone  are  parties  to  the  compact  which 
formed  the  Union.  The  Federal  Gov- 
ernment is  not  a  party  to  the  compact 
at  all.     It  is  only  the  recipient  of  cer- 


tain   enumerated    powers,    resulting 
from  the  compact,   which  it  is  to  exer- 
cise as  the    agent   of  the  joint   sove- 
reignty of  the  high    contracting  par- 
ties, that   is,  the  Slates.     These   alone 
are  sovereign  in  the  whole  matter.     In 
this  compact  the   States   surrendered 
no  fraction  of  their  sovereignty.  They 
simply  agreed  that  in  certain  matters 
the  sovereignty  of  each   State  should 
be  exercised  jointly    by   the   general 
agent,  or  Federal  Government,  for  the 
common  good.     Mr.  Madison,    in  ano- 
ther place,   distinctly  says  :  "  A  dele- 
gated power  is  not  a  surrendered  power." 
This  is  self  evident.     To    deny  it  is  to 
prove  one  wanting  in  common  intelli- 
gence.    There  is  a  painful  degree   of 
stupidity  in   the   talk   we   sometimes 
hear  about  States  having  surrendered 
a  portion  of  their   sovereignty   to  the 
Federal  Government.    It  is  the  nature 
of  sovereignty  that  it   cannot   be   di- 
vided and  surrendered,  any  more  than 
a  man's  will  can  be  cut  up  into  parts 
and  given   away.     A  man's  will  can 
delegate  powers  to  another,  to  act  by 
its  authority,  but  it  cannot  give  itself 
away.     The  will  is  the  sovereignty  of 
the  man.     This  will   is    none    the  less 
the  inalienable  property   of  the   man, 
after  he  has   imparted    to   others    the 
power  to  do  business  in  his  name,  than 
it  was    before   such   power  was   dele- 
gated.    Sovereignty  is  the  will  of  the 
State.     It   is   indivisable,  and    incom- 
municable, like  the  will  of  a  man.  and 
cannot  be  less   sovereign  from  having 
delegated  its  powers.     As  the  Father 
of  the  Constitution    truly    says  :   "  A 
delegated  is  not  a  surrendered   power." 
On  this  great  truth   hangs   the  whole 
theory  of  the  Federal  Government,  as 
it  was  understood  by  those  who  made 
it,  and  by  the  States,  which  by  an  act 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    OF    IT 98 


[Jan., 


of  sovereignty  adopted  it.     This  is  the 
phylosophy  of  the  Kermtucky  and  Vir- 
ginia Resolutions  of  1798.     They  are 
simply  a  re-affirmation  of  the  sovereign- 
ty of  the  States.     We  trace  this  princi- 
ple through  every   step   in  the  forma- 
tion of  the   Federal   Government.     It 
was  annnounced  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  when   it  was   declared 
that  "  these  united   colonies    are,  and 
of  right   ought   to   be,  free  and  inde- 
pendent States.17     It  was  confessed  by 
the  King  of  England  in  the   treaty  of 
peace  of  1783,  when  he  acknowledged, 
and  named,  each  of  the    States   sepa- 
rately, as  a  party  to   the   treaty.     It 
was  again  re-affirmed,  when  the  Union 
was  first  formed,   in   the   Articles   of 
Confederation. 

Article  I.  declares  that,  "  The  style 
of  this  Confederacy  shall  be  '  The 
United  States  of  America.7  " 
Article  III.  sets  forth  that — 
"The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter 
into  a  firm  league  of  friendship  with  each  oth- 
er for  their  common  defence,  the  security  of 
their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  general  wel- 
fare, binding  themselves  to  assist  each  other 
against  all  force  offered  to,  or  attack  made 
upon  them,  on  account  of  religion,  sovereign- 
ty, trade,  or  any  other  pretence  whatever. " 

This,  we  say,  defines  the  nature  of 
the  Union,  beyond  cavil.  It  is  a  league 
of  friendship  between  the  parties,  the 
several  States — entered  into  for  the 
common  defense  of  the  States — for  the 
security  of  the  States — for  the  liberties 
of  the  States — for  the  mutual  and  ge- 
neral welfare  of  the  States.  The  States 
were  the  parties  to  the  Union,  or  the 
league  of  friendship,  as  States.  The 
Federal  Government  was  formed,  not 
for  its  own  aggrandizement  and  glory, 
but  to  be  the  agent  or  servant  of  the 
States,  for  their  mutual  general  wel- 
fare." 


It  would  seem  that  the  man  who 
pretends  to  doubt  that-the  Union  is  of 
the  nature  of  a  league  between  sove- 
reign States,  must  be  either  a  block- 
head or  a  knave.  There  is  no  possi- 
ble ground  to  doubt.  On  the  question 
of  sovereignty,  Article  II.  is  still  more 
explicit  : 

"Art.  II.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereign- 
ty, freedom,  and  independence,  and  every 
power,  jurisdiction  and  right,  which  is  not 
by  this  confederation  expressly  delegated  to 
the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled." 

These  articles  of  the   confederation 
which  actually  formed  the  Union,  are 
simply,  in  principle,  the  Kentucky  and 
Virginia  Resolutions.     But   those  who 
traitorously  seek  for  an  excuse  to  re- 
volutionize   this    Union   of   sovereign 
States  into  a  consolidated  despotic  go- 
vernment, tell  us  that  the  character  of 
the  Federal  Government  was  chang-ed 
by  the  adoption  of  the  new   Constitu- 
tion in  1787.     This  is  not  true.    In  no 
sense,  and  in   no  degree,    is   it   true. 
The  Convention  which   was   called  in 
1787  was  not   assembled  for   the  pur- 
pose of  changing  the  character  of  the 
government  which  our  fathers  had  es- 
tablished in  1778,  but  to  make  certain 
alterations  and  amendments  to  the  ar- 
ticles of  confederation,  in  order  to  en- 
able the  Federal  Government  to  pro- 
vide more  effectually  for  the  payment 
of  the    common   debt,  and    especially 
for  the  better  regulation   of  our  com- 
merce    and     relations    with    foreign 
States.     There  was  no  proposition,  in 
the  call  of  the  newConvention,  to  effect 
the  least  change  in  the  structural  prin- 
ciples   of    the    Federal    Government. 
Least  of  all    did    any  abridgement  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States  enter  in- 
to that  call.   Not  a  single  State  would 
have  responded  to  the  proposition  for 


1865.] 


AS   A    BASIS    OF   RE-UNION. 


a  Convention  bad  that  been  the  case. 
It  is  true  that  a  small  and  quickly  re- 
buked and  defeated  party  appeared  in 
the  Convention  with  a  proposition  to 
so  far  alter  the  Federal  Government 
as  to  elect  the  President  and  Senate 
for  life.  This  plan  received  no  votes 
in  the  Convention.  When  a  resolution 
was  before  the  Convention  that  "  a 
national  government  ought  to  be  form- 
ed," it  was  promptly  met  by  a  counter 
resolution  to  strike  out  the  word  "  na- 
tional/7 and  insert  in  its  place  "  United 
States.  This  resolution  to  expunge 
the  words  national  government,  passed 
unanimously,  without  debate.  So  jea- 
lous were  the  States  of  losing  the 
least  fraction  of  sovereignty,  that  they 
would  not  allow  the  word  national  a 
place  in  the  Constitution.  There  is  no 
such  body  politic  known  to  this  coun- 
try as  a  national  government.  It  is  a 
"federal  government"  a  government  of 
14  United  States."  That  is  the  name 
and  style  of  the  only  general  govern- 
ment these  States  have  ever  formed. 
The  followiug  remarks  of  Gov.  Pat- 
terson fully  express  the  sense  of  the 
Convention,  and  of  the  States  which 
had  assembled  the  Convention  : 

"  Let  us  consider  with  what  powers  we  are 
sent  here.  The  basis  of  our  present  autho- 
rity is  founded  on  a  revision  of  th3  articles 
of  the  present  confederation,  and  to  alter  or 
amend  them  in  parts  where  they  may  appear 
defective.  Can  we  on  this  ground  form  a 
national  government?  I  fancy  not.  Our 
commissions  give  no  complexion  to  the  busi- 
ness ;  and  we  cannot  suppose  that  when  we 
exceed  the  bounds  of  our  duty  the  people 
will  approve  our  proceedings.  We  are  met 
Jjcre  as  the  deputies  of  thirteen  independ- 
ent sovereign  States,  for  federal  purposes. 
Can  wo  consolidate  their  sovereignty,  and 
form  one  nation,  and  annihilate  the  sove- 
reignties of  our  States,  who  have  sent  us 
here  lor  othe:  purposes  ?     l>ut  it  is  said  thia 


national  government  is  to  act  on  individuals, 
and  not  on  Stales  ;  and  cannot  a  federal  gov- 
ernment be  so  framed  as  to  operate  in  the 
same  way?  It  surely  mty.  I,  therefore,  de- 
clare that  I  never  will  consent  to  such  a  sys- 
tem. Myself  or  my  State  will  never  submit 
to  tyranny  or  despotism" 

Mr.  Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
wanted  a  stronger  government  than 
the  majority  of  the  Convention  would 
consent  to  form,  said  :  "  No  liberty 
can  be  obtained  without  the  State  go- 
vernments. On  this  question  depends 
the  essential  rights  of  the  general  go- 
vernment and  the  people."  Indeed 
there  was  no  party  in  the  Convention 
that  dared  propose  to  touch  the  sove- 
reignly of  the  States.  The  sovereignty 
of  the  States  was,  to  the  system  of 
government  framed  by  our  fathers, 
what  the  heart  is  to  the  human  frame. 
We  cannot  meddle  with  the  functions 
of  either,  without  bringing  the  sys- 
tems, of  which  they  are  the  respective 
centres,  to  an  end.  It  is  common  in 
these  days  to  hear  politicians  and  mi- 
nisters, and  other  foolish  people,  talk 
about  "  the  pernicious  doctrine  of 
State  sovereignty."  Why,  but  lor  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Stages,  the  Federal 
Government  were  as  baseless  as  a 
dream.  It  is  of  no  binding  effect  upon 
anybody,  except  as  the  creature  and 
agent  of  sovereign  States,  which  had 
a  right  to  ordain  just  such  a  govern- 
ment as  their  sovereignty  pleased.  In 
the  Convention  of  Virginia,  which  had 
under  consideration  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  Mr.  Madison,  while 
explaining  that  instrument,  which  he 
had  done  so  ,  much  to  shape,  said  : 
"  Who  are  the  parties  to  the  govern- 
ment 't  The  people  ;  but  not  the  peo- 
ple as  composing  one  great  body  ;  but 
the  people,  as  composing  thirteen  socc- 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    OF    1798 


[Jan., 


reignties"  Here  we  have  the  doctrine 
of  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu" 
tions  in  a  few  simple  words.  Mr. 
Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina, 
moved,  in  the  Federal  Convention,  to 
add  to  the  powers  of  Congress  this 
passage  :  "  To  negative  all  laws  pass- 
ed by  the  several  States  interfering,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  Legislature,  with 
the  general  interests  and  harmony  of 
the  Union."  Mr.  Rutledge  replied  : 
"  If  nothing  else,  this  alone  would 
damn,  and  ought  to  damn,  the  Consti- 
tution. Will  any  State  ever  agree  to 
be  bound  hand  and  foot  in  this  man- 
ner V  The  resolution  was  withdrawn; 
it  could  not  have  obtained  the  vote  of 
a  single  State  in  the  Convention.  The 
reason  was  that  it  was  not  the  inten- 
tion of  the  States  to  part  with  any 
fi action  of  their  sovereignty  in  forming 
a  federal  government.  This  explains 
the  strong  language  of  Mr.  Madison 
in  the  following  words  : 

•■'  Any  government  for  the  United  States 
formed  on  the  supposed  practicability  of 
using  ^military)  force  against  even  the  un- 
constitutional proceedings  of  the  States, 
woUid  be  visionary  and  fallacious.  ' 

This  reasoning  on  the  part  of  the 
Father  of  the  Constitution,  is  necessa- 
rily correct'  from  the  fact  that  the 
States,  being  sovereign  bodies,  no  co- 
ercion can  be  applicable  to  them.  It 
is  the  quality  of  sovereignty  that  it 
has  no  master.  These  States,  being 
sovereign,  have  no  master.  The  Fede- 
ral Government  is  their  servant,  and 
not  their  master.  The  proposition  was 
twice  introduced  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention  to  clothe  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment with  power  to  use  the  army 
and  navy  ot  the  United  States  against 
a  non-complying  State,  and  in  neither 
instance   did   tne   proposition  receive 


the  vote  of  a  single  State  No  dele- 
gation would  have  dared  to  return  to 
its  State  after  having  voted  for  such 
a  resolution.  Col.  Humphreys,  writ- 
ing to  General  Washington,  under 
date  of  January,  1787,  thus  describes 
the  temper  of  the  States  :  "  They  have 
a  mortal  reluctance  to  divest  them- 
selves of  the  smallest  attribute  of  in- 
dependent, separate  sovereignties.^ 
Of  course  such  States  would  never 
clothe  the  Federal  Government,  which 
they  were  voluntarily  erecting,  with 
the  right  to  wage  war  upon  them,  from 
any  consideration  whatever.  They 
never  did  impart  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment such  a  right.  The  Constitu- 
tion itself  is  an  eternal  witness  that 
no  such  power  was  ever  granted. 
Even  Mr.  Lincoln,  when  he  commenced 
this  war,  had  not  the  hardihood  to 
pretend  that  he  had  a  warrant  for  his 
action  in  the  Constitution.  He  based 
his  first  call  for  soldiers  upon  an  old 
defunct  law  of  Congress — dead  from 
its  own  limitations — passed  to  aid  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  in  putting  down 
a  whiskey  rebellion  in  IT 95.  It  was 
ridiculous  enough  to  see  seventy  live 
thousand  men  called  to  arms,  under 
this  defunct,  anti-whiskey  rebellion 
aet ;  but  it  was  a  thousand  times  less 
offensive,  and  less  culpable,  than  to 
have  pretended  that  the  Constitution 
gave  warrant  for  such  proceeding. 
This  much  we  take  pleasure  in  passing 
to  Mr.  Lincoln's  credit.  And  on  this 
point  he  is  certainly  a  bettor  lawyer 
than  Gen.  McClelLan,  who  appears  to 
be  laboring  under  the  delusion  that 
the  Constitution  gives  the  Federal 
Government  the  right  to  carry  on  a 
gigantic  war  against  a  portion  of  the 
States  which  made  it.  Mr.  Elsvvorth 
and  Mr.  Sherman,  members  of  tne  Con- 


1865.* 


AS    A    BASIS    OF    RE-UNION. 


stitutional  Convention  for  the  State  of 
Connecticut,  wrote  to  Gov.  Hunting- 
ton, after  the  Federal  Constitution  was 
completed,  as  follows  : 

"  Some  additional  powers  are  vested  in 
Congress,  which  was  the  principal  object  the 
States  had  in  view  in  appointing  the  Con- 
vention ;  those  powers  extend  only  to  mat- 
ters respecting  the  common  interests  of  the 
Union,  and  are  specially  denned,  so  that  the 
particular  States  retain  their  sovereignty  in. 
other  matters." 

This,  again,  is  precisely  the  doctrine 
of  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu* 
tions  ;  and  had  we  space  to  dwell 
longer  on  the  debates  in  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention,  we  should  see  the 
same  principle  presented  in  every  pro- 
position advanced  by  the  States  re- 
presented in  the  Convention.  Mr.  Ma- 
dison said  : 

"  The  Constitution  will  not  be  a  national, 
but  a  federal  act.  That  it  will  be  a  federal, 
and  not  a  national  act,  is  obvious  from  this 
single  consideration,  that  it  is  the  result  nei- 
ther of  the  decision  of  a  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Union,  nor/  that  of  a  majority  of 
the  States.  It  results  from  the  unanimous 
assent  of  the  several  States  that  are  jaarties 
to  it" 

Again  said  the  same  great  authori- 
ty in  another  place  i 

"A  compact  between  independent  sove- 
reigns, founded  on  acts  of  legislative  autho- 
rity, can  pretend  to  no  higher  validity  than 
a  league  or  treaty  between  the  parties.  *  *  * 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
formed  by  the  sanction  of  the  States,  given 
by  each  in  its  sovereign  capacity.  *  *  The 
States,  then,  being  the  parties  to  the  Consti- 
tutional compact,  and  in  their  sovereign  ca- 
pacity, it  follows,  of  necessity,  that  there 
can  be  no  tribunal  above  their  authority  to 
decide  in  the  last  resort,  whether  the  coin- 
pact  made  by  them  be  violated,  and  conse- 
quently that,  as  the  parties  to  it,  they  must 
themselves  decide  in  the  last  resort,  such 
questions  as  may  bo  of  sufficient  magnitude 
to  require  their  interposition." 


Such  are  the  words,  not  of  latter- 
da}''  politicians  and  demagogues,  but 
of  the  wise  and  patriotic  men  who 
formed  our  government.  This  is  the 
interpretation  which  the  authors  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  gave  it  at  the 
very  hour  of  its  establishment.  There 
is  no  appeal  from  such  authority.  If 
we  are  not  to  take  the  Constitution  as 
it  was  understood  and  explained  by 
those  who  made  it,  what  lights  shall 
we  follow  ?  Shall  we  turn  away  from 
the  councils  of  our  fathers,  who  estab- 
lished this  grand  confederation  of 
States,  to  be  led  by  the  shallow  dema- 
gogues or  traitorous  impostors,  who 
are  striving  to  overthrow  the  sublime 
edifice  ? 

We  have  now  traced  the  principles 
of  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Reso- 
lutions from  the  Declaration  of  our  In- 
dependence to  the  establishment  of 
the  Union  in  1778  ;  and  from  that  pe- 
riod to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion in  1787.  V\re  see  that  these  prin- 
ciples underlie  the  whole  theory  of 
government  on  which  the  federal  edi- 
lice  was  built.  State  sovereignty  is 
the  soul  of  the  system.  The  Federal- 
id,  cotemporaneous  with  the  Consti- 
tution, the  joint  work  of  Madison  and 
Hamilton,  No.  40,  says  : 

"  We  have  seen  that  in  the  new  govern- 
ment, as  in  the  old,  the  general  powers  are 
limited  ;  and  that  the  States,  in  all  unenu- 
merated  cases,  are  left  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  sovereign  and  independent  jurisdic- 
tion." 

In  1798,  the  Federalists,  under  John 
Adams,  attempted  to  revolutionize  the 
government  by  overthrowing  the  so- 
vereignty of  the  States,  and  consoli- 
dating their  powers  in  the  Federal 
Government.  This  bold  and  treache- 
rous attempt  was  met,  as  already  sta- 


8 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    OF    1798 


[Jan., 


ted,  by  the  Resolutions  of  the  Legis- 
latures of  Kentucky  and  Virginia, 
which  were  simply  a  declaration  of 
the  principles  which  led  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies,  and  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution. The  following  year  was  the 
Presidential  election,  in  which  the 
question  was  referred  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  people,  between  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son and  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Jefferson 
carried  the  old  banner  of  State  sove- 
reignty as  set  forth  in  the  Resolutions 
of  Kentucky  and  Virginia.  Mr.  Ad- 
ams held  the  new  revolutionary  flag  of 
consolidation  and  State  subordination. 
Jefferson  and  State  sovereignty  won, 
and  Mr.  Adams  and  his  party  of  conspi- 
rators were  buried  so  deep  in  the  con- 
tempt of  the  people  that  they  never 
came  to  the  surface  afterwards.  From 
that  period  to  the  inauguration  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  State  sovereignty  was  the  ad- 
mitted popular  doctrine  of  all  parties. 
It  was  affirmed  even  by  the  Chicago 
Convention  which  nominated  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, which  pledged  that  the  Republi- 
can party  would  "  maintain  inviolate 
the  rights  of  the  States,  and  especially 
the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and 
control  ito  own  domestic  institutions, 
according  to  its  own  judgment  exclu- 
sively." True,  this  declaration,  from 
such  a  party,  was  a  fraud — was  meant 
to  cheat  and  deceive  the  people  ;  but 
it  is  proof  that  no  party  dai  ed  to  go 
before  the  people  on  any  other  plat- 
form than  that  of  faithfully  maintain- 
ing the  sovereign  rights  of  the  States, 
even  down  to  that  late  period. 

In  1803  the  people  of  Boston  memo- 
rialized the  Legislature  of  Massachu- 
setts against  the  embargo  measures 
of  the  federal  administration,  in  these 
words : 


"  Our  hope  and  consolation  rest  in  the  Le- 
gislature of  our  State,  to  whom  it  is  compe- 
tent to  devise  means  of  relief  against  uncon- 
stitutional measures  of  the  Government  ; 
that  your  power  is  adequate  to  this  object,  is 
evident  from  the  organization  of  the  Confe- 
deracy." 

The  same  year  Mr.  Hillhouse,  of  Ct., 
in  a  speech  in  the  United  States  Se- 
nate, denounced  the  embargo  as  "  an 
act  containing  unconstitutional  pro- 
visions, to  which  the  people  are  not 
bound  to  submit,  and  to  which,  in  my 
opinion,  they  will  not  submit.'*  This 
ground  was  assumed  by  the  legisla- 
tures of  most  of  the  New  England 
States  in  1801,  in  1809,  in  1811,  and 
by  all  of  them  in  1814.  It  was  af- 
firmed by  their  leading  statesmen  in 
both  branches  of  the  Federal  Legisla- 
ture. And  this  is  neither  more  nor 
less  than  the  doctrine  of  the  Kentucky 
and  Virginia  Resolutions.  It  was  of- 
ten affirmed  by  John  Quincy  Adams. 
It  was  practically  acted  upon  by  him, 
when  he  was  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  his  treatment  of  the  resist- 
ance in  Georgia  to  federal  requisitions 
in  1821.  In  his  message  to  the  Con- 
gress of  that  year  he  said  ; 

"In  abstaining,  at  this  stage  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, from  the  application  of  any  mili- 
tary force,  I  have  been  governed  by  conside- 
rations which  will,  I  trust,  meet  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Legislature.  Among  these,  one 
of  prominent  importance  has  been,  that 
these  surveys  have  been  attempted,  and  part- 
ly effected  under  color  of  legal  authority  from 
the  State  of  Georgia  ;  that  the  surveyors  are, 
therefore,  not  to  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  in- 
dividual and  solitary  transgressors,  but  as 
the  agents  of  a  sovereign  State,  acting  in  obe- 
dience to  authority  which  they  believed  to 
be  binding  upon  them.'* 

This  is  to  the  point.  The  President 
refused  to  send  an  armed  force  against 
men  who  were  resisting   the   federal 


1865.1 


AS    A    BASIS    OF    RE-UNPN. 


9 


laws  in  Georgia,  because  they  were 
acting  by  the  authority  of  their  sove- 
reign Slat%  No  statesman  in  the  whole 
country  found  fault  with  Mr.  Adams 
at  that  time.  The  truth  is  that  all 
parties  then  admitted  the  entire  truth 
of  the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty,  as 
embodied  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virgi- 
nia Resolutions.  In  1821  the  follow- 
ing resolution  was  passed  by  the  Le- 
gislature of  Ohio  : 

"Resolved,  That  in  respect  to  the  powers 
of  the  governments  of  the  several  States 
that  compose  the  American  Union,  and  the 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government,  this  Ge- 
neral Assembly  do  recognise  and  approve  the 
doctrines  asserted  by  the  Legislatures  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Kentucky  in  their  resolutions  of 
November  and  December,  1798,  and  January, 
1800,  and  do  consider  that  their  principles 
have  been  recognized  by  a  majority  of  the 
American  people." 

The  doctrine  of  these  resolutions  was 
clearly  involved  in  Mr.  Seward's  letter 
of  introduction  to  Mr.  Judd,  minister 
to  Prussia,  dated  Washington,  March 
22d,  1861,  and  in  that  to  Mr.  Adams, 
minister  to  England,  under  date  of 
April  10th,  1861.  Did  the  limits  of 
this  article  permit,  we  could  give  ex- 
tracts from  the  speeches  of  such  lights 
in  the  Republican  party  as  Wendel 
Phillips,  Gerrit  Smith,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, Horace  Greeley,  Charles  Sumner, 
and,  indeed,  of  all  the  leaders  of  that 
party,  showing  that  they  stood  upon 
the  doctrine  of  the  Kentucky  and  Vir- 
ginia Resolutions  up  to  the  very  hour 
when  they  broke  away  from  them,  to 
commence  this  war.  Indeed  it  would 
be  a  task  involving  much  labor  to  find 
out  who  did  not  stand  upon  the  basis 
of  those  resoiutions.  Mr.  Sumner 
used  to  employ  his  time  in  the  Senate 
of  the  U.  States  in  advising  the  peo- 
ple to  resist  the  fugitive  slave  law    of 


Congress  on  the  ground  that  it  viola- 
ted the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  At 
one  time  he  denounces  this  law  as  an 
"offensive  encroachment  on  the  rights 
of  the  State*."  Again,  he  calls  it  "  an 
assault  on  State  rights" — "  not  only  an 
assumption  of  power  by  Congress,  but 
an  infraction  of  State  rights.11  Still 
again  as  follows:  "And  now,  almost 
while  I  speak,  comes  the  solemn  judg- 
ment of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Wis- 
consin, a  sovereign  State  cf  the  Union, 
declaring  this  to  be  a  violation  of  the 
Constitution."  This  is  the  way  Mr 
Sumner,  and  all  his  party  used  to  talk, 
in  the  highest  assertion  of  State  sove- 
reignty, before  they  plunged  the  coun- 
try into  this  horrible  strife.  Every 
Republican  State  in  the  Union  had 
passed  acts  not  only  nullifying  the 
laws  of  the  Federal  Government,  but 
severely  punishing  their  citizens  both 
with  fine  and  imprisonment  if  they 
obeyed  certain  acts  of  Congress.  Be- 
hold how  great  and  how  sudden  the 
change  !  From  having  stunned  the 
people  with  a  monotone  cry  for  State 
rights,  we  now  hear  Sumner's  hoarse 
voice  croaking  about  "  the  miserable 
pretension  of  State  sovereignty11  and  the 
"pestilent  pretension  of  State  rights11 
How  do  we  account  for  this  change  ? 
Why,  on  no  other  ground  than  that 
these  last  utterances  are  made  after 
he  has  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to 
overthrow  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  as  it  originally  existed, 
as  the  creature  of  the  sovereign  States. 
Amazing  to  see  how  even  silly  women, 
and  still  more  silly  ministers  and  coun- 
ter-junipers, and  learned  measurers  of 
tape  and  bobbin,  and  horse-jockeys, 
suddenly  advanced  to  the  sublime  de- 
gree of  government  contractors,  join 
in  the  sudden  howl  about  "  the  pcslden* 


10 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    OF    1798,    &C. 


fJan., 


tial  doctrine  of  State  rights  /"     It  is  as 
if  a  whole  nation  were  moon-struck  in 
a  single  hour.     A  man  who  retains  his 
senses  finds  it  difficult  to  persuade  him- 
self that   he   is    living   in    the  United 
States.     Even   the   faces   of  the  parti- 
zans  of  this  conspiracy  against  the  so- 
vereignty of  the  States   seem  to   have 
changed  to  suit  the   violence   of  their 
principles.      We   meet  them     on    the 
streets,   but   we   do   not   know   them. 
They  weai  the  visages  of  the  man-eat- 
ing Feejee   Islanders,  or  of  the  Fuegi- 
ans  of  Terra  del  Fuego.     We  instinct- 
ively cast  our  eyes  to  the  right  side  of 
their  heads   to   see  if  they  have   not  a 
horn,  like  the  Papaun,  growing  there. 
Are  these  the   men   whom  we   used  to 
meet  as  gentlemen  but  three  years  ago  ? 
The  imagination  is  bewildered   in  try- 
ing to  conceive  of  a  revolution  so   sud- 
den, and  so  deplorable. 

But  how  stands  the  Democratic  par- 
ty in  all  this  falling  away  from  the 
principles  and  manners  of  our  fathers  ? 
If  we  should  blush  to  have  an  enemy 
answer  this  question,  with  what  pain 
must  we  answer  it  ourselves?  The 
Democratic  party  which,  from  its  foun- 
dation, has  known  no  other  creed,  on 
the  subject  of  Slate  rights,  than  the 
Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions  ! 
The  Democratic  party,  which,  indeed, 
had  its  birth  in  those  resolutions  1  The 
Democratic  party,  which  won  all  its 
proudest  triumphs  on  those  resolutions! 
The  Democratic  party,  which  has  slough- 
ed off  from  its  mountain  heights  into 
the  slimy  pools  and  oozy  bottom  lands 
in  the  Congo  marshes  !  We  instinctive- 
ly vail  our  face  as  we  record  the  shame- 
ful fact  that  the  Democratic  party,  as 
it  was  misrepresented  at  Chicago,  de- 
nied its  own  father  and  mother — the 
Resolutions  of  '98.     It  stands  to-day  in 


no  other  light   than   a  parricide  ;    un- 
less,   indeed,    it   be   a   suicide.     Who 
were  the  men  that  run  that  Convention 
to  such  an  impotent  conclusion  ?   Were 
they  Democrats  ?     Had  they  any  inter* 
est  in  the  Democratic  party,  except  as 
it  can  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  banks, 
railroads,    canals,    and     speculators  ? 
Men  sound  enough  in  finance,  but  bank- 
rupt in  character  and  intellect.     Great 
in  bullion,  but  little    in   sense.     Never 
before,  since   the  world   began,  was  so 
vast   an  intellectual   business    under- 
taken on  so  small  a  mental  capital.    In 
vain  we  warned  the  over-confident  spe- 
culators that  they  must  fail.  They  have 
failed.     Will  this  failure  rid  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  their   council   and  con- 
trol for   the   future  ?     If  it   does   not, 
then  there  will  never   be  a  Democratic 
party  again.     The  principles  of  Demo- 
cracy were  not  before  the  people  at  all 
in  the  late  Presidential  canvass.    They 
have  not  been  tried  by   the   late  vote, 
for  they  were   not   on  trial.     Let  them 
now,  at  once,  be  put  on  trial  before  the 
people.     Let  the  Democracy  that  was 
born  with  the   Resolutions  of  '98  fling 
out  its  glorious  old  banner  to  the  popu 
lar  eye.     The  people  will  honor  it,  and 
will  begin  to  rally  under  it  in  order  to 
save  the  name  and  principles  of  Demo- 
cracy from   being  lost   in   the   North. 
And  whenever   the   Democratic   party 
can  bring  the  northerh  States  back  up- 
on the  old  ground  of  the  Resolutions  of 
'98,  if  we  may   believe   Vice-President 
Stevens,  the  Union  will  be  restored.  To 
go  back  to  these  resolutions  is  only  to 
return  to  the  principles  of  government 
which  established  the  Union.     The  man 
who  refuses  to  re-affirm  these  principles 
is  a  foe  to  the  Union.     If  not   an  Abo- 
lition conspirator  in  principl ',,  he   is  so 
by  affiliation.     He  is   neither   a  Demo- 
crat nor  in  the  company  of  Democrats. 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


il 


THE  PEER  AND  THE  PRINTER* 

A  NOVEL. 


UY   THOMAS    DUNN   ENGLISH. 


CHAPTER  I., 

Which  introduces  a  nice  little  girl,  and  an  accident 


I  must  have  been  about  eighteen 
years  old,  or  thereabouts,  when,  on  a 
holiday  in  June,  I  walked  out,  and 
strolled  by  the  high  road  to  the  coun- 
try beyond  Puttenharn.  The  highway 
led  me  to  a  common  over  which  it 
crossed  ;  and  there,  musing  over  the 
commonplace  events  of  the  week,  I 
wandered  over  the  knolls  of  gravelly 
soil,  and  among  the  furze-bushes, watch- 
ing the  doukies  as  they  cropped  the 
scanty  blades  of  grass,  and  indulged 
occasionally  in  a  tit-bit,  in  the  way  of 
a  juicy  thistle.  Tired  at  length,  1  sat 
me  down  to  rest  under  a  thorn-bush 
by  the  road-side,  and  was  thus  seated 
When  I  heard  the  sound  of  voices. 
Looking  up,  I  saw  a  man  approach, 
who  was  leading  by  the  hand  a  little 
girl  who  appeared  to  be  about  ten 
years  of  age.  I  was  struck  with  the 
appearance  of  the  couple,  and  so  scan- 
ned them  closely. 

The  man  was  short,  thick-set,  and 
well-stricken  in  years.  He  was  clad 
in  a  plain  suit  of  black,  considera- 
bly worn,  and  much  dusted  by  travel; 
and  he  wore  a  black  felt  hat,  with  a 
very  wide  brim.  His  complexion  was 
swarthy,  and  his  eyes  were  keen  and 
deeply  set  beneath  long  and  bushy 
eye  brows.     On    his    face    he    wore  a 


thick,  grey  moustache — a  thing  quite 
uncommon  in  England  at  that  time. 
In  fact,  it  was  the  first  I  had  ever 
seen  off  the  stage  of  a  theatre.  His 
hair  was  jet  blaek  in  color,  streaked 
here  and  there  with  white,  ami  fell  in 
glossy  curls  to  his  shoulders  ;  but 
when  he  removed  his  hat  for  a  moment 
to  wipe  the  perspiration  from  his  fore- 
head, I  noticed  that  the  hair  in  a  wide 
circle  over  the  crown  was  not  over  a 
half  inch  in  length,  as  though  it  had 
grown  after  having  been  recently 
shaved.  His  walk  was  slow  and  stea- 
dy, and,  although  he  occasionally 
threw  searching  glances  around  him, 
his  eyes  were  generally  bent  on  the 
ground. 

My  gaze,  however,  was  riveted  most 
firmly  to  the  little  girl.  She  was  the 
very  perfection  of  childish  beauty; 
and  I  had  never  seen  before,  nor  have 
I  beheld  since,  anything  so  exquisite- 
ly lovely.  Her  complexion  was  clear 
and  delicate,  with  that  thin  skin,  in 
which  the  color  conies  and  goes  at 
every  fleeting  emotion.  Her  features 
were  of  as  perfect  an  outline  as  ever 
poet  imagined,  or  painter  drew.  There 
was  but  little  color  in  the  cheeks,  but 
the  lips  were  intensely  red,  ami  the 
lower   one  looked    like    a  ripe,  pulpy 


•Untcre«l  according  to  Act  of  Cungrcss  In  the  Clerk's 

01  New 


o.n  :e  >.i  the  United  States  fur  the  Souiiiorn  District 
York.] 


12 


THE   PEER  AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Jan., 


cherry.  Her  form,  well  shown  by  a 
closely-fitting  dress,  seemed  to  be  most 
symmetrical ;  and  the  mould  of  her 
ancles  and  feet  would  have  delighted 
a  sculptor.  But  her  eyes  were  the 
most  striking  of  all.  Large,  lustrous 
and  passionate,  in  color  of  the  deep- 
est hazel,  with  the  iris  floating  in  a  sea 
of  liquid  pearl,  they  beamed  with  a 
mingled  fire  and  softness  from  beneath 
their  long,  dark  lashes,  in  a  way  to 
haunt  the  memory  of  the  gazer  for 
many  days  afterward.  She  was  a  mere 
child — a  little,  innocent,  dreamy-look- 
ing girl ;  but  I  rose  to  my  feet  as  she 
came  forward,  and  felt  an  emotion  of 
tenderness  for  the  beautiful  being, 
which,  had  she  been  older,  could  only 
have  been  inspired  by  love.  As  it 
was  I  was  fascinated. 

The  man  saw  me,  stopped,  removed 
his  hat,  and  addressed  me  a  question 
in  a  foreign  tongue.  I  knew  the  lan- 
guage to  be  Spanish,  for  I  had  heard 
similar  sounds  once  before  ;  but  I  could 
not  understand  the  meaning.  I  show- 
ed, this,  doubtless,  by  my  looks,  for  he 
replaced  his  hat,  bowed  slightly,  and 
moved  on.  It  happened,  however,  that 
the  music-teacher  of  my  adopted  sis- 
ter, who  was  a  Frenchman,  had  given 
me  frequent  lessons  in  his  language, 
and  having  labored  to  acquire  it  dur- 
ing a  whole  year,  I  managed  to  speak 
it  fluently  enough,  though  with  a  de- 
fective accent.  My  admiration  for  the 
child  made  me  forget  this,  and  almost 
everything  else  ;  and  it  was  only  when 
the  couple  had  turned,  and  the  spell 
of  the  little  girl's  eyes  had  passed, 
that  I  recalled  to  mind  my  accomplish 
ment.  Thinking  the  man  might  pos- 
sibly understand  me,  I  called  after  him 
in  French,  and  asked  how  I  could  serve 
him.     He  turned  instantly,  his    coun- 


tenance expressing  great  satisfaction, 
and  replied  in  the  same  tongue  : 

11 1  should  be  glad,  my  son,  if  you 
could  tell  me  the  distance  to  the  town 
of  Puttenham." 

"Two  miles  from  the  milestone 
which  stands  at  the  mouth  of  yonder 
quarry,  sir.  You  can  see  the  town 
from  the  rising  ground  just  beyond." 

As  I  spoke  I  joined  them  in  their 
walk  toward  the  town.  The  man  re- 
sumed his  questions. 

"  How  far  thence  is  the  chateau  of 
the  Lord  Landeeze  V' 

11  Landy's  Castle,  I  suppose  you 
mean.  The  park  commences  about  a 
mile  on  the  other  side  of  town,  but  the 
castle  is  at  least  two  miles  farther, 
and  stands  back  nearly  a  half  mile 
from  the  high  road.  There  is  a  near 
path  which  cuts  off  much  of  the  dis- 
tance." 

"  Is  milord  at  home  V 

"  I  believe  so." 

"  He  is  a  very  tall,  stately  gentle- 
man, is  he  not?  He  has  dark  grey 
eyes,  and  brown  hair,  not  unlike  your 
own,  in  color  I  mean,  for  yours  is 
straight  and  his  is  curled  ?" 

"  No  ;  you  describe  his  second-cou- 
sin, the  former  earl,  who  died  about 
two  years  since,  and  who  rarely  vi- 
sited the  place.  The  present  earl  is 
stately  enough,  and  tall  ;  but  he  has 
light  grey  eyes,  and  light,  reddish, 
yellow  hair,  such  as  we  call  sandy.'-* 

The  man  seemed  staggered  at  this. 

11  Dead  !"  he  exclaimed,  "  about  two 
years  since  !" 

I  nodded  my  head  affirmatively. 

We  walked  for  a  few  minutes  in  si 
lence.     Then  he  turned  suddenly  and 
questioned  me  again. 

"  How  did  he  die  V9 

"  I  can  only  tell   you  what  is  gene- 


1865."| 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


13 


rally  believed  here,"  I  replied.  "  He 
had  been  absent  from  England  for  ma- 
ny 3Tears,  traveling  restlessly  all  over 
the  world.  He  was  last  heard  from 
at  Valparaiso,  where  he  took  passage 
in  a  schooner  bound  to  Mazatlan, 
whence  he  intended  to  cross  over- 
and  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  to  go  thence 
by  way  of  Havana  to  the  United  States. 
The  vessel  was  wrecked  near  her  port, 
and  all  on  board  perished,  except  his 
lordship's  valet.  He  returned  about  a 
year  and  a  half  since,  and  brought  the 
news  of  his  master's  death." 

He  muttered  something  in  Spanish, 
and  then  resumed  his  questions. 

"  And  the  second-cousin  succeeded. 
Ah,  yes  !  I  know  your  English  law — 
the  nearest  heir-male." 

"  Not  exactly,"  I  replied.  "  His  se- 
cond-cousin did  succeed  him,  undoubt- 
edly ;  but  as  the  nearest  heir,  and  not 
as  the  nearest  heir-male." 

"I  do  not  understand  the  distinc- 
tion.    4<  What  is  it  ?" 

"  Because,"  I  said,  "  the  earldom  of 
Landys'  is  unlike  many,  and  for  all  I 
know,  unlike  any  other  title  in  the 
peerage.  It  is  or  a  very  old  creation, 
and  the  title  and  estates  are  entailed 
on  the  senior  heir,  without  regard  to 
sex.  If  a  female,  and  she  marries, 
the  husband  becomes  earl  through  his 
wife's  right,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
next  of  kin.  The  grandfather  of  the  late 
earl  was  a  commoner,  but  on  his  mar- 
riage with  the  young  Countess  of  Lan- 
dys,  entered  on  the  wife's  title  and  es- 
taie.  The  late  earl  was  childless,  hav- 
ing never  married,  and  so  the  next 
heir,  the  son  of  his  father's  cousin, 
riucceeded." 

The  Spaniard  seemed  to  be  revolv- 
ing something  in  his  mind,  and  walked 
along  for  awhile   in  silence.    I  pleased 


myself  during  the  interval  by  watch- 
ing the  movements  of  the  child,  who 
tripped  along,  walking  naturally  and 
gracefully,  as  most  girls  of  her  age 
do.  At  length  the  man  raised  his  head 
and  inquired  : 

"  The  present  earl — is  he  married  ?" 

"  He  is,"  I  replied,  "  and  has  a  child 
about  four  years  old,  a  son." 

The  eyes  of  the  stranger  flashed  an- 
grily, but  the  gleam  of  passion  pass- 
ed, and  was  followed  by  an  expression 
half  smile  and  halt  sneer. 

"  What  kind  of  man  is  the  earl," 
he  asked,  "  I  mean  as  to  mind  and 
manners  ?" 

"  That,"  I  answered,  "  would  be 
hard  for  me  to  tell.  I  have  no  oppor- 
tunities of  judging  of  either." 

"  I  should  have  supposed,"  said  the 
stranger,  "  from  your  familiarity  with 
the  family  history,  that  you  were  a 
connexion  or  friend." 

I  laughed  at  this,  and  said  : 

"  You  will  not  be  in  Puttenham  long 
before  you  learn  that  the  townsfolk 
are  naturally  interested  in  the  Landys' 
family,  since  the  earl  owns  about  one- 
half  the  town — the  rest  belonging  to 
old  Sharp,  the  miser.  My  position  de- 
bars me  from  any  special  intimacy 
with  a  peer." 

Your  position  ;  may  1  ask,  without 
offending  you,  what  that  is  V9 

"  Certainly.  I  am  a  printer's  ap_ 
prentice  at  your  service — apprentice 
and  adopted  son  of  John  Guttenberg, 
printer  and  stationer." 

"  You  1  a  printer  V 

II  Nothing  more  sure." 

"Do  printer's  apprentices  in  this 
part  of  the  world  usually  learn 
French?" 

II I  believe  not ;  but  I  have  a  taste 
for  languages." 


14 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


pan., 


We  bad  now  reached  the  edge  of  the 
town,  and  my  companion  having*  ask- 
ed whore  he  could  obtain  lodging,  I 
directed  him  to  the  Crown  and  Angel, 
a  respectable,  middle-class  inn,  situ- 
ated on  the  main  street.  He  bowed 
formally,  gve  me  a  profusion  of  thanks 
for  my  courtesy,  and  so  we  parted.  I 
stood  and  gazed  after  him  and  the  lit- 
tle girl  as  she  walked  by  his  side,  her 
body  gently  swaying,  and  her  glossy 
hair,  which  hung  in  unrestrained 
waves  down  her  back,  glistening  in 
the  sunshine.  A  turn  of  the  street 
hid  them  from  my  sight  :  and  then  I 
walked  to  the  lodgings  of  a  friend  with 
whom  I  purposed  to  spend  the  remain, 
der  of  the  day. 

This  friend  was  a  young  London  art- 
ist, lastly  rising  into  note  in  his  pro- 
fession, who  came  annually  to  Putten- 
ham,  and  spent  a  couple  of  months* 
time  there  and  thereabouts,  partly  to 
sketch,  for  there  was  some  beautiful 
scenery  around  the  place,  and  partly 
to  fish,  for  t\iere  was  an  excellent  trout 
stream  in  the  neighborhood.  His 
name  was  Paul  Bagby.  We  had  met 
while  I  was  spending  a  Saturday  af- 
ternoon— a  half  holiday  always  allow- 
ed me — fishing  on  the  banks  of  the 
Willowfringe  ;  and,  from  the  admira- 
tion I  expressed  at  a  huge  trout  he 
dexterously  captured,  we  became  ac- 
quaintances. He  had  his  sketch-book 
with  him,  and  I  begged  a  sight  at  the 
drawings,  which  he  was  good  enough 
to  let  me  have.  Finding  that  I  ad- 
mired art  and  artists,  he  invited  me  to 
call  at  his  lodgings,  and  I  was  glad 
to  accept  the  invitation.  Being  John 
Guttenberg's  adopted  son,  I  had  re- 
ceived a  fair  English  education,  and 
was  not,  in  either  manner  or  language, 
what  the  world  expected  to  find  in  an 


ordinary  apprentice-boy.  Paul  was 
struck  by  some  boyish  remark  I  made 
when  looking  at  his  sketches— its  od- 
dity tickled  his  fancy — perhaps  my 
unfeigned  admiration  for  his  produc- 
tions tickled  his  vanity  too — and  we 
became  friends.  He  gave  me  lessons 
in  drawing,  and  during  his  stay  would 
frequently  come  to  the  shop  and  beg  a 
holiday  for  me  that  I  might  accom- 
pany him  in  his  sketching  rambles. 
My  master  never  refused  this,  for  Mr. 
Bagby  was  becoming  distinguished' 
and  was  patronized  by  the  Landys  fa" 
mily,  the  last  fact,  of  course,  a  high 
recommendation  to  the  favor  of  the 
townsfolk.  Beside  this  he  was  a  very 
good  customer  to  our  circulating  li- 
brary, taking  out  a  fresh  book  nearly 
every  day,  merely  to  dawdle  over  a 
few  passages,  and  then  throw  it  aside. 
He  was  lively,  made  many  queer 
remarks,  and  used  to  drop  in  at  the 
shop  along  with  the  officers  and  others, 
and  to  tell  all  kinds  of  funny  stories 
to  Mrs.  Guttenberg  and  Mary,  who 
had  charge  of  that  part  of  the  busi- 
ness. He  was  a  great  favorite  with 
the  family,  as  he  appeared  to  be  with 
every  one  else. 

But  Bagby  was  not  at  home,  having 
left  in  the  morning  on  a  sketching 
tour,  and  I  turned  to  go  elsewhere. 
Longing  to  have  another  look  at  the 
little  girl  whose  childish  beauty  had 
so  impressed  me,  I  made  my  way  to 
the  inn,  knowing  that  by  taking  a 
street  which  ran  diagonally,  I  would 
reach  there  before  the  Spaniard  and 
his  daughter,  who  had  taken  the  long- 
er and  usual  way. 

The  Crown  and  Angel  was  in  Char- 
ter street,  which  was  the  principal 
avenue  of  the  town,  and  the  house 
stood   at   the   corner   of    the   market 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


15 


square.  By  going  through  Billet  lane 
I  arrived  at  the  inn  first.  On  enter- 
ing' the  public  room  I  called  for  a  mug 
of  ale,  not  that  I  wanted  a  drink,  but 
because  1  desired  a  pretext  for  re- 
maining. The  waiter  sat  it  before  me, 
and  it  was  still  untasted  when  I  heard 
an  uproar  without,  and  ran  to  the 
door  with  the  rest,  to  learn  the  cause. 

Two  runaway  horses  attached  to  an 
empty  phaston  were  galloping  furious- 
ly down  the  street,  everybody  getting 
out  of  the  way,  and  no  one  attempt- 
ing to  stop  the  infuriated  animals.  As 
they  came  near  the  inn,  the  Spaniard 
and  little  girl  emerged  from  the  cross 
street,  and  walked  toward  the  Crown 
and  Angel.  A  dozen  voices  called  to 
them  to  go  back  ;  but  the  man,  not 
understanding  English,  did  not  think 
the  words  to  be  addressed  to  him,  or 
was  probably  so  lost  in  thought  as 
not  to  hear  the  noise.  He  still  ad- 
vanced, the  little  girl  accompanying 
him.  1  called  to  him  in  French  to  take 
care,  and  springing  forward,  dragged 
the  child  out  of  the  horses'  path.  The 
man  saw  his  danger,  and  leaped  des- 
perately forward,  but  the  hub  of  one 
of  the  wheels  struck  him  on  the  hip, 
and  threw  him  forward  violently  on 
his  face.  The  horses,  as  though  star- 
tled by  the  occurrence,  stopped  sud- 
denly, and  were  at  once  secured  by 
the  bystanders. 

The  stranger  was  picked  up  insen- 
sible, carried  into  the  inn,  and  a  sur- 
geon sent  for.  The  little  girl  was  al- 
most frantic  at  first,  but  soon  calmed 
when  she  recognized  me  as  one  whom 
she  had  met  before?,  though  only  for  a 
few  minutes  ;  and  though  she  under- 
stood none  of  my  words,  I  was  ena- 
bled by  soothing  looks  and  gestures 
to  reassure  her.     In  a  few  minutes  her 


father  recovered  his  senses,  but  was 
evidently  seriously  injured,  as  the 
blood  on  his  face  denoted — even  more 
seriously  hurt  than  at  first  appeared, 
for  when  the  surgeon  came  he  pro- 
nounced the  hip  to  be  dislocated.  The 
patmnt  was  at  once  removed  to  a 
chamber,  and  the  dislocation  with 
great  difficulty  reduced.  The  opera- 
tion was  doubtless  very  painful ;  but 
the  Spaniard,  during  its  continuance, 
merely  set  his  teeth  firmly  together, 
and  did  not  even  groan.  So  soon  as 
the  head  of  the  bone  resumed  its  pro- 
per position,  he  fainted,  but  quickly 
recovered,  and  in  a  short  while,  al- 
though the  parts  around  the  joints 
were  much  swollen,  enjoyed  compara- 
tive ease. 

The  child  would  not  be  separated 
from  her  father,  but  obeyed  every  or- 
der given  by  signs  to  remain  quiet — ■ 
keeping  her  large  eyes  fixed  on  the 
sufferer  during  the  operation,  and 
wiping  the  large  drops  of  perspira- 
tion from  his  forehead. 

As  I  was  the  only  person  present 
who  could  act  as  interpreter,  I  was 
forced  to  remain  nearly  an  hour.  Dur- 
ing that  time  the  Spaniard,  who  gave 
his  name  as  Jose  Espinel,  requested 
me  to  tell  the  landlord  that  he  prefer- 
red to  remain  there  rather  than  to  go 
to  the  public  hospiti.1,  and  that  he  had 
sufficient  means  to  pay  for  the  required 
accommodation.  This  I  did,  and  at 
his  further  request  made  the  landlord 
send  by  the  carrier  to  the  next  town, 
Puddleford,  for  his  own  portmanteau, 
and  his  daughter's  trunk,  both  of  which 
had  been  left  there.  lie  explained  to 
me  that  he  could  not  obtain  a  convey- 
ance that  morning,  and,  being  anxious 
to  get  to  Puttenham,  had  walked  over, 
getting  a  lift  for  himself  and  lite  child 


16 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Jan* 


part  of  the  way  in  a  farmer's  cart.  He 
requested  me  to  visit  him  often  while 
he  lay  there,  which  I  promised  to  do 
if  permitted.  I  pressed  his  hand,  pat- 
ted the  child  on  the  shoulder,  and  left 
the  two  together. 

When  I  got  home  I  found  that  the 
news  of  the  accident  had  preceded  me 
— indeed  by  that  time  had  been  spread 
throughout  the  town.  Captain  Berke- 
ley, of  the  stationed  regiment,  was 
commenting  on  the  matter  as  I  enter- 
ed the  shop,  and  complimented  me  as 
a  "  doocid  plucky  little  fellah."  Mrs. 
Guttenburg,  who  looked  upon  me  as  a 
kind  of  hero  for  having  pulled  the 
child  out  of  the  way  of  the  horses, 
made  a  great  many  inquiries  about 
the  couple,  and  seemed  very  proud  of 
the  compliment  paid  me  by  the  cap- 
tain. Mary  asked  if  the  little  girl 
were  pretty,  and  on  my  answering  in 
the  affirmative,  said  that  when  we 
grew  up  we  would  be  married — as 
that  was  the  way  in  all  the  novels  and 
plays.  As  for  John  Guttenberg,  he 
merely  said  that  I  had  acted  properly 
enough  ;  and  when  I  told  him  of  the 
Spaniard's  request,  added  that  I  might 
spend  two  hours  with  him  during  the 
day,  and  the  entire  evenings,  if  he  de- 
sired it — a  permission  I  was  not  slow 
to  accept. 


CHAPTER  II., 

Which  is  princijjctlty  about  a  Baoy,  a  Mysle 
rious  Personage  in  Black,  and  the  Church' 
Clock. 

Thus  far  my  story  is  plain  enough  ; 
but  the  reader  may  possibly  desire  to 
know  who  I  am,  who  John  Gutten- 
berg was,  and  other  matters.  It  is  a 
proper  curiosity,  and  shall  be  gratified. 
Who  I  am  will  be  told  in  due  time — 
what  I  was,  and  how  I  came  to  be,  up 


to  the  commencement  of  the  story,  he 
shall  hear  at  once. 

Mr.  John  Guttenberg,  although  born 
in  England,  was  the  grandson  of  a 
German  printer,  and  was  himself  a 
master  of  the  printer's  art  and  mys- 
tery. He  came  of  a  race  of  printers, 
and  boasted  that  from  the  time  of  his 
great  ancestor,  who  had  divided  with 
Fust  and  SchosfTer  the  honor  of  intro- 
ducing moveable  types,  the  eldest-born 
of  the  family  had  always  been  a  type- 
setter. Mr.  John  Guttenberg  was  a 
staid,  sober  and  respectable  trades- 
man, the  master  of  a  well-conducted 
printing-office,  and  the  publisher  of  a 
country  newspaper  at  the  town  of  Put- 
tenham,  in  the  Southwestern  part  of 
England.  He  was  also  a  book-seller, 
and  kept  a  circulating  library,  whereof 
the  officers  of  a  marching  regiment, 
quartered  in  the  neighborhood,  and  all 
the  people  of  consequence  there,  as 
well  as  many  who  were  of  no  conse- 
quence at  all,  were  patrons. 

Puttenham  was  a  place  having  pre- 
tensions to  size  and  respectability.  It 
boasted  of  several  public  buildings, 
including  a  Retreat  for  Decayed  Mal- 
sters,  founded  by  the  will  of  Gervase 
Thompson,  a  retired  brewer;  the  Coun- 
ty Jail  and  Court-house,  for  Putten- 
ham was  the  shire  town  ;  the  stocks 
and  public  pound  ;  a  fine  old  church, 
planned  by  Sir  Christopher  Wren,  and 
erected  in  1701  ;  three  Dissenters' 
Meeting-Houses,  each  rectangular  and 
many-windowed  ;  and  a  public  square, 
highly-ornamented  by  the  stocks,  a 
pump  and  two  long  horse-troughs. 
The  church  had  a  most  excellent  clock, 
made  by  a  famous  clock-maker  in  Lon- 
don, and  had  four  dials,  placed  to 
face  the  four  points  of  the  compass. 

Of  all  these  things,    I    insist   more 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER, 


n 


particularly  on  John  Guttenburg  and 
the  town  clock,  since  both  have  a  deal 
to  do  with  the  early  part  of  my  life. 
To  the  one  I  am  indebted  for  my  rear- 
ing, and  to  the  other  for  my  name  ; 
and  I  hold  both  my  benefactors  in 
grateful  remembrance. 

Mr.  John  Guttenbcrg,  I  repeat,  was 
a  staid,  sober,  and  respectable  trades- 
man Physically,  nature  had  not  been 
lavish  of  her  choicest  gifts  upon  his 
person,  since  he  was  but  five  feet  five 
inches  in  height,  but  as  he  was  nearly 
as  rotund  as  one  of  his  own  ink-balls, 
the  deficiency  of  length  was  compen- 
sated for  by  the  extent  of  breadth  ; 
and  in  like  manner,  a  brevity  of  nose 
was  balanced  by  an  extreme  length  of 
chin  ;  and  a  mouth  in  shape  and  size 
like  the  button-hole  of  a  great  coat, 
atoned  for  by  a  pair  of  ears  whose 
length  caused  them  to  invade  the  do- 
main of  the  hat  above,  and  encroach 
on  that  of  the  shirt-collar  below.  Men- 
tally, he  was  rather  above  the  greater 
part  of  his  neighbors,  having  energy, 
quick-sightedness  in  business  affairs, 
and  some  concentration  of  purpose. 
Morally,  he  was  well  endowed,  and  in 
addition  to  a  warm  heart,  possessed  a 
fair  share  of  honor,  as  he  understood 
the  sentiment,  and  an  abhorrence  of 
what  he  deemed  a  mean  action.  The 
robbers  of  old,  those  fellows  who  went 
robbing  and  ruffianizing  over  the 
country  in  sheet-iron  coats  and  trou- 
sers, would  not  have  recognized  him 
as  a  chivalrous  gentleman.  Yet,  I  as- 
sert that  John  Guttenberg,  tradesman 
as  he  was,  and  therefore  by  occupa- 
tion supposed  to  be  devoid  of  such 
feeling,  had  as  much  of  such  chivalric 
impulse  in  his  nature  as  ever  shed  its 
lustre  upon  tlic  Knights  of  the  Round 
Table    or  the    Peers    of  Charlemagne. 


It  is  true  that  he  had  some  prejudices, 
and  he  evinced  a  slavish  deference  to 
those  above  him  in  social  position  ; 
but  these  were  common  to  the  trades- 
man of  that  time  and  place,  and,  judg- 
ing from  history,  not  incompatible 
with  knightly  acts.  And  if  he  were 
occasionally  betrayed  into  a  slight  ex- 
cess, it  was  only  at  rare  intervals,  and 
upon  great  occasions. 

Two  and  thirty  years  ago  to  a  day — 
I  am  writing  this  upon  the  third  day 
of  December,  in  the  year  of  grace  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty-nine 
— the  publisher  of  the  Tottenham 
Chronicle,  being  a  Councilman,  attend- 
ed a  meeting  of  the  Corporation.  Af- 
ter the  council  had  closed  its  session, 
he  accepted  an  invitation  to  dine  with 
the  Mayor,  a  wealthy  soap-boiler  of 
the  town,  and  sat  late  with  his  wor- 
shipful host  and  friends  over  the  wine 
and  walnuts.  Although,  as  he  after- 
wards explained  to  Mrs.  Gutlenbcrg, 
he  was  exceedingly  sober  when  he 
left  the  Mayor's  house,  yet  the  sudden 
emergence  from  a  warm  to  a  cold  at- 
mosphere, and  the  change  from  the 
bright,  cheerful  fire  within,  the  more 
cheerful  company,  and  the  stiil  more 
cheerful  wine,  to  the  coldness  and  quiet 
without,  had  a  bewildering  effect  upon 
him.  Instead  of  turning  to  the  right, 
he  turned  to  the  left,  and  pursued  his 
way  for  some  distance  before  he  dis- 
covered his  error. 

He  stopped  and  looked  around  him. 
It  was  diilicult  at  first  to  find  to  what 
quarter  of  the  town  he  had  strayed. 
At  length  lie  recognized  a  barber's 
pole,  which  stood  before  a  low  house 
at  the  street-corner,  and  thus  knew 
that  his  nearest  road  homeward 
would  be  obtained  by  retracing  his 
steps.     Before  he  could  turn  he  felt  a 


18 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Jan., 


hand  upon  his  elbow.  He  looked 
around  and  saw  a  tall,  dark  figure, 
with  a  coat  closely  buttoned  up,  and  a 
heavy  fur  collar  over  its  shoulders. 
All  that  he  could  discover  about  the 
face  was  a  pair  of  flashing  eyes  that 
were  fixed  steadily  on  his  own. 

"  Well  V*  said  the  printer,  enquir- 
ingly, and  not  without  some  appre- 
hension, lest  his  new  companion  might 
be  a  foot-pad. 

"  Mr.  John  Guttenberg,  I  believe/' 
said  the  other,  in  good  enough  Eng- 
lish, but  with  an  accent  that  sounded 
foreign. 

"  That  is  my  name,"  was  the  reply. 

"  You  can  do  me  an  essential  ser- 
vice." 

"  I  should  be  glad  enough  to  do  it," 
said  the  startled  tradesman  ;  "  but  it 
is  rather  late,  and  Mrs.  Guttenberg 
will  wonder  what  detains  me  so  long 
beyond  my  accustomed  hour.  If  you 
will  call  at  my  shop  to-morrow,  or  ra- 
ther to-day,  for  it  is  now  long  past 
midnight,  I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  what 
you  may  have  to  propose." 

The  church  clock  struck  two. 

"  At  this  moment,  or  never,"  said 
the  unknown.  "  When  the  day  dawns 
it  may  be  too  late." 

John  Guttenberg  was  about  to  re- 
ply, when  the  other  seized  his  arm 
with  a  firm  grasp,  and  urged  his  steps 
onwards  in  a  direction  opposite  to  his 
own  house.  Resistance  was  useless, 
and  although  the  printer  was  rather 
startled,  he  saw  no  one  to  afford  help, 
and  s<>  gave  in  to  the  will  of  his  cap- 
tor. .Fifteen  minutes  sharp  walking, 
but  through  what  streets  he  could  not 
tell,  sufficed  to  bring  the  couple  to  the 
outside  of.  a  dilapidated  building  in  an 
'Unfamiliar  place.  Into  its  narrow  and 
tmlighted  hall,  .and   up   its   creaking 


stairs,  the  unknown  led  the  trades- 
man. Before  the  back-room  in  the 
third  story,  the  stranger  stopped,  and 
without  announcing  his  approach,  en- 
tered, dragging  his  companion  after 
him,  and  then  closing  the  door. 

John  Guttenberg,  though  greatly 
astounded  at  the  whole  matter,  when 
he  saw  no  personal  harm  was  intend- 
ed to  him,  took  a  good  look  at  the 
apartment  into  which  lie  had  been  so 
unceremoniously  thrust. 

The  room  was  devoid  of  comforta- 
ble furniture.  There  was  an  old  and 
creaking  deal  table,  and  a  three-leg- 
ged, oaken  stool.  On  the  former  war, 
a  farthing  candle,  inserted  in  an  ordi- 
nary iron  candle-stick.  A  scanty  sea- 
coal  fire  glimmered  at  the  bottom  of 
the  grate.  In  the  corner  something 
lay  wrapprd  up  in  a  pile  of  ragged 
clothes,  over  which  a  cloak  was  partly 
drawn.  Near  there,  on  the  three-leg- 
ged stool,  sat  a  woman,  meanly  clad, 
and,  for  the  weather,  insufficiently. 
She  was  handsome,  though  her  skin 
was  dark,  almost  tawny  —  her  hair 
especially  being  of  an  unwonted  black- 
ness and  glossiness,  and,  from  the  mass 
gathered  at  the  back  of  the  head,  ex- 
ceedingly luxuriant  in  growth.  She 
turned  her  eyes  on  the  new-comer, 
and  seemed  about  to  rise.  The  un- 
known raised  his  finger  with  a  menac- 
ing motion,  when  she  sank  back  in 
her  seat,  and  covered  her  face  with 
her  hands. 

"  You  have  the  reputation  of  being 
an  honest  and  humane  man,"  said  the 
stranger. 

"  I  hope  so,"  said  the  printer. 

"  You.  have,  and  I  dare  say  it  is  de- 
served." ■• 

The  stranger  paused  a  moment,  and 
the  woman  sighed.     John  Guttenbeig 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PK1NTEIU 


19 


took  a  good  look  at  both.  The  wo- 
man, though  dressed  so  commonly, 
had  a  well  proportioned  hand  and 
wrist,  and  a  portion  of  her  undercloth- 
ing, which  protruded  from  the  bosom 
of  her  dress,  was  edged  with  what  ap- 
peared to  be  costly  lace.  As  for  the 
otranger,  he  was  tall,  handsomely 
dressed,  though  without  cloak  or  sur- 
tout,  and  wore  around  his  neck  a  heavy 
collar,  or  rather  a  half  cape  of  fur. 
His  eyes  were  dark,  but  whether  grey, 
black,  or  hazel,  could  not  well  be  seen, 
for  his  hat  was  so  slouched  over  his 
face  as  to  throw  them  in  shadow.  He 
also  wore  a  heavy  beard  and  whis- 
kers. 

"  Take  this  child,"  he  said  ;  and  as 
he  spoke  he  lifted  a  young  babe  from 
the  pile  of  clothes  in  which  it  had 
been  snugly  stowed.  The  woman 
made  a  motion  as  though  to  resist  it ; 
but  the  stranger  said  something  in  a 
foreign  tongue,  when  she  shrank  back. 
"  Take  it  home  with  you,"  he  conti- 
nued. "  llere — this  collar  of  fur  will 
protect  it  still  further  from  the  cold. 
Here  are  fifty  pounds.  Do  with  the 
brat  as  you  like.  Make  a  printer  of 
him — bring  him  up  as  you  think 
fit — give  him  what  name  you  choose. 
You  shall  hear  from  me  again.  Come, 
it  is  time  for  you  to  go  home." 

14  But,"  remonstrated  the  printer, 
holding  the  babe  at  arm's  length,  "I 
don't  choose  to." 

"Ah  I"  said  the  woman,  rising,  and 
commencing  to  speak. 

"Diyum  1"  cried  theunkown,  angri- 

iy. 

The  woman  was  cowed,  either  by 
the  strange  word,  which  she  appa- 
rently understood,  or  by  his  manner, 
for  she  resumed  her  seat,  wringing 
her  hands,  piteously. 


The  babe  looked  up  in  the  printer's 
face,  and  smiled — at  least,  that  contor- 
tion of  the  lips  which  passes  for  a 
smile  in  new-born  babes  made  its  ap- 
pearance. John  Guttenberg,  whose 
married  life  was  childless,  found  him- 
self involuntarily  pressing  the  little 
innocent  to  his  bosom. 

"  Come,"  said  the  stranger,  "  it  is 
time  to  go." 

The  woman  darted  forward,  snatch- 
ed the  child,  and  gave  it  a  kiss — then 
returned  it  with  a  sigh.  As  she  did 
so,  she  slipped  into  John  Guttenberg's 
hand  a  small  paper  packet. 

"  Come  1"  said  the  stranger  again, 
and  he  led  the  bewildered  printer,  who 
seemed  to  have  lost  all  power  of  re- 
sistance, out  of  the  room,  down  stairs 
and  along  the  streets — by  what  route 
it  seemed  impossible  to  say — to  the 
door  of  the  latter's  house.  There  the 
bearer  of  the  child  plucked  up  cour- 
age, and  was  about  to  return  the 
charge  thus  thrust  upon  him,  when  he 
discovered  that  the  other  had  turned 
the  nearest  corner  and  disappeared. 

"  Oh,  well  1  never  mind  1"  said  the 
printer  to  himself,  as  he  opened  the 
door  with  his  latch-key,  "  I'll  send  the 
little  fellow  to  the  poor-house  in  the 
morning." 

Mrs.  Guttenberg  had  not  retired  to 
rest.  She  knew  that  her  husband  had 
dined  with  the  Mayor,  and  expecting 
him  to  return  a  little  flushed  with 
wine,  had  prepared  a  scries  of 
moral  observations,  specially  adapted 
to  his  case.  To  her  great  surprise  his 
face  had  a  look  far  more  sober  and  me- 
lancholy than  usual,  and  to  her  great 
surprise  she  saw  him  unroll  from  a 
bundl*  of  furs  and  clothing,  a  very 
little  child.  The  babe,  which  by  this 
time  had  grown  hungry,  began  to  wuil 


20 


*HE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Jan., 


"  Bles&  me  !"  said  the  wife,  "  if  the 
man  hasn't  a  baby  I     Who's  is  it?" 

"  That's  precisely  what  I'd  like  to 
know,"  replied  the  husband. 

"  But  how  did  you  come  by  it  ?" 

11  That's  precisely  what  I  mean  to 
tell  you,  if  it  will  only  stop  its  whin- 
ing." 

Mrs.  Guttenberg  took  the  babe  in 
her  arms.  It  was  dressed  in  a  long 
frock  of  cross-barred  muslin;  but 
around  one  arm  was  a  strip  of  yellow 
lace,  of  an  exceedingly  rare  and  cost- 
ly kind  ;  and  the  short  sleeves  of  the 
dress,  with  those  of  the  silk  and  flan- 
nel underclothes,  were  looped  up  and 
joined  together  by  two  bracelets  of 
turquoises,  chained  with  gold  after  a 
quaint  and  peculiar  fashion.  Around 
the  babe's  neck  was  suspended  by  a 
coarse  flaxen  thread,  a  plain  gold  ring. 
Inside  of  this  were  some  peculiar  cha- 
racters. The  letters  M  and  T  were  to 
be  made  out  distinctly  ;  but  the  others 
seemed  to  be  mere  hieroglyphics.  The 
inscription,  which  was  deeply  engra- 
ven, was  as  follows  : 

The  fur  in  which  the  child  was 
wrapped  was  of  the  richest  Eussian 
sable,  and  underneath  it  was  a  shawl 
whose  material  was  afterwards  ascer- 
tained to  be  true  cashmere.  The  babe 
raised  its  large  grey  eyes  to  the  face 
of  the  good  woman,  and,  curling  its 
little  lip,  renewed  its  piteous  wailing. 

"  I'm  sure  I  don't  know  what  to  do 
with  it,"  said  the  printer's  wife.  "  It 
wants  feeding,  poor  thing,  and  I  don't 
believe  there's  a  drop  of  milk  in  the 
house.  Jane  gave  the  last  to  the  cat 
before  she  went  to  bed." 

"  Well,  my  dear,  Jane  has  a  baby 
herself,  and — * 


"Dear  me!  so  she  has.  I  never 
thought  of  that.     I'll  wake  her." 

And  she  did.  Jane  came.  As  she 
was  about  to  take  the  child,  it  again 
indulged  in  that  facial  contortion  which 
young  mothers  call  a  smile. 

"  Why,"  exclaimed  Mrs.  Gutten- 
berg, "  it  is  the  sweetest  babe.  There, 
Jane,  take  care  of  him  until  morning. 
He  seems  to  be  very  hungry." 

Jane  experimented  before  reporting. 
"  It  feeds  uncommon  strong,  mum," 
she  said.  "  It's  a  rare,  hearty  babe, 
mum." 

And  presently  off  went  Jane,  with 
the  new  comer  in  charge. 

John  Guttenberg  told  his  wife  all 
that  had  occurred  to  him,  including 
the  fact  that  the  apparent  mother  had 
slipped  a  packet  in  his  hand  ;  but  when 
he  came  to  that  part  of  the  story,  for 
the  first  time  he  missed  the  paper.  It 
was  neither  in  his  hand  nor  on  his  per- 
son, and,  after  an  unavailing  search, 
he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  had 
dropped  it  on  the  way  home. 

"What  will  you  do  with  it?"  inquir- 
ed the  wife. 

11  Do  with  it  !  Give  it  up  to  the  pa- 
rochial authorities  along  with  the  mo- 
ney. I  think  that  is  the  proper 
course." 

11  Is  it  like  the  man  ?" 

"  I  am  not  sure  whether  it  is  or  not, 
He  hid  his  face  so  that  I  cannot  say. 
It's  not  like  the  mother,  I'm  sure.  Its 
eyes  are  grey,  and  hers  are  the  black- 
est I  ever  saw." 

"It's  a  pretty  baby,  John  ;  a  very 
pretty  baby." 

"  That's  what  you  women  say  about 
all  babies.  It  looks  to  me  to  have 
about  as  much  expression  as  a  sheet 
of  brown  paper.  However,  its  good 
or  bad  looks   don't   concern   us.     The 


18G5.] 


THE   PEER   AND   THE    FKINi'EB. 


21 


parish  will  have  to  take  care  of  it." 

"  John,  we've  been  married  four 
years  come  next  May-day,  and  we  have 
no  children." 

"  Well  P 

"  It's  a  boy,  John  " 

"  Is  it  ?     What  then  ?» 

"  Suppose  we  keep  him." 

"No,  indeed  !  I  have  no  idea  of 
supporting  oilier  peoples'  babies — at 
least  not  to  bring  them  up  at  my  ex- 
pense." 

"But  it  seems  like  the  gift  of  Pro- 
vidence ;  and  then  the  fifty  pound,  and 
the  lace,  and  the  jewels,  and  the  fur, 
and  that  beautiful  soft  shawl  !  It  is 
not  a  poor  man's  child,  you  may  de- 
pend on  that,  and  I  think  it  will  bring 
good  luck." 

"Do  you  really  want  to  keep  it, 
Martha?" 

"  Indeed  I  do,  John." 

"  I  should  be  annoyed  to  death  with 
all  kinds  of  ridiculous  stories.  People 
would  invent  all  kinds  of  strange  sto- 
ries, and  some  of  them  might  even 
fancy — " 

"  Well,  let  them  fancy.  1  wouldn't 
believe  that,  nor  any  one  that  has  eyes, 
for  it  isn't  a  hair  like  you  ;  thai/s  easy 
to  be  seen." 

"  It  won't  do,  Martha." 

"  Well,  just  as  you  choose  ;  but  it's 
very  hard  that  you  won't  grant  a  little 
favor  like  that,  when  I've  taken  a  fan- 
cy to  the  child." 

11  Little  favor  1  very  little  to  be 
sure — to  be  kept  awake  all  night  by 
some  other  man's  crying  brat." 

"  Do  you  hear  it  cry  now  (n 

"No,  but—" 

"John,  dear  I" 

u  Oil,  well  I"  exclaimed  the  printer, 
inwardly  delighted  at  his  wile's  perse- 
veiauce    ill    a    winui    wincii    acceded 


with  his  own  wish,  "you  can  keep  it, 
if  you  will.  But  what  will  you  name 
the  young  fellow?" 

"  Oh,  I'll  find  a  name,  never  fear." 

The  church  clock  struck  three. 

"  There  !"  she  exclaimed,  "  there  is 
a  name  now,  and  a  very  pretty  one. 
You  can  see  it  any  day  on  the  north 
dial  of  the  clock.  We'll  call  him  Am- 
brose Fecit." 

"  Ambrose  fecit !  Why,  my  dear, 
do  you  know  what  that  means  ?" 

"  Of  course,  I  do.  It  means  that 
Mr.  Fecit  made  that  clock.  Auda  very 
good  clock  it  is,  and  a  very  pretty 
name  too,  and  not  very  common  either; 
for  I  never  met  any  of  the  Fecits  in 
the  course  of  my  life." 

"  I  dare  sa}^  not,"  replied  the  hus- 
band :  and  he  leaned  against  the  bed- 
post— the  latter  part  of  the  conversa- 
tion occurring  as  they  were  disrobing 
for  rest — and  laughed  immoderately. 

And  thus  it  was  I  had  my  name, 
and  that  was  why  I  was  bred  a  prin- 
ter. 

As  for  the  unknown  couple,  no  in- 
quiries could  find  them  out,  nor  could 
John  Guttenberg,  in  his  after  rambles 
through  the  town,  ever  recognize  the 
house  from  whence  he  had  taken  me. 

The  after  history  of  my  life,  up  to 
the  period  when  I  met  the  Spaniard 
and  his  daughter,  would  show  nothing 
remarkable.  I  was  a  healthy  child 
and  went  through  the  perils  of  teeth- 
ing and  the  measles  safely.  John 
Guttenberg  and  his  wife  fulfilled  their 
self-imposed  task  like  good  and  con- 
scientious people.  I  was  treated  aa 
though  I  were  their  own  c\iild,  being 
duly  lectured  and  birched  when  1  was 
naughty,  and  cuddled  and  candied 
when  1  was  not.  When  I  was  about 
lour  years  old,   Mrs.  GuLtenbeig  pre- 


22 


THE    PEEK   AND   THE    PKltt  l'Eft. 


[Jan., 


sented  her  husband,  greatly  to  his 
gratification  and  her  delight,  with  a 
daughter.  Everybody  —  for  people 
knew  me  to  be  a  foundling,  though 
they  did  not  know  the  circumstances 
of  my  finding — declared  that  "my 
nose  was  put  out  of  joint,"  and  that  I 
might  now  look  out  for  neglect,  if  not 
positive  ill-treatment.  Everybody 
was  mistaken.  I  was  treated  the 
same  as  usual.  As  for  myself,  I  was 
too  young  to  understand  these  predic- 
tions, of  which  I  knew  nothing  until 
afterwards.  But  I  was  vastly  delight- 
ed with  the  new-comer,  on  whom  I 
used  to  gaze  in  the  cradle  with  wiapt 
admiration.  It  was  the  dawning  of 
an  amiable  weakness  which  followed 
me  through  life — a  love  and  esteem 
for  the  opposite  sex.  As  we  grew  up 
together  1  loved  the  little  Mary  more 
and  mure.  1  brought  her  home  all  my 
trophies  in  the  shape  of  marbles  and 
peg-tops  ;  I  expended  my  scanty  pock- 
et-money in  hard-bake  and  barley-su- 
gar for  her  particular  benefit ;  and  af- 
ter 1  had  left  school  to  be  instructed 
in  the  mysteries  of  my  protector's 
craft,  I  used  to  take  surreptitious  im- 
pressions of  wood-cuts  in  colored  inks, 
to  ornament  her  play-house.  1  thought 
my  sister — tor  such  1  believed  her  to 
be  until  goud-natured  strangers  taught 
me  better- — to  be  the  prettiest  child  in 
the  world,  my  idea  of  beautiful  eyes 
being  those  of  a  mottled,  light  hazel 
hue,  and  my  type  of  symmetrical  noses 
the  pug. 

During  the  early  part  of  my  life, 
and  more  especially  in  the  first  year 
of  my  apprenticeship,  I  thought  the 
Puttenham  Chronicle  to  be  the  leading 
newspaper  of  the  world  ;  and  I  felt 
more  awful  reverence  for  Mr.  Ilincks, 
the  editor,  than  I  did  for   the   Earl  of 


Landys,  whose  estate  lay  within  a 
mile  of  town,  or  even  the  lady  (Caro- 
line Bowlington,  who  came  in  her  own 
coach  once  a  year  to  make  the  Dowa- 
ger Countess  of  Landys  a  visit,  and 
was  the  sole  daughter  of  a  Duke.  For, 
did  not  Mr.  Ilincks  handle  not  only 
Dukes  and  Marquesses  without  gloves, 
but  even  boldly  attacked  her  Majesty's 
ministers — they  being  of  the  oppo- 
site party  to  ours?  Did  he  not  sneer 
at  the  French,  who,  to  be  sure,  were 
not  much,  as  they  all  wore  wooden 
shoes,  and  lived  on  frogs,  and  spent 
the  principal  part  of  their  lives  in 
hair-dressing,  and  giving  clancing-les 
sons  to  one-another — a  poor,  lean  set 
of  fellows,  for  any  ten  of  whom  a  har- 
dy Briton  was  a  match  at  any  time? 
And  did  he  not  give,  at  times,  a  good 
setting-down  to  the  Yankees,  a  nation 
of  savages  who  spoke  a  kind  of  wild 
English,  and  scalped  and  ate  their 
prisoners — whose  women  chewed  to- 
bacco and  spoke  through  their  noses  ; 
a  people  who  had  behaved  so  badly 
that  his  Majesty,  George  the  Third, 
after  whipping  them  at  Bunker  Hill 
and  Yorkvown,  and  New  Orleans,  and 
I  don't  know  how  many  more  places 
finally  cast  them  off,  and  sent  them 
about  their  own  business,  where  they 
have  been  miserably  ever  since  ?  Then 
there  was  my  fellow-apprentice,  Tom 
Brown,  who  set  up  all  the  leaders,  and, 
in  the  absence  of  his  master,  even 
made  up  the  form.  My  opinion  of  him 
was  that  he  had  great  force  of  charac- 
ter, combined  with  great  knowledge 
of  the  world,  and  had  only  to  say  the 
word,  afjer  he  was  out  of  his  time,  to 
be  made  a  prime-minister,  or  a  mem- 
ber of  parliament,  er  a  beadle,  or  some- 
thing else  equally  important.  And 
the   fishermen    who    came   on  market 


1865.]  THE    PEER   AND  THE    PRINTER.  23 

days,  with  fish  from  the  little  port  of  band,  and  imprecating  their  tarry  top- 
Pliddleford,  about  live  miles  off,  I  re-  lights,  as  the  gallant  sailor,  who  ap- 
garded  as  men  who  went  down  into  peared  in  "  Black-Eyed  Seyensan," 
the  sea  in  ships,  bold  navigators  who  when  the  players  made  their  annual 
were  ready  to  sail  to  the  bottom  of  the  visit,  invariably  did. 
Maelstrom,  if  needed  ;  though  I  did  Having  thus  introduced  myself  to 
find  fault  with  them  for  not  frequently  the  reader,  let  us  go  back  to  the  Spa- 
hitching  up  their  trousers  by  the  waist-  niard  and  the  little  girl. 

(  To  be  continued. ) 


CLOSE  OF  THE  YEAR  1806  AND  1864. 


TRANSLATED   FROM  THE  GERMAN. 


The  following  lines  are  as  applicable  to  the  close  of  the  year  in  America  in  1864,  as  thoj 
were  to  Europe  in  1806 : 

Thy  kneil  is  rung  upon  thy  tomb, 
With  awful  sound  man  wails  his  doom ; 

His  tears  thy  floating  ashes  lave  ; 
No  cheering  hope  his  sorrows  own, 
With  thee  life's  happiness  is  flown, 

And  sunk  in  darkness  to  the  grave. 
In  separation  s  bitter  hour, 
O'er  widowed  wives  thy  dark  clouds  lower ; 

The  brides  no  more  the  bridegrooms  prize, 
And  orphans,  at  their  utmost  need, 
Have  none  to  guard  them,  none  to  feed, 

No  fathers  close  their  childrens'  eyes. 
The  sickle  beat  into  a  sword, 
A  murderous  instrument  abhor* d, 

Now  whirls  a  fratricidal  hand  ; 
And  wealth  and  ease  must  quit  their  home, 
On  beggar's  crutches  doomed  to  roam, 

Sad  exiles  in  their  native  land. 
The  sun  on  high,  with  fiery  glow, 
Sees  nought  but  sorrow  here  below, 

And  shines  on  plains  still  drenched  with  gow^ 
While  destiny,  severely  just, 
Makes  kings  and  peasants  bite  the  dust, 

And  desolate  fair  nature's  store. 
O,  heaven!  can  nought  thy  rage  alloy? 
Would'st  thou  the  human  race  destroy  ? 

Shall  tyrant  war  know  no  remorse? 
O,  srnilo  upon  thy  suppliants'  prayer, 
Let  peace  return — onco  more  declare 

That  right  shall  triumph  over  forca. 


24 


IK   PRISON. 


FJan. 


IN  PRISON. 


*  CONDEMNED  XO   SOLITAEY  CONFINEMENT.*' 


Can  it  be  true,  that  I,  even  I, 

Was  ever  glad  and  gay  ? 
I,  who  in  silence  and  in  gloom 

Mast  linger  day  by  day  ? 

A  year  or  two,  or  is  it  more, 

Since  to  this  living  grave, 
Mocking,  my  captors  hurried  me, 

Nor  even  a  reason  gave  ? 

What  is  my  crime  ?    Vainly  I  ask  ; 

The  walls  give  back  no  sound, 
The  walls  that  seem  each  weary  day 

Closer  to  bind  me  round. 

At  first  I  was  not  quite  alone, 
For  Hope  my  prison  shared, 

When  she  was  here,  I  heeded  not 
How  slenderly  I  fared. 

And  Memory,  with  magic  wand, 

Gave  me  the  past  again, 
But  Hope  took  Bight  one  stormy  night, 

1  look  for  her  in  vain ! 

So  then  I  clung  to  Memory, 
And  prayed  her  stLl  to  stay ; 

Alas !  her  blessed  imagery 
Is  fading  fast  away. 

I  think  of  those  whose  faces  still 
Shine  out  on  Memory's  walJ, 

And  wildly  in  my  troubled  dreams 
On  each  dear  name  I  call. 

Have  they  forgotton  that  I  pine 

Here  in  this  dungeon  dim  ? 
Have  they  forgotten  e'en  to  say, 

"  Great  Father,  pity  him  ?" 

With  some  in  sorrow  I  have  watched, 
Wept  with  them  when  they  wept, 

Oh,  how  I  loved  them !  —have  they  not 
One  memory  of  me  left  ? 

Alas !  they  cannot  know 

Such  misery  as  mine  ; 
Life's  blessings,  and  God's  Providence 

Still  round  their  pathways  shine. 


I  had  a  dream.     Was  it  a  dream  ? 

Here,  I  but  wake  and  sleep, 
And  wake  again  —no  note  of  time 

Have  I  the  power  to  keep ! 

Perhaps  it  happened  long  ago, 

Perhaps— I  cannot  tell- 
Sometimes  my  own  name  I  forget. 

The  world  once  knew  it  well. 

I  used  to  talk  and  shout  aloud, 

I  dare  not  do  it  now, 
The  sound  of  my  own  voice  will  bring 

The  cold  sweat  to  my  brow ! 

That  dream— Oh,  was  it  I  who  knelt 

Low  at  the  lady's  knee  ? 
I  knelt,  but  was  not  there  alone, 

Two  others  bowed  with  me. 

M  Say  after  me,  my  darling  now—** 
Like  music  was  each  tone — 

"Our  Father,"  after  her,  we  said, 
And  then  "  Thy  will  be  done." 

Why  does  that  picture  haunt  me  now, 
"  Our  Father  i "    Is  he  mine  ? 

"  Our  Father"  free  me  from  these  band% 
If  I  ineeed  am  thine. 

Was  it  a  step?    Be  still  my  heart  ; 

Throb  not  so  wildly  yet — 
Will  He  not  hear  me  in  my  woe  ? 

Does  God  Himself  forget  ? 

They  call  Him  just  and  merciful, 

Surely  he  hears  me  pray— 
Our  Father,  send  Thy  messenger 

To  free  this  tortured  clay. 

Alas!  'tis  vain — forsaken  here, 

Still  ling'ring  I  must  he — 
How  long  ?    Reason  is  tottering  now— 

How  long  ere  I  can  die? 

For  I  shall  die,  without  one  gleam 

Of  Heaven's  blessed  light ; 
Without  one  face  to  look  upon, 

Die  in  this  endless  night* 


1865.1 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OF    THE    TROPICS. 


25 


Oh,  I  shall  be  a  madman  soon, 

I  cannot  bear  this  life  ; 
God  pity  me,  since  man  will  not, 

And  end  this  weary  strife ! 

Hark !  was  it  not  my  mother's  voice  , 

Was  it  a  vision  bright  ? 
It  seems  to  whisper,  "  Darkest  hours 

Are  just  before  the  light." 

Father,  I  thank  Thee !  blissful  tears 
My  burning  eyes  may  weep, 


Now,  as  in  happy  days  of  old, 
I'll  lay  me  down  to  sleep. 

And  with  my  childhood's  simple  faith, 

If  ere  on  earth  I  wake, 
My  summons  come,  I'll  pray  the  Lord 

That  He  my  soul  will  take. 

Oh,  ye  are  free,  but  prison  homes 
Darken  this  freedom's  land  ; 

Reinem  e  e  i  b  •  the  leapt  ve  lone 
In  every  noasenoid  uand. 


-*^*~ 


THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  TROPICS. 


The  Civilization  of  the  Tropics!  How 
few  comprehend  it,  or  indeed  under- 
stand anything  of  the  subject,  save  a 
general  notion  of  burning  suns,  wav- 
ing palms,  paroquets,  and  oranges, 
though  year  after  year  we  are  nearing 
these  naturally  fertile  and  beautiful  re- 
gions, and  the  time  must  come  when 
they  will  constitute  the  great  center  of 
American  civilization,  as  they  are  the 
center  of  its  territorial  dimensions. 

"Civilization"  is  a  word  or  term  of 
widely  varying  significance.  Some 
consider  it  as  merely  contrasting  with 
some  imaginary  heathen  or  barbarian 
condition,  supposed  to  have  once  ex- 
isted ;  indeed  it  is  quite  a  general  no- 
tion that  our  race,  at  some  time  or  other, 
were  in  some  such  condition  as  we  now 
find  negroes  in  Africa,  Malays  in  the 
Pacific,  &C.  Others  again  give  a  more 
restricted  meaning  to  this  term,  and 
would  imply  by  its  use  the  general  con- 
dition of  our  race  since  the  advent  of 
Christianity,  and  in  contrast  with  the 
Egyptian,  Greek,  and  Roman  civiliza- 
tion that  preceded  it.  This  is,  perhaps, 
generally  considered,  correct  enough  j 


but  it  is  too  indefinite  for  the  subject 
we  propose  to  discuss  in  this  article, 
and  we  will  therefore  give  our  own  de- 
finition of  the  term  "  civilization."  A 
true  perception  of  the  laws  of  nature,  and 
an  intelligent  adaptation  of  these  laws  to 
the  end  or  purposes  of  human  welfare, 
is  our  notion  of  civilization.  A  com- 
munity, like  an  individual,  may  be 
learned  without  possessing  knowledge, 
as  it  may  be  polished  or  refined  with- 
out true  morality,  and  therefore  that 
community,  nation,  or  people,  who  most 
truly  understand  the  laws  of  nature, 
and  most  intelligently  apply  these 
laws  for  the  welt  are  of  its  people,  is 
the  most  civilized,  though  its  power  and 
celebrity  may  be  less  than  main7  others. 
With  this  general  notion  of  civilization, 
we  propose  to  show  the  past,  present, 
and  (possible)  future  condition  of  the 
great  tropical  center  of  our  continent, 
embracing,  ordinarily  speaking,  fifty, 
but  in  reality  some  seventy  degrees  of 
latitude. 

Naturalists  have  divided  the  earth 
into  zones  or  centers  of  existence,  each 
of  winch  has  its  own  fauna  and  Jiura 


26 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OF  THE   TROPICS. 


[Jan , 


and  inrWd  its   own   peculiar   soils,  as 
well  as  geological  features.     It  is  also 
an  all-pervading  law  that  the  soils,  the 
vegetation,  the  animal  existence,  and 
the   human   adaptation,  are   in  perfect 
harmony  with  each  other,  and  on  a  true 
peiceptioh  of  this   great   natural   and 
fundamental  law  and  strict  conformity 
with  its  "  necessities,"  rests  the  cause 
of  progress,  and  the  welfare  and  hap- 
piness of  mankind.     The   soils,  the  at- 
mosphere, in  a  word,  the  climate  of  the 
temperate  latitudes,  not  only  harmon- 
ize, but  imperatively  demand,  the  labor 
of  the  white  man  for  their  cultivation, 
a-nd  the  peculiar  products  of  these  lati- 
tudes could  not  be  grown  by  the  lower 
races.   Even  when  directed  by  the  high 
intelligence  of  the  Caucasian  master,  it 
is  seen  that  the   labor   of  the  negro  is 
vastly  less  valuable  in  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, and  other  border  States,  and,  left 
to  his  own  resources,  even  had  he  the 
reflective  faculty  sufficient  to   appre- 
ciate the  final  benefit  of  industry,  his 
low  grade  of  intellect  would  render  him 
quite  unable  to  cultivate  the  temperate 
latitudes.     Ignorant  people,   ignorant 
of  climate  and   industrial   adaptations, 
as  well  as  ignorant  of  the  negro  nature, 
fancy  that  they  deal   a   stunning  blow 
at  what  they  term  "  slavery,"  when  they 
contrast   Ohio    with    Kentucky,    and 
Pennsylvania  with  Virginia  ;  but  if  the 
negro  "  freeman"  were   left  to   himself 
in  these  latitudes,  he  would  live  as  the 
Indian  did,  or  he  would  not  live  at  all. 
As  it  is,  it  simply  shows  the  industrial 
adaptation  of  the;  white  man,  and  though 
the  negro  labor  is  directed  by  the  high 
intelligence  of  its   master,  it  falls  far 
short  of  that  of  the  former. 

The  remedy  of  the  Abolitionists  for 
this  "  evd"  is  to  transform  the  relatively 
useful  negro  into  an   absolutely  worth- 


less negro,  and   in  addition   to  tax  the 
white  laborer  for  his  support. 

The  complicated  soils,  the  tendency 
to  exhaustion,  and  necessity  of  resusci- 
tation, the  care  needed  for  their  growth, 
harvesting,  &c,  the  danger  from  frosts 
and  vicissitudes  of  the  atmosphere,  all 
combine  in  demanding  the  highest  in- 
telligence for  the  cultivation  of  the  tem- 
perate latitudes,  and  not  only  that 
which  is  specific  to  the  Caucasian,  but 
the  most  profound  education  and  high- 
est possible  culture  would  be  or  might 
be  most  fitly  employed  in  this  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land.  There  are  a  few  ex- 
ceptions, wheat,  potatoes,  &c.  ;  as 
among  animals,  there  are  the  horse, 
dog,  &c,  that  have  accompanied  the 
white  man  in  all  his  migrations,  but  be- 
yond these  the  law  is  all-pervading  and 
universal — the  zones,  the  soils,  the  pro- 
ducts, and  the  human  or  industrial 
adaptations,  are  in  perfect  accord,  and 
this  law  cannot  be  disregarded  or  vio- 
lated without  the  corresponding  penal- 
ty of  a  diseased  production  and  abor- 
tive civilization. 

The  tropical  regions   of  this   conti- 
nent are  endowed   with    a   natural  fer- 
tility far  surpassing  the  temperate  lati- 
tudes, though  there  are  vast  mountain 
chains,  especially  on  the  main  land,  and 
not  unfrequently  one  sees  nothing  but 
pedrigal,    &c,   for   many   miles.      The 
soils  are  not  merely  rich,  they   are  ex- 
haustless,  and  save  the  want  of  water 
or  irrigation,  need  no  efforts  for  resus- 
citation, and   the   natural  fertility,  the 
rich,  all-abounding  growth  of  vegeta- 
tion, is  so  wonderful,  that  persons  liv- 
ing in  our  more  sterile  northern  climes 
can  scarcely   conceive  of  its  beautiful 
and  gorgeous  luxuriance. 

Its  staple  products  are  cotton,  sugar 
and  coffee  j  but  aside  irom  its  rich  and 


18G5.1 


THE    CIVILIZATION   OF  THE   TROPICS. 


2T 


peculiar  fruits,  there  is  an  almost  end- 
less variety  of  lesser  products,  and 
aftiorig  them  the  Cassava,  or  bread- 
fruit, which  formed  the  staple  diet  of 
its  original  inhabitants,  and  indeed  that 
of  their  Spanish  conquerors.  The  nu- 
merous varieties  of  yams  and  sweet  po- 
tatoes furnished  food  for  the  natives, 
with  scarcely  any  more  need  of  labor 
than  to  "pluck  and  eat;"  and  they  now 
serve  the  wants  of  the  idle  and  useless 
negroes  in  the  same  way. 

The  table  lands,  however,  especially 
on  the  main  land,  while  not  indigenous, 
admit  of  the  growth  and  cultivation  of 
most  of  our  northern  products  and  nor- 
thern fruits,  the  apple,  pear,  peach, 
apricot,  &c,  and  some  of  the  finest 
wheat  fields  in  the  world  may  be  seen 
in  the  valleys  of  Fuebla  and  Mexico, 
within  fifteen  degrees  of  the  equator. 

Of  course  an  Almighty  and  benefi- 
cent Creator  did  not  endow  these  re- 
gions with  their  genial  climate  and 
wonderful  fertility,  to  remain  barren 
wastes  and  useless  to  the  happiness  of 
His  creatures.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
obvious  that  these  rich  and  profuse 
sources  of  human  enjoyment  were  de- 
signed to  be  developed  and  made  tri- 
butary to  human  happiness.  It  is  true 
the  negro  might  live  in  the  tropics  and 
fulfil  the  primal  law  to  "increase  and 
multiply,"  if  isolated  from  civilization, 
for  the  profuse  and  almost  spontaneous 
vegetation  enables  him  to  do  so,  but  he 
might  remain  here  for  a  million  of  years 
without  any  cultivation  of  these  great 
staples  which  so  largely  influence  the 
civilization  of  our  times,  and  that  so  vi- 
tally affect  human  welfare.  Cotton, 
sugar,  and  coffee  1  Suppose  for  a  mo- 
ment the  world  deprived  of  them,  what 
a  stupendous  void  in  human  happiness! 
\\  nub  an   impei'iect.  Civilization  of  the 


masses,  bringing  us  back  to  the  old 
Roman  days  when,  though  the  rich  few 
had  their  luxuries,  the  millions  lived 
much  like  the  other  animals  that  sur- 
rounded them. 

It  is  obviously  certain,  then,  that  the 
great  tropical  centers  of  our  conti- 
nent were  designed  by  Providence  for 
the  cultivation  of  those  indigenous  pro- 
ducts so  essential  to  human  welfare, 
and  without  which  American  civiliza- 
tion would  be  almost  as  imperfect  as 
that  of  mida3val  times.  The  early  Span- 
ish conquerors  found  these  beautiful  and 
naturally  fertile  regions  useless  wastes* 
the  natives  growing  maize  in  the  val- 
lies  on  the  main  land,  and  in  the  islands 
subsisting  mainly  on  fruits  and  fish. 
Their  numbers  were  small,  especially 
on  the  islands,  and  they  seem  to  have 
been,  as  indeed  the  native  is  siii!,  won- 
derfully docile  and  obedient  to  their 
Spanish  conquerors.  The  latter,  with 
the  two  simple  but  terrible  passions, 
love  of  gold  and  desire  for  proselytes, 
made  short  work  of  the  islanders. 
Their  simple  habits  of  life,  and  their  in- 
dolence, rendered  them  almost  worth- 
ies*; as  laborers  in  the  mines,  and  their 
stern  and  bigotted  masters,  with  their 
all-devouring  thirst  for  gold,  imposed 
such  tasks  and  burthens  on  them  that 
they  soon  succumbed,  and  have  disap- 
peared so  utterly  that  at  this  time  there 
is  not  a  single  native  left  m  the  entire 
Antilles. 

Las  Casas,  and  others  of  the  clergy, 
daily  witnesses  of  this  frightful  waste 
of  the  natives,  sought  by  every  means 
in  their  power  to  mitigate  the  severi- 
ties of  their  Spanish  masters,  but  with 
little  effect,  until  at  last  they  succeed- 
ed in  substituting  the  negro  as  a  labor- 
er. This,  however,  did  Hot  save  the 
native,  and   like    our    own    "ovJized" 


28 


THE    CIVILIZATION   OF  THE  TROPICS. 


[Jan., 


Indian  of  the   North,  he  was    a   social 
incumbrance,  and  unable  to  cope  with 
the  white  man,  and  no  longer  protected 
by  him,  disappeared  even  more  rapidly 
than  when  overworked  by  his  Spanish 
master.     The  Moors  brought  many  ne- 
gro servants  into  Spain  with  them,  and 
some  of  them  having  accompanied  their 
Spanish  masters  to  the  new  world,  it 
was  seen  that  instead  of  sinking  under 
the  burthens  imposed  on  the  native,  or 
becoming  the  victims  of  febrile  diseas- 
es, like  the  Spaniards,  they  became  ap- 
parently more  vigorous  and  happy  than 
they  had  been  in  their  Spanish  homes. 
This  striking  fact,  probably  far  more 
than   Las  Cases'  benevolent  desire  to 
relieve  the   overtasked   natives,  led  to 
their  introduction  and   permanent  em- 
ployment as  the  natural  industrial  ele- 
ment of  the  tropical  world.     An  appli- 
cation made  to  the  government  of  Phil- 
lip Second,  for  leave  to  bring  from  Afri- 
ca a  certain  number  of  negro  laborers, 
after  mature  consideration,  was  finally 
successful.     But  the  utmost  care  and 
kindness  distinguished  this  beginning 
of  the  so-called   slave   trade.     Only  a 
certain  number,  composed  of  a  certain 
proportion  of  men,    women    and    chil- 
dren, were  permitted  to  be  brought  to 
the  Spanish  Islands.     The  ships  bring- 
ing  them   were    carefully    examined, 
their  comfort  and  health  secured  on  the 
passage,  and  they   were   always  duly 
baptised  and  taught  the  rudiments  of 
Christianity.     Indeed,   in  view  of  the 
mighty   migrations   of  our   own  race 
since  that  time,  it   may   be   said  with 
perfect  truth  that  the   original  "  slave 
trade,"  or  introduction  of  negroes  into 
the  New  World,  was  the  most  conside- 
rate, careful,  and  humane  phase  of  emi- 
gration ever  known   in   the   history  of 
mankind.     A  few  years  later  it  fell  in- 


to the  hands  of  the  Dutch  and  English, 
and  then  regarded  as  a  legitimate 
branch  of  commerce,  negroes  were  im- 
ported as  mere  work  animals,  and  mar- 
kets supplied  without  regard  to  sex  or 
age,  climate  or  industrial  adaptation  ; 
but  even  then,  and  down  to  the  time 
when  a  diseased  and  wicked  philan- 
thropy interposed  and  perverted  it  into 
an  inhuman  programme,  its  mortality 
only  averaged  eleven  per  cent.,  and  the 
11  trade"  doubtless  involved  less  human 
misery  and  suffering  than  did  the  ordi- 
nary emigration  of  the  ignorant  and  out- 
raged people  of  our  own  race  in  their 
search  for  homes  and  happiness  in  the 
New  World. 

It  was  many  years  after  this,  how- 
ever, before  the  negro  labor  was  made 
available  for  the  cultivation  of  those 
great  staples  which  influence  so  largely 
the  civilization  of  our  times.  But  when 
sugar,  indigo,  coffee,  &c.,  were  in  such 
high  demand,  a  vast  stimulus  was  ap- 
plied to  tropical  productions,  and  the 
islands,  constantly  supplied  by  fresh 
laborers  from  Africa,  were  rapidly  and 
extensively  cleared  of  their  forests  and 
brought  under  cultivation.  No  sane  or 
thoughtful  mind  will  question  the  fit- 
ness, indeed  duty,  of  thus  using  the  la- 
bor of  the  negro.  In  his  native  Africa 
he  is  simply  a  useless  heathen,  not  from 
accident,  time,  chance,  or  anything  of 
that  sort,  but  because  he  cannot  be 
anything  else  short  of  a  new  creation. 
He  is  a  child,  or  "boy"  in  intellect,  and 
physiologically  as  incapable  of  compre- 
hending the  value  of  industry,  or  of 
providing  for  the  future  as  the  boy  of 
ten  or  twelve  years,  and  therefore  to 
bring  him  within  the  scope  of  our  Chris- 
tian civilization,  and  improve  his  con- 
dition while  rendering  him  an  impor- 
tant agency  in  that  civilization,  was  a 


1865.] 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OF   THE   TROPICS. 


29 


humane  proceeding  to  him,  and  morally 
right  from  the  stand  point  of  our  own 
welfare.  Without  his  labor,  all  that  ex- 
tensive and  beautiful  region  must  re- 
main a  wilderness,  and  the  comfort  and 
welfare  of  almost  countless  millions  im- 
peratively demanded  that  the  agencies 
ordained  by  the  Creator  should  be  used 
by  His  creatures.  It  is  true  these  were 
abused,  negroes  were  carried  into  nor- 
thern latitudes,  into  New  England,  and 
even  the  Canadas,  to  some  extent ;  and 
still  worse,  males  alone,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, as  now  in  Cuba,  were  brought 
from  Africa,  and  thus  denied  the  primal 
right  due  even  to  animals,  that  of  mul- 
tiplying their  kind.  But  these  abuses 
of  the  so-called  slave  trade  had  no  ne- 
cessary connection  with  the  great  fun- 
damental necessity  and  right,  indeed 
duty  of  cultivating  the  tropics,  and  em- 
ploying the  agencies  ordained  by  the 
Creator  for  securing  those  things  so  es- 
sential to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of 
mankind. 

The  great  demand  in  Europe  for  tro- 
pical products  rendered  the  whole  of 
tropical  America  a  very  garden  of  rich 
and  varied  cultivation,  and  Jamaica, 
Hayti,  and  other  islands,  abundantly 
supplied  the  European  masses  with 
comforts  denied  to  kings  and  nobles  in 
the  time  of  the  Romans.  At  this  pe- 
riod England  had  not  yet  acquired  her 
vast  East  India  possessions,  and  Eu- 
rope depended  wholly  on  Jamaica  and 
other  islands  for  sugar,  and,  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  for  other  tropical  products, 
and  it  is  only  reasonable  to  say  that 
the  sugar,  coffee,  indigo,  fruits,  &c,  of 
America,  were  more  beneficial,  and  con- 
tributed more  to  human  happiness 
than  did  the  produce  of  all  the  gold 
and  silver  mines  of  the  New  World. 
There   was,  however,    a  serious  draw- 


back on  this  otherwise  beneficent  pro 
duction  of  tropical  America.  The  de- 
mand for  sugar  and  coffee  gave  a  great 
stimulus  to  the  demand  for  negro  labor, 
and  instead  of  depending  on  the  natu- 
ral increase  of  population,  these  impor- 
tations became  a  mere  matter  of  com- 
merce, and  as  males  paid  best,  few  fa- 
milies or  children  were  brought  over. 
This  was  a  great  outrage  on  these  poor 
creatures,  but  it  vitiated  and  brutalized 
their  masters  and  all  who  were  con- 
nected with  it.  It  was  not  in  the  cru- 
elty or  brutality  practiced  on  board 
ships  engaged  in  the  "trade,"  for  inter- 
est, if  nothing  else,  would  prompt  a  care 
for  that  which  was  valuable  as  proper- 
ty, but  the  habit  of  regarding  the  hu- 
man creature  as  a  mere  work  animal, 
and  quite  removed  from  human  sympa- 
thies, in  its  reaction  demoralized  soci- 
ety, and  from  the  "  slave  trader"  to  the 
pirate  there  was  too  often  but  a  single 
step. 

If,  as  now  in  the  South,  the  planters 
of  the  tropics  had  depended  on  the  na- 
tural increase  of  their  negro  popula- 
tion, and  thus  while  providing  for  their 
material  wants,  had  enabled  them  to 
enjoy  all  those  natural  rights  of  family, 
the  affection  of  the  sexes,  of  offspring, 
&c,  common  to  all  humanity,  society 
in  these  islands  would  have  been  the 
most  beneficent  and  natural  in  civiliza- 
tion. And  even  if  their  limited  num- 
bers demanded  more  African  importa- 
tion, if  this  had  been  carefully  and  hu- 
manely provided  for,  as  it  was  under 
Phillip  the  Second,  society  would  still 
have  been  saved  from  the  frightful  de- 
moralization that  grew  up  under  the 
Dutch  and  English  practice  of  import- 
ing work  animals  to  supply  the  de- 
mands of  the  American  labor  market. 
The  enormous    production   of  tropical 


30 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OF   THE   TROPICS. 


Jail 


America  at  this  time  may  be  under- 
stood at  a  glance,  when  it  is  remem- 
bered that  the  Island  of  Hayti  alone, 
in  1789,  supplied  the  thirty  five  mil- 
lions of  France  with  sugar,  and  its 
coffee,  indigo,  &c.?  probably  were  of 
equal  importance.  All  the  other 
islands,  and  indeed  the  whole  tropical 
region,  were  in  a  similar  condition  of 
activity,  industry  and  prosperity,  and 
one  hundred  years  ago,  when  the  great 
West  was  a  solitude,  save  when  dis- 
turbed by  the  Indian  war-whoop,  and 
Lakes  Erie  and  Huron  as  unknown  to 
commerce  aud  civilization  as  those  re- 
cently discovered  in  Central  Africa, 
the  Carribean  Sea  and  Gulf  of  Mexico 
were  familiar  terms  with  every  cabin- 
boy  in  Europe. 

Both  the  islands  and  the  main  land, 
though  their  natural  fertility  and  na- 
tural capabilities  were  only  partially 
developed,  were  the  sources  through 
which  Europe  were  supplied  with  tro- 
pical productions,  and  these  products 
constituted  the  basis  of  all,  or  nearly 
all,  of  the  commerce  of  the  times. 
Port  Royal,  Port-au-Prince,  Kingston, 
Panama,  &c,  cities  that  now  are  little 
more  than  negro  kraals,  were  then  the 
seats  of  commerce  and  centres  of 
wealth,  luxury  and  refinement,  surpas- 
sing even  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
and  our  own  Atlantic  towns,  in  com- 
mercial enterprize.  Even  after  Hayti 
had  been  as  utterly  lout  to  civilization 
as  if  submerged  in  the  depths  of  the 
Atlantic,  in  a  wild  attempt  to  "  abol- 
ish" the  distinctions  of  race,  the  pros- 
perity of  the  other  islands  was  so  great 
that  New  Orleans  far  surpassed  New 
York  as  a  center  of  commerce,  and  it 
was  only  when  Jamaica,  &c.,  were 
completely  ruined  by  the  monstrous 
delusion  of  our  times,  that  it  began  to 


fall  in  the  rear  of  our  great  Atlantic 
cities.  But  all  of  this  life,  this  indus- 
try and  prosperity  of  these  fertile  and 
beautiful  regions  has  disappeared,  leav- 
ing behind  not  a  buried  -civilization, 
like  that  of  Egypt  or  Ninnevah,  but  a 
festering  and  degraded  mass  of  decay- 
ing humanity,  which,  while  quite  as 
useless  to  modern  civilization  as  the 
former,  has  sufficient  poison  in  it  to 
ruin  the  continent. 

Almost  simultaneous  with  the  Ame- 
rican Revolution  of  1776,  a  counter  re- 
volution began  to  neutralize,  and  pos- 
sibly to  overthrow,  the  former.  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  and  their  compatriots, 
declared  all  (white)  men  created  equal, 
and  founded  a  system  on  this  great  na- 
tural and  fundamental  truth  ;  and  when 
the  English  aristocracy  failed  to  beat 
it  down  in  the  field,  they  sought  to  de- 
bauch, undermine  and  destroy  it  by 
forcing  us,  or  inducing  us,  to  include 
the  negro  in  the  system. 

One  hundred   years    ago   there  was 
not  a  "free"  negro   in  America,  and  if 
there  had   been   no  American  Revolu- 
tion, there  would   have  been  no  "anti- 
slavery  cause,"  and  at  this  moment  no 
such  social  monstrosity  as  a  "free" ne- 
gro in  the   New  World.     Mr.  Calhoun 
was  wont   to  charge  the  "  British  an- 
ti-slavery" policy  to  commercial  rivalry 
and  that  having   acquired   their   East 
Indian  possessions,  they    Could    afford 
to  ruin  their  West  India   interests   to 
induce    us  to    "  abolish  slavery,"   and 
then  they  would  monopolize  the  tropi- 
cal production  of  the  world.     But  this 
was  too  low   an  estimate  of  "  British 
philanthropy."   It  was  the  creation  not 
of  time  or  forethought,  but  of  necessi- 
ty,   and   sprung    spontaneously   from 
that  instinct  of  antagonism  always  in- 
herent in  hostile  systems.     There  are 


1865.] 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OF   THE   TROPICS. 


31 


thirty  millions  of  white  people,  twelve 
millions  of  negroes,  and  ten  millions  of 
aborigcnes  in  America,  and  these  am- 
algamated in  the  same  system,  Demo- 
cratic institutions  would  be  rendered 
impracticable,  as  we  already  witness 
in  Mexico,  Central  America,  &c,  and 
the  work  of  Washington  and  Jefferson 
the  most  stupendous  and  disastrous 
failure  ever  witnessed  in  the  annals  of 
mankind. 

The  great  body  of  the  European  peo- 
ple, ignorant  of  the  negro,  and  deem- 
ing him  like  themselves,  save  in  color, 
of  course  supported  their  governments 
in  their  warfare  on  American  institu- 
tions, without  dreaming  of  the  wrong 
done  the  negro,  or  the  still  greater 
wrong  to  the  white  people  of  those 
islands. 

The  French  Government  decreed 
that  the  mnlattoes  of  Ilayti  should 
have  "equal  rights"  with  the  whites, 
and  finally  that  all  whites,  mongrels 
and  negroes,  should  be  degraded  into 
"  impartial  freedom,"  and  as  the  white 
people  preferred  extermination  at  once 
to  a  gradual  rotting  out  of  their 
blood  through  mongrelism,  not  one 
white  man,  woman  or  child  was  left 
in  the  French  part  of  the  island.  The 
mongrels    of    the   coast    still   retain 

CD 

French  traditions,  language,  and  a 
bastard  Christianity,  but  the  negroes 
of  the  interior  are  rapidly  recovering 
their  African  dialects,  snake  worship, 
and  other  fetches,  and  a  lew  years 
hence,  when  the  mongrel  blood  shall 
have  died  out,  they  will  be  as  abso- 
lutely African  as  if  in  the  center  of  that 
continent,  and  as  if  there  had  not  been 
a  white  man  in  their  midst  for  a  thou- 
sand years. 

Meanwhile,  and    indeed    even*    since 
*he    so-called    "abolition  of  slavery," 


that  beautiful  island,  with  its  genial 
climate,  and  its  wonderful  capabilities 
for  human  existence  and  happiness,  is 
as  absolutely  lost  to  the  civilization  of 
our  times  as  if  it  were  sunk  into  the 
Atlantic  ocean.  A  similar  crime  was 
committed  on  the  helpless  people  of 
Jamaica.  The  British  parliament  de- 
creed that  whites  and  negroes  should 
be  forced  to  a  common  condition,  but 
as  the  white  people  had  not  the  cou- 
rage and  high  sense  of  manhood  dis- 
played by  the  French  in  Ilayti,  and 
preferred  to  perish  of  rottenness, 
through  mongrelism,  they  are  now  ra- 
pidly undergoing  that  hideous  process, 
and  a  few  years  hence,  as  in  Ilayti, 
there  will  not  be  a  white  man  left  on 
the  island.  All  the  other  portions  of 
the  great  tropical  center  of  the  conti- 
nent are  going  through  the  same  hi- 
deous and  disgusting  process,  and 
marching  to  the  same  ultimate  end — 
first  "  impartial  freedom,"  then  amal- 
gamation, mongrelism,  sterility,  and 
final  extinction  of  the  white  blood,  and 
of  course  ultimate  collapse,  or  rather 
restoration  of  original  Africanism,  for 
unadulterated  Africanism  is  natural, 
and  therefore  vastly  preferable  to 
mongrelism. 

There  are  two  obstacles,  however, 
in  the  way  of  this  returning  African, 
ism — the  presence  of  European  gov- 
ernments in  each  of  the  islands,  and 
the  importation  of  Chinese  Mongols — 
the  first  holding  the  negro  instinct  in 
check,  and  preserving  the  outward  form 
of  social  order,  and  the  latter  as  an  in- 
dustrial force,  creating  a  limited  pro- 
duction, and  thus  deceiving  the  world 
in  regard  to  the  real  condition.  Bat 
both  of  them  are  fictitious  and  tempo- 
rary, and  must  ere  long  give  way  to 
the  natural  order,  to  either  the  rostora- 


32 


THE    CIVILIZATION    OP   THE   TROPICS. 


[Jan, 


tion  of  the   true   elements  of  tropical 
civilization,    or    complete    Africanism, 
that  is,  to  the  industrial  adaptation  of 
the  negro,  under  the  care  and  guidance 
of  the  Caucasian,  as  in   the  South,    or 
to  African  dialects  and  snake  worship, 
with  its  occasional  spice   of  cannibal- 
ism.    The  negro,  isolated,  is  a  useless, 
non-producing    heathen,    and   can    be 
nothing  else  short  of  a  new  brain  and 
a  new  body  ;  and  if  modern    ••  philan- 
thropy" could  push    aside   the  Creator 
of  the   negro,    and   change   them  into 
those  of  the  white  man,  why  they  could 
make  him  a  "  freeman,"  of  course,  but 
as  the  "  color"  is  a  lesser  consideration, 
they  should  begin  their  recreative  pro- 
cess with  that,  in  justice  to  the  negro. 
As  it  is,  they  destroy  the  white  people 
of  the  tropics,  and,  to  a  certain  extent, 
the  negro,  for  their  numbers  constantly 
diminish  on  the  coast  regions.     But  it 
being  the  natural   center  of  negro  ex- 
istence, he  will  outlive   the  malignant 
and  deadly  "  philanthropy"  of  our  times, 
and  returning  to  his  native  Africanism, 
the  great  tropical  center  of  our  conti- 
nent must  become  the  seat   of  a  huge 
African  heathenism,  and  some  sixty  de- 
grees the  most  genial  and  fertile   por- 


tion of  the  New  World  as  utterly  lost 
to  American  civilization  as  if  swallow- 
ed up  by  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  seas. 
Can  commerce,  can  the  toiling  millions 
of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  the  great 
northern  cities,  consent  to  be  depend- 
ent on  England  and  the  East  Indies  for 
sugar,  coffee,  cotton,  and  other  tropical 
products,  at  enormous  prices,  so  that  a 
huge  African  heathenism  shall  be  pro- 
jected into  the  heart  of  the   continent, 
and  stay  the  march  of  American  Dem- 
ocracy?    And   worse   still,  shall   this 
huge  Africanism,  protected  by  the  mo- 
narchies of  the  Old  World,  pen  up  our 
own   negroes   within   existing  limits, 
and  'some    day    force   the    whites  to 
slaughter  them,  amalgamate  with  them, 
or  abandon  the  whole   gulf  region,  as 
well  as  the  tropics,  to  African  savage- 
ry ?     These  are  problems  of  the  future, 
the  most  tremendous  problems  that  ci- 
vilization has  ever  yet  solved.     In  the 
meantime  we  are   in  the   hands  of  the 
dupes  and  tools  of  Europe,  and  striving 
with  all  our  might  not  to  restore  civi- 
lization to  the   tropics,  but  to  commit 
social  suicide   by   bringing  the  blight 
and  ruin  of  the   tropics   to   the  line  of 
the  Potomac. 


-+&»~ 


VOICES  THAT  ARE  GONE. 


I'm  thinking  often  of  the  time, 
When  "Ben"  and  I,  at  vesper  chime, 
Went  out  to  take  a  boyish  run, 
Where  many  a  childish  tale  was  spun, 
Down  by  the  orchard,  under  trees 
Where  we  had  listened  in  the  breeze, 
To  voices  that  are  gone. 

We  talked  of  flowers  and  story  books, 
And,  listening  to  the  running  brooks, 
We  thought  they  played  again  the  tunes 
We  boys"  had  sung  in  other  Junes, 
When  life  was  very  young — and  we 
At  night  were  always  blest  to  be 
W.th  voices  that  are  gone. 


The  flight  of  many  winters  now, 
Has  left  its  traces  on  my  brow  ; 
But  still  my  heart  doth  often  glide 
Back  through  the  shadows,  to  the  side 
Of  some  old  tree  or  woodland  spot, 
That  stood  beside  my  childhood's  cot— 
Whose  voices  now  are  gone. 

And  all  are  gone — and  I  alone, 
Like  a  lone  pilgrim  on  a  stone, 
Sit  by  the  dusty  way  of  life, 
Aweary  of  its  selfish  strife, 
And  from  the  years  call  up  in  vain, 
What  I  shall  never  hear  again — 
The  voices  that  are  gone. 

C    CUAUNCEY   BURB. 


1865.] 


THE   FEMALE    PARLIAMENT 


33 


THE  FEMALE  PARLIAMENT  OF  ARISTOPHANES. 


A  remarkable  comedy  of  the  Greek 
satirist,  entitled  "  The  Fclesiazusce"  or 
The  Female  Parliament,  is  proof  that 
the  movements  of  strong-minded  wo- 
men are  not  the  inventions  of  modern 
times.  The  awful  lampoon  of  Aristo- 
phanes proves  that  such  things  were 
going  on,  at  least  in  Greece,  as  early 
as  anno  mundi  3528,  or  420  years  be- 
fore the  Christian  era.  The  late  Con- 
vention of  the  strong-minded  women  of 
America,  revived  in  our  memory  the 
comedy  of  Aristophanes,  which  we  had 
not  read  since  or  school-boy  days  5  bu  t 
the  remarkable  coincidence,  in  spirit 
and  social  philosophy,  between  our  fe- 
male conventionists  and  the  parliament 
of  women  of  the  Greek  author,  induced 
us  to  retouch  our  acquaintance  with 
that  celebrated  performance. 

There  is  no  better  way  to  get  an  in- 
side view  of  the  follies  and  vices  of  an 
age  than  to  study  the  works  of  its  great 
comic  writers  and  satirists.     While  it 
is  true  that  their  business  is  to  hunt  up 
the  ridiculous,  and  to  drag  follies  forth 
from  their  hiding  places,  the  success  of 
their  writings  must  always  depend  up- 
on the  truth  of  their  delineations.    This 
is  the  office  of  comedy,  to  take  off  the 
mask,  and  hold  the  mirror  directly  to 
our   face,   in   order   that   we  may   be 
ashamed  of  our  follies,  and  be  induced 
to  correct   our   habits.     If  we    would 
learn  the  manners  of  a  people,  we  must 
study,  not  the   sermons  of  their   great 
preachers,    but   the    writings    of  their 
great   satirists.     If  we   desire    an  ac- 
quaintance   with    the    social    life    and 
manners  of  the  Romans,  we  should  seek 


it  in  the  writings  of  Plautus,  Horace, 
Juvenal  and  Persius,  even  more  than 
in  the  works  of  their  greater  orators 
and  moralists,  as  Cicero,  Cato,  Quinti- 
lian  and  Seneca.  If  we  would  get  be- 
hind the  scenes  in  the  social  character 
of  the  Greeks,  we  must  resort  not  to 
the  epics  of  Hesiod  and  Rhodius,  nor 
to  the  orations  of  Isocrates  and  Peri- 
cles, but  to  the  satires  of  Lucian  and 
the  comedies  of  Aristophanes.  The 
latter  author,  especially,  has  left  us 
pictures  of  the  life  and  manners  of  his 
time,  which  hang  like  faithful  old  por- 
traits on  the  walls  of  the  past.  Many 
of  these  pictures,  in  coming  down  to  a 
new  world,  are  not  recognized  by  us  as 
bearing  any  resemblance  to  the  living. 
But  this  one,  of  the  strong-minded  wo- 
men, we  do  recognize  at  once,  as  bear- 
ing the  strongest  likeness  to  what  we 
see  passing  again  in  our  day. 

The  scene  of  the  comedy  of  "  The  Fe- 
male Parliament  is  laid  in  Athens.  The 
plot  is   simple.     The  women  steal  the 
clothes  of  their  husbands,  and  resort  to 
the  assembly   of  the   people,  in  which 
every  citizen  of  Athens   had  an  equal 
voice  ;  and  obtaining  a  majority  in  this 
clandestine  manner,  they  decree  a  new 
constitution,  in  which  there  is  to  be  a 
community  of  goods  and  women.     This 
was  easily  done.     The  government  was 
a  pure  democracy,  in  which  every  citi- 
zen was    his    own   representative,  and 
voted  directly  on  all  questions  of  State. 
As  the   assembly  met   at   the   hour   of 
dawn,  and  as  the  men  were  delayed  at 
home    hunting    for    the    clothes    which 
their  wives  had    put    on    and    worn  oil", 


OF  ARISTOPHANES. 


[Jan., 


the  legal  assembly  was  entirely  in  their 
own  hands.  The  action  of  the  comedy 
begins  with  the  second  scene,  in  which 
the  women  relate  to  the  lady  president, 
Praxagora,  their  various  adventures  in 
netting  off  with  their  husbands'  cloth- 
ing. Then  the  presidentess  examines 
aer  pupils,  to  see  if  they  are  all  up  in 
the  part  they  are  to  play  in  the  grand 
assembly : 

Peaxagoea — Ladies,  since  those  convened  are 
duly  met, 

I  Pr:!y  ve  a^'  he  seated.     Say,  has  each 

Done  what  was  at  Minerva's  least  command- 
ed ? 

First  Woman  (raising  her  arm)—  That  sooth 
have  I ;  look  at  my  arms,  no  lack 

Of  hair  you  see  ;  moreover,    when   my  hus- 
band 

To  market  hied  him,  then  rubbed  with  oil, 

From  head  to  foot,  I  sunned  me  through  the 
day.* 

Fifth  Woman — So  too  have  I ;  no  more  the 
razor's  edge 

My  skin  shall  touch  ;  I've   thrown  it  out  of 
window, 

And  soon  shall  rival  e'en   the  men  in  rough- 
ness. 

Peaxagoea — Your  heards  too,    have  ye  them, 
as  was  commanded  ? 

Foueth  Woman  (holding  one  up) — Lo  mine ! 
by  Hecate,  'tis  a  bushy  one. 

Sixth  Woman — Lo !  here's  a  club  ;  I  stole  it 
as  he  slept, 

From  Lamis. 

Peaxagoea — A  good'y  club,  by  Hecate ! 

To  wield  it  long  would  make  one  puff  again. 

Sixth  Woman — And  largo  enough,  by  Jove, 
to  have  a  code 

Of  laws  engraved  upon  its  ample  sides. 

Peaxagoea — A  truce  of  jests  ;  decide  we,  ere 
the  stars 

Fade  into  morning,  what  more's  to  be  done, 

Since  earliest  dawn  will  see  the   assembly 
meet. 

Fiest  Woman — Behoves  us  make  good  speed 
then,  and  secure 

Our  seats,  over  against  the  stone  tribunal,  f 

Seventh  Woman— See  !  like  a  thrifty    wife, 
I've  brought  my  wool, 

And   while  the  people  gather,  will  ply  my 
task. 

*  It  was  the  custom  of  the  men  to  anoint 
'.the  whole  body  with   oil,  and   dry  it  in  the 
sun  ;  and  of  the  women  to  shave  themselves 
All  over. 

f  The  place   where  the   orators  addressed 
ihe,people. 


Peaxagoea— Art  mad?  What!  in  the  Assem- 
bly? 
Seventh  Woman — Ay  ;  dost  think 
I  cannot  work  and  listen  too  ?     How  else, 
By  Dian,  are  my  children  to  get  clothing? 

Peaxagoea — Now  hear  her,  how  she  talks  of 

picking  woo), 
She  whom  befits  to  hide  her  form  and  sex ! 
A  line  exposure  would  it  be  for  us, 
If  you  should  come  into  the  fall  assembly, 
And  striding  o'er  the  seats,    should   make   a 

trip, 
The  falling  headlong  show  you  are  a  wnmnn  I 
For  fear  of  such  a  mishap  we'll  sit  in  front, 
There,  muffled  up,  we  may  defy  detection  ; 
For  seated  thus,  with  beard  on  chin,  who'll 

dare 
Doubt  each  of  us  is  every  inch  a  man  ? 

The  scene  closes  with  the  practice  oi 
each  of  the  women  in  the  part  she  is  to 
take  in  the  great  assembly.  Praxago- 
ra drills  and  scolds  them  by  turn,  for 
they  make  all  manner  of  blunders  and 
queer  mistakes,  which  would  not  quite 
bear  repeating  on  the  modern  stage. 
They  imitate  the  coarse  manners  and 
rude  talk  of  the  men,  in  order  to  lit 
themselves  for  the  labors  they  are  aboul 
to  assume  in  guiding  the  affairs  oi 
State. 

The  second  act  of  the  comedy  opena 
with  a  view  of  the  men  dressed  in  their 
wives'  apparel.  One,  Bellphyrus,  cornea 
forth  clad  in  his  wife's  petticoat,  of  saf- 
fron die,  with  her  Persian  slippers  on 
his  feet.  Each  narrates  his  astonish- 
ment at  the  absence  of  his  wife,  and 
each  tries  to  console  his  neighbor  with 
the  reflection  that  things  may  not  be 
so  bad  with  the  women  as  appearances 
would  indicate.  In  the  midst  of  this 
scene  of  domestic  query  and  misery, 
Cherves  comes  from  the  assembly,  and 
narrates  all  that  had  passed  there.  A 
crowd  of  citizens  had  declared  that  the 
only  safety  was  for  the  women  to  take 
the  reins  of  State.  The  sturdy  burghers 
shouted  aloud  their  disapprobation,  but 
the  new  crowd  of  citizens  shouted  loud- 
er for  the  new   plan,  and   actually  car 


18G5.] 


OF  ARISTOPHANES. 


35 


ried  everything  before  them.  The  as- 
sembly flattered  the  women  with  the 
most  extravagant  praise,  and  covered 
the  men  with  the  most  foul  abuse.  The 
poor  men  were  denounced  as  villains, 
thieves,  and  tyrants.  To  read  this  act, 
one  would  think  that  this  old  Greek 
comedy  had  furnished  both  the  ideas 
and  the  language  of  the  late  conven- 
tion of  strong-minded  women  in  New 
York.  It  is  amusing  to  see  how  the 
coarse  ribaldry  repeats  itself  here,  in 
our  country,  after  a  lapse  of  more  than 
two  thousand  and  four  hundred  years. 
Do  we  call  this  strong-minded  move- 
ment a  modern  thing  ?  Is  it  progress? 
Its  step  is  backward,  towards  the  most 
profane  and  licentious  era  of  Grecian 
history. 

After  the  women  have,  in  the  dis- 
guise of  men,  voted  all  power  into  their 
hands,  they  hasten  home  to  re-attire 
themselves  in  their  own  garments.  The 
following  is  a  specimen  of  the  fashion 
in  which  these  strong-minded  Greek 
dames  met  their  circumvented  hus- 
bands : 

Blkphyrus — Whence  come  you,  wife  of  mine? 

Praxagora — Imports  it  to  thee 
To  know  ? 

Blephyrus — Imports  me?     A  pretty  ques- 
tion! 

Praxagora — Mayhap  you  think  I  come  from 
a  gallant? 

Blephyrus — From  ten  belike,  not  one. 
Praxagora — Well,  man,  'tis  easy 
To  resolve  the  doubt. 

Blephyrus — How,  pray  thee  ? 
Praxagora — Smells  my  hair 
Of  perfume  ? 

Blephyrus— What  of  that?     Would'st   thou 

persuade  me 
A  woman  ne'er   intrigues,    save   when  she's 

perfumed  ? 

Praxagora — Such  is  the  rulo  with  mo. 

Blephyrus — But  to  the  point ; 

Wherefore  did'st   thou   steal  away   at   early 

dawn, 
And  steal  my  cloak  ? 

As  the   scene   progresses,   the  wife 


tells  her  husband  at  least  twenty  lies 
to  account  for  her  strange  absence,  all 
of  which  must  be  very  suggestive,  and 
very  comforting  reading  for  a  man  who 
is  so  fortunate  as  to  have  a  strong- 
minded  convention  woman  for  a  wife. 
But  the  leader  of  the  Grecian  strong- 
minded  proceeds  to  lay  down  the  re- 
forms the  women  were  about  to  intro- 
duce, which  the  reader  will  perceive 
bear  a  remarkable  likeness  to  the 
crochets  of  the  reformers  of  our  day  : 

Praxagora — And  justice  doth  proclaim 
That  ail  things  be  in  common,  and  our  style 
of  life  the  same. 

Blephyrus — How,  pray  thee  ? 

Praxagora — Stop  your  mouth  with  dung. 

Blephyrus — Shall  that,  I  beseech,  be  com- 
mon too  ? 

Praxagora — No,  fool ;  but  peace,  nor  inter- 
rupt my  speech. 

Fist,  then,  of  all  the  property  which  every 
man  has  got, 

Together  when  collected,  I  would  make  one 
common  lot ; 

From  that  fund  we  the  women  will,  like  pro- 
vident trustees, 

Appoint  out  to  each  enough  for  comfort  and 
for  ease. 

Blephyrus — But  what,  I  pray,  wilt  do  with 
those  who  though  no  land  they  hold, 

Keep  treasured  up  a  secret  store  of  silver  and 
of  gold? 

Praxagora — To  render  in  a  true  account,  on 
oath,  shall  they  be  made  ; 

The  penalty,  if  perjured  found — 

Blephyrus — Pshaw !  perjury  is  their  trade, 

From  this  grew  all  their  riches  ;  then  sup- 
pose you  they'd  be  loath 

Again,  if  need  require,  to  take  a  solemn  and 
false  oath  ? 

The  dialogue  goes  on  to  give  all  the 
arguments  of  the  Foueristic  philosophy 
adopted  by  our  modern  strong-minded 
women  and  reformers,  and  in  language 
more  argumencative  and  plausible  than 
any  we  find  in  our  latter-day  conven- 
tions- 
Next  we  shall  find  Aristophanes  de- 
tailing the  peculiar  matrimonial,  or  free- 
love  philosophy  of  our  own  convou- 
tionists  : 

Blephyrus — But  we'll  a  upposo  some  cr  arm- 
ing lass  a  man  should  chance  espy, 


36 


THE   FEMALE   PARLIAMENT 


[Jan., 


Will  the  general  purse  supply  a  sum  with 
which  her  smiles  to  buy  V 

Praxagora — No  need  to  buy,  since  gratis  he 

may  take  her  to  his  arms  ; 
My  law  enacts  that  women  lend  to  all  alike 

their  charms. 

Blephyrus — But  if  all  upon  the  prettiest  lass 
their  choice  should  fix,  who  knows 

That  this  will  not  give  ample  scope  for  fifty 
cuffs  and  blows  ? 

Paxagora — 'Gainst  this  contingency,  as  is  fit, 

the  law  doth  this  provide, 
The  handsome  and  the  ugly  shall  be  seated 

side  by  side  ; 
Whoe'er  then  to  the  pretty  lass  would  fain 

pay  his  addresses, 
Must  first  on  the  ill-favored  one  bestow  some 

kind  caresses. 

Blephyrus — By  Jove !  a  law-giver  profound, 

and  fit  to  rule  the  State  ; 
Full  well   have  you  provided  that  no  maid 

shall  lack  a  mate  ; 
Now  kindly  for  us  men  contrive  some  saving 

clause,  I  pray, 
Since  women  always  fly  the  old  and  seek  the 

young  and  gay. 

Prax agora — I  will,  for  if  a  frisky  lass  a  woo- 
ing wish  to  go, 

She  on  the  old  and  ugly  first  her  kisses  must 
bestow. 

The   picture  Aristophanes   gives  of 
the  strong-minded  women  of  his   time 
is  as  little  nattering  to  their  beauty  as 
to  their  morals.   They  were  a  lost  class ; 
discontented  at  home,  corrupt  and  dis- 
agreeable abroad.     If  they  were  not  a 
wretched  style  of  beings,  his  represen- 
tation of  them  could   never   have  been 
tolerated   by  the    public    opinion    of 
Athens.   To  have  held  up  well-behaved 
and  virtuous  women  to  such  merciless 
contempt  could  never  have  been  allow- 
ed, even  on  the  Greek  stage,  where  the 
greatest  license  was   permitted.     The 
fifth   act  opens   with   a   scene   in  the 
street   of  Athens.     At   a   window  ap- 
pears a  fat  old  woman  in  flame-colored 
taffeta,  smeare*l  with  paints,  and  bent 
on  conquest.     She  sings  : 

First  Old  Woman   (affettuosameuta)— -Ah ! 

wherefore  from  the  banquet  gay 
Winds  no  reveller  this  way  ? 
Decked  in  saffron  robe  I've  stood, 
Half  the  day  in  loving  mood, 
Of  love-songs  singing  snatches  ; 


My  charms  half  revealed, 
And  by  paint  and  by  patches 

My  wrinkles  concealed. 
Now,  muse,  my  cause  befriending, 
Deign,  on  my  lips  descending, 
Thence  to  draw  forth  notes  that  may 
Rival  soft  Ionia's  lay. 

Nothing  can  be  more  disgusting  than 
the  picture  here  drawn  of  such  a  horrid 
old  beldame  straining  after  the  lays  of 
Iona.  The  Ionians  were  the  most  vo- 
luptuous people  in  the  world.  They 
are  referred  to  by  Horace  in  these 
words  :  Motus  doceri  gaudet  Ionicos. 
Their  music,  their  dances,  and  their  po- 
etry, were  formed  into  peculiar  soft- 
ness and  delicacy.  Even  their  laugh- 
ter had  something  so  voluptuous,  that 
Ionikos  gelos  became  a  proverb.  Aris- 
tophanes' fat  old  strong-minded,  there- 
fore, attempted  to  put  on  the  most  lan» 
guishing,  captivating,  and  voluptuous 
airs  of  which  human  beauty  is  capable. 
It  must  have  been  a  sight  to  make  the 
impassable  gods  laugh.  One  would 
think  that  the  poet  had  here  spent  his 
wrath  upon  the  victims  of  his  satire, 
but  he  has  not.  Again  he  opens  the 
mouth  of  the  wrinkled  old  jade,  and 
makes  her  attempt  to  sing'  to  a  hand- 
some young  flute-player  who  is  passing 
by: 

Whoe'er  desires  with  eager  lip 
Of  pleasure's  honied  cup  to  sip, 

O,  let  him  seek  these  arms ! 
The  unexperienced  maiden's  heart 
No  fervor  feels,  none  can  impar.t, 

Nor  knows  of  love  the  charms ! 
Whoso  blest  would  wish  to  be, 
Let  him  then  resort  to  me. 

The  old  fright  is  next  shown  off  in  a 
contention  with  a  young  woman  who 
takes  it  upon  herself  to  be  merry  at 
these  antique  tricks  of  love  : 

Old  Woman — What  signifies  maj1-  age  ? 

Young  Woman — Not  a  jot,  but  from  thy  paint 
And  cosmetics  such  an  odor  comes  as 
Almost  makes  me  faint. 

Old  Woman — Why  bandy  words  with  me  ? 


1865.] 


OF   ARISTOPHANES. 


3t 


Young  Woman — Why  out  of  the  window  ga  e 

all  day  ? 
Oi;D  Woman — Epigenes,  my  darling,  I  expect 

to  pass  this  way, 
Him  in  song  I  would  fain  address.   He  comes. 

Young  Woman — But  not  in  quest,  I  hope  and 
trust,  of  such  a  wrinkled  fright. 

Old  Woman — Baggage!  soon  shalt  thou  see. 

A  young-  man,  covered  with  flowers, 
stops  under  the  young  woman's  win- 
dow, and  sings  : 

Young  Man — Luscious  nectar  to  sip, 

From  the  roseate  Jip 

0:  this  maiden,  how  great  the  delight ! 

But  if  I  must  iirst 

Kiss  this  beldame  accursed, 

The  penance  will  kill  m e  outright ! 

Old  Woman  (peeping  from  the  window) — Re- 
pent it  I  swear 

Yon  shall,  if  you  dare, 
To  kiss  the  young  damsel  make  free  ; 

'Tis  vain  to  defy 

The  law,  so  comply, 

And  first  come  here  and  kiss  me. 

Young  Man — Against  my  will,    none  shall,  I 
vow,  exact  a  kiss  from  me. 

Old  Woman — If  milder  measures  fail,  I  have 
that  which  shall  compel  thee. 

Young  Man — Then  what  it  is,  without  delay, 
good  granny  piease  to  tell  me. 

Old  Woman — Nothing  less  than   law,  which 
will  force  thee  to  heed  me.  * 

Young  Man — The  document  read. 

Old  Woman  (pulls  out  a  scroll  and  reads> — 

To  the  ladies  of  Athens,  wno  rule   o'er  the 

State, 
In  their  wisdom  this  law  has  seemed  good  to 

make  : 
"  If  a  fond,  loving  youth,  by  chance  cast  his 

eye 
On  a  damsel  of  beauty,  as  she  passes  by, 
Ere  las  wishes  are  granted,  behoves   it   that 

he 
The  mate  of  some  loving  old  woman  shall  be; 
But  if  to  the  damsel  to  cleave  he  shaii  choose, 
Ami  the  old  dame's   affection   contemptuous 

refuse, 
Each  and  every  old  woman  we  hereby  em- 
power 
The  offender  to   drag,    e'en  from   this   very 

hour, 
By  whate'er  she  thinks  fit,  be  it  arm,  leg,    or 

hair, 
Untd  ho  consent  his  offence  to  repair." 

The  old  woman  seizes  him.  He  man- 
fully struggles    for    the   possession  o 

*  Such,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  law 
passed  by  the  slruiig-miudtd  in  tho.  r  parlia- 
ment. 


his  own  lips,  against  the  inexorable, 
the  merciless  law  of  the  strong- mind- 
ed woman  of  the  parliament.  At  last 
he  appeals  to  the  essoine.  The  essoine 
is  an  excuse  in  law  for  a  party  who  is 
summoned  to  answer  to  an  action,  but 
is  unable  to  obey.  The  old  woman  in- 
forms him  that  no  man  can,  by  the 
late  laws,  interfere  in  anything  except 
a  peck  of  corn.  By  the  laws  of  Athens 
no  woman  could  deal  with  any  person 
for  more  than  the  value  of  a  peck  of 
corn.  The  women  had  turned  the  ta- 
bles upon  the  men,  and  applied  the 
law  to  them,  in  the  Comedy  of  the  Fe- 
male Parliament.  The  reader  is  anx- 
ious to  know  what  became  of  the  young 
man.  AVe  shudder  to  relate.  Two 
more  old  women,  each  more  hideous 
than  the  first,  rush  in  to  claim  him. 
The  struggle  is  frightful.  They  will 
tear  him  limb  from  limb  !  And,  horri- 
ble to  relate,  the  comedy  finally  closes 
leaving  the  fate  of  the  poor  wretch 
shrouded  in  impenetrable  mystery, 

AVe  rise  from  the  task  of  translating: 
these  things  with  a  mind  cut  through 
and  through  with  horror,  at  the  bare 
mention  of  strong-minded  women.  If 
any  women  in  Athens  acknowledged 
themselves  to  be  of  such  a  class  after 
the  performance  of  Aristophanes'  Fe- 
male Parliament,  they  must  have  been 
demons  in  disguise.  Such  pictures  of 
fro  ward  ignorance  and  disgusting  vice, 
never  were  drawn  by  mortal  genius  be- 
fore. The  very  nostrils  ache  with  the 
moral  stench  of  such  unnatural  beings. 
Angels  of  light  turned  into  such  fright- 
ful monsters  of  deformity  !  Woman, 
the  fairest,  the  sweetest,  the  loveliest 
creation  of  heaven,  hurled  down  into 
an  abyss  of  fiends  1  It  is  a  wonder 
that  such  distortions  of  nature  should 
in  our  time  he  called  strong-uunded  wo* 


38 


THE   FEMALE   PARLIAMENT 


[Jan., 


men !  Who  could  have  given  them 
such  a  name?  Foul-minded  were  a 
better  term.  Shallow-minded,  at  any 
rate.  The  poor  things  have  scraped 
the  follies  and  vices  of  all  ages  toge- 
ther, and  call  them  "Reforms!"  Not 
one  of  their  philanthropical  vagaries 
that  cannot  be  duplicated  out  of  the 
moral  sinks  of  past  generations.  Re- 
forms !  Malforms!  What  a  sight  did 
we  behold  here  in  New  York  at  the 
late  convention  ?  Women,  with  white 
husbands,  raving  about  negroes  by  the 
hour  at  a  time  !  Screaming  for  more 
war,  and  snuffing  blood  like  tigers  ! 
A  convention  of  hyenas,  yelling  over 
the  graves  of  the  dead.  God  forbid 
that  we  should  call  them  women! 
They  are  frightful  gorgons.  They  are 
another  Medusa,  who  was  once  a  beau- 
tiful woman,  with  fair  hair,  but  having 
lost  her  womanly  purity  and  delicacy, 
her  hair  was  turned  into  snakes,  which 
caused  all  who  looked  upon  her  to  be 
turned  into  stone.  How  typical  this 
of  the  hardening  influence  of  the  so- 
ciety of  our  female  conventionists  upon 
the  tender  and  charming  character  of 
woman  !  It  is  but  a  few  months  since 
the  city  of  New  York  saw  a  sight 
which  was  never  matched  by  ancient 
or  modem  times.    A  grand  deputation 


of  white  women,  the  wives  of  New 
York  merchants,  publicly  presented  a 
company  of  negroes  a  banner,  as  a 
"  token  of  their  love  and  honor  !"  The 
ancients  attempted  to  satirize  such  fe- 
male monstrocity  by  the  fable  of  Pasi- 
phce,  the  daughter  of  Sol,  who  was  in 
love  with  a  bull,  and  who  brought  into 
the  world  the  Minotaur,  a  horrible  de- 
formity ol  half  man  and  half  bull.  An 
awful  warning  to  such  merchants  as 
encourage  their  wives  in  the  unwo- 
manly business  of  presenting  negroes 
with  tokens  of  their  love  and  honor  I 
What  man,  who  properly  appreciates 
female  delicacy  and  propriety  of  man- 
ners, will  suffer  his  wife  or  daughter 
to  associate  with  women  who  could  so 
far  forget  the  sweetest  instincts  of  wo- 
manly taste  and  dignity?  We  turn 
away  with  loathing  from  their  prosti- 
tuted minds.  From  their  very  forms 
the  imagination  shrinks,  as  from  so 
many  lumps  of  dishonored  clay — pieces 
of  corruption,  fitter  for  the  charnel- 
house  than  the  bosom  of  affection  !  0, 
that  Aristophanes  were  not  dead  ! 
That  he  were  still  alive  to  lash,  with 
the  whip  of  satire  and  scorn,  the  mon- 
strous delusions,  the  abominations  of 
this  degenerate  hour  I 


-~+- 


ALONE  WITH  THEE. 


Last  night  I  sat  alone  with  thee  ; 

Thy  gentle  eyes  and  mine  were  met— 
Thy  words  were  all  of  life  to  me — 

If  thou  art  gone  life's  sun  is  set. 

Upon  my  own  thy  hand  was  laid  ; 

My  name  in  murmurs  soft  was  spoken ; 
"iiut  ah,"  my  heart  with  sighing  said, 

*  How  vain  to  join  tiie  chain  that's  broken. n 


1865.] 


THE   DUKE   DE   LA   ROCHEFOUCAULT's    MAXIMS    ON    LOVE. 


39 


THE  DUKE  DE  LA  ROCHEFOUCAULT'S  MAXIMS  ON  LOVE. 


The  Moral  Maxims  of  Francis  the 
Sixth,  Duke  de  la  Rochefoucault,  have 
enjoyed  a  high  degree  of  popularity 
among  men  of  letters,  not  only  in 
France,  but  throughout  the  civilized 
world,  for  more  than  a  hundred  and 
eighty  years.  The  author  was  one  of 
the  brightest  ornaments  of  the  French 
Court  of  his  time.  He  was  more  than 
the  ornament  of  a  court,  he  was  a 
teacher  of  mankind  ;  and  finally  closed 
his  life  at  Paris  in  1GS0,  aged  sixty- 
three,  as  ripe  in  the  affection  and  res- 
pect of  his  countrymen  as  in  years. 
The  accomplished  Marchioness  de  Se- 
vigne,  speaking  of  his  last  illness,  says: 
"Nor  has  he  passed  his  life  in  making 
reflections  and  maxims  to  no  purpose  ; 
he  has  thereby  rendered  death  so  fa- 
miliar to  him,  that  the  aspect  is  neither 
new  nor  shocking-"  His  book  formed 
a  new  era  in  French  literature.  The 
severest  of  all  critics,  M.  de  Voltaire, 
says  :  "  It  accustomed  our  authors  to 
think,  and  to  comprise  their  thoughts 
in  a  lively,  correct,  and  delicate  turn 
of  phrase,  which  was  a  merit  unknown 
to  any  European  writer  before  him, 
since  the  revival  of  letters.  His  me- 
moirs are  still  read,  and  his  maxims 
are  known  by  heart."  Lord  Chester- 
field's letters  give,  on  almost  every 
page,  evidences  of  a  profound  acquain- 
tance with  the  writings  of  this  distin- 
guished Frenchman.  In  letter  210, 
his  lordship  says  :  "  Would  you  know 
man  independently  of  modes,  read  La 
Rochefoucault,  who,  lam  afraid,  paints 
him  very  exactly."  Again,  in  letter 
225,  he  says  :  "'Till  you  come  to  know 


mankind  by  your  own  experience,  I 
know  nothing,  nor  no  man,  that  can, 
in  the  meantime,  bring  you  so  well  ac- 
quainted with  them  as  Le  Due  de  la 
Rochefoucault.  His  little  book  of  max* 
ims,  which  I  would  advise  you  to  look 
into  for  a  few  minutes  at  least  every 
day  of  your  life,  is,  I  fear,  too  like  and 
too  exact  a  picture  of  human  nature." 

Kocliefoucault's  Book  of  Maxims  co. 
vers  the  whole  field  of  society  and  mo- 
rals, embracing  reflections  on  not  less 
than  eighty-six  subjects.  But  our  pre- 
sent purpose  is  to  quote  only  from  his 
maxims  on  love,  which  appear  to  us  to 
contain  about  all  the  best  thoughts,  on 
that  subject,  which  have  been  written 
in  any  language  since  his  day  : 

maxim  230. 

"No  disguise  can  long  conceal  love  where 
it  really  is,  nor  feign  it  where  it  is  not.'' 

The  eyes,  especially,  are  great  tell- 
tales in  love,  and  betray  the  secret 
even  when  least  they  wish  to  do  so. 
Lord  Byron  has,  somewhere,  the  same 
thought.  He  lets  the  secret  out 
"  through  the  vainly-guarded  eye." 
Thus  the  very  arts  and  little  tricks 
which  lovers  employ  to  hide  their  pas- 
sion from  all  but  themselves  are  almost 
sure  to  reveal  it  to  all  the  world.  The 
novice  lover,  who  thinks  himself  clad 
in  impenetrable  armor  against  the  in- 
quisitive gaze  of  his  friends  and  asso- 
ciates, is  quite  sure  to  be  laughed  at 
by  all  of  them,  even  when  he  thinks 
himself  most  secure. 

But  it  is  by  no  menus  so  difficult  to 
fciyn  lovs  as  it  is  to  conceal  it  ;   espo 


40 


THE    DUKE   DE    ROCHEFOUCAULx's 


[Jan., 


cially  with  the  young  and  inexperi- 
enced. To  genuine,  honest  love  there 
is  a  timidity,  an  almost  tremulous  de- 
licacy, which  does  not  belong  to  its 
counterfeit,  which  those  who  are  expe- 
rienced in  the  world  easily  compre- 
hend ;  but  alas,  it  is  not  so  apparent 
to  the  inexperienced  and  trusting  maid- 
en, whose  own  sincerity  too  often 
causes  her  to  be  deceived  by  false  pro- 
fessions— by  acted  love. 

MAXIM   231. 

"  Since  it  is  no  more  in  our  power  to  love 
than  it  is  to  avoid  it,  a  lover  has  no  right  to 
complain  of  his  sweetheart's  inconstancy, 
nor  she  of  her  lover's." 

This  passage  is  possibly  more  philoso- 
phical than  practical ;  for,  however  in- 
voluntary love  may  be,  the  smart  at 
desertion  is  none  the  less  keen  and  tor- 
menting. The  forsaken  lover  rarely 
finds  consolation  in  the  thought  that  the 
false  one  "  couldn't  help  it."  However 
true  it  may  be,  it  is  still  a  point  of  phi- 
losophy that  lies  a  good  ways  beyond 
the  reach  of  an  ardent  lover. 

MAXIM  232. 

*'  It  is  hard  to  define  love.  We  may  say  of 
it,  however,  that  in  the  soul  it  is  a  desire  to 
reign  ;  in  the  mind  a  sympathy  ;  in  the  body 
a  secret  inclination  to  enjoyment  after  diffi- 
culties." 

This  confused  and  unintelligible  de- 
finition of  love  would  be  a  disgrace  to 
its  noble  author  if  anybody  else  had 
ever  succeeded  in  giving  an  intelligi- 
ble one.  Shelley,  in  attempting  to  ex- 
plain it,  gives  up  in  disgust,  and  ex- 
claims :  "  What  is  love  ?  Ask  him 
who  lives,  what  is  life  ?  Ask  him  who 
adores,  what  is  God?"  In  attempting 
to  define  love,  Hobbes  gropes  in  this 
manner  :  "  It  is  the  love  of  one  singu- 
larity, with  desire  to  be  singularly 
loved."     That  is  worse  than  Kocheibu- 


cault's  definition.  Victor  Hugo's  defi- 
nition is  enigmatical,  but  beautiful: 
"  To  love  is  to  be  two,  and  be  but  one  ; 
the  man  and  woman  are  but  one  :  it  is 
heaven."  The  dreamy  Arsene  Hous- 
saye  has  a  very  easy  definition  :  "  It 
is  the  dew  that  descends  from  heaven 
into  our  hearts."  Certainly  a  very  pi- 
ous definition  of  a  passion  which  lias 
wrought  more  mischief  and  unhappi- 
ness  than  all  other  things  beside.  But 
then,  on  the  other  hand,  we  must  p  ss 
to  its  credit  that  it  has  also  adminis- 
tered more  bliss  and  comfort  to  the 
human  heart  than  all  other  sources  of 
human  good.  But  let  us  give  up  at- 
tempting to  explain  it. 

maxim  233. 

"Love,  in  some  of  its  affects,  looks  more 
like  hatred  than  kindness.'* 

Lucretius,  who  wrote  a  hundred  years 
before  the  Christian  era,  has  this 
thought : 

Quod  petiere  premunt  arde,  ftehmtque  dolorem, 
Corporis,  et  dentes  iliidunt  scepe  labtllU: 

"What  they  desire,  they  hurt ;  and  'midst  tha 

bliss, 
Raise  pain,  when  often  with  a  furious  kiss 
They  wound  the  balmy  lip. 

But  we  suppose  that  this  cruelty, 
this  disposition  to  tease  and  torment  a 
lover,  which  sometimes  shows  itself, 
is  to  be  charged,  not  so  much  to  love 
itself  as  to  the  natural  disposition  of 
the  party  exercising  it ;  or  it  may 
sometimes  spring  from  a  lingering 
jealousy,  and  is  used  as  a  sort  of  test 
of  the  strength  of  a  sweetheart's  love. 
These  tormenting  experiments,  how- 
ever, are  dangerous.  Love  is  a  tender 
plant,  not  to  be  safely  trodden  upon. 

maxim  236. 
"Love,  like  fire,  subsists  by  continual  mo- 
tion ;  when  it  ceases  to  hupa  or  ie&r,  it  ceases 
to  exist." 


1865.] 


MAXIMS    ON    LOVE. 


41 


MAXIM   237. 

"  Love  lends  its  name  to  many  a  corres- 
pondence, in  which  he  is  as  little  concerned 
as  the  Doge  in  what  passes  in  Venice." 

maxim  338. 
"The  more  you  love  your  sweetheart,  the 
easier  it  is  to  hate  her." 

We  get  the  moaning  of  this  paradox- 
ical maxim  by  reversing  it,  and  say- 
ing :  the  more  indifferent  we  are  to  an 
object,  the  lean  likely  are  we  to  become  of- 
fended with  it.  Indifference  is  an  ef- 
fectual shield  against  jealousy. 

maxim  339. 

"  To  love  is  the  least  error  in  a  woman  who 
has  abandoned  herself  to  love." 

Cicero  has  the  same  thought  in  ano- 
ther form  :  "  Viros  ad  unum  qucdque 
maleficium  singulce  cupidates  impellunt; 
mulieres  aulem  ad  omina  maleficia  cupi- 
ditas  una  ducitP  "  Single  vices  make 
men  commit  single  crimes  ;  but  one 
vice  makes  woman  guilty  of  all."  The 
reason  may  be  that  woman,  when  she 
does  slip,  has  farther  to  fall  than  man. 
And  when  once  fallen,  society  inexora- 
bly casts  her  out,  as  lost  forever.  She 
is  left  without  the  saving  inspiration 
of  hope,  or  any  encouraging  motive  for 
sol  {-recovery.  That  is  more  the  fault 
of  society  than  of  woman's  nature. 
Leave  a  fallen  man  without  motive  or 
hope  of  recovery,  and  where  does  he  go 
to?  Out  of  sight  into  the  depths  of 
vice. 

maxim  240. 

"There  are  those  who  had  never  been  in 
love,  had  they  never  talked  of  it." 

MAXIM   211. 

"  The  pleasure  of  love  is  in  loving  ;  we  aro 
happier  in  the  passion  wo  feel  than  in  that 
we  excite." 

MAXIM   242. 

"  T  )  fall  in  lovo  is  much  easier  than  to  get 
out  of  it." 


maxim  243. 

"  Novelty  to  love,  like  bloom  to  fruit,  gives 
a  lustre  which  is  easi'y  effaced  ;  but  it  never 
returns. " 

maxim  241. 

"  Those  whom  we  have  once  csased  to  love, 
can  never  be  the  objects  of  our  love  a  second 
time." 

August  Guyard  expresses  a  similar 
thought  thus  :  "  An  old  love  may  be 
revived — a  worn-out  love  never."  What 
a  fearful  thought  to  those  who  truly 
love,  that  the  sweetest  affection  may 
be  easily  killed,  but  brought  to  life, 
never  1 

MAXIM  245. 
"  We  forgive  just  as  long  as  we  love. 

maxim  246. 
"  In  love  we  often  doubt  what  we  must  be- 
lieve." 

maxim  247. 

"  The  man  who  fancies  that  he  loves  his 
sweetheart  for  her  own  sake,  is  much  mista- 
ken." 

Most  people  will  instinctively  dis- 
sent from  this  maxim.  Its  fault  springs 
from  the  philosophy  of  Kochefoucault, 
which  is,  that  all  human  actions  spring 
from  self-love.  That  this  is  the  main- 
spring of  human  action  may  be  conced- 
ed, without  necessarily  involving  the 
purely  affectional  nature  of  man  in  the 
selfish  principle. 

maxim  248. 

"Young  women  who  would  not  be  coquets, 
and  old  men  who  would  not  be  ridiculous, 
should  never  speak  of  love  as  in  any  way 
concerning  themselves." 

People  of  refinement  and  taste  are 
little  given  to  talk  about  their  own  love 
affairs,  at  any  time,  whether  old  or 
young. 

maxim  210. 

"Nothing  is  moro  natural  and  more  falla- 
cious than  to  persuade  ourselves  that  wo  are 
beloved. 


42 


THE  DUKE    DE   ROCHEFOUCAULTTS    MAXIMS    ON   LOVE. 


Jan., 


That  depends  upon  the  amount  of 
sense  a  person  possesses.  A  shallow 
and  vain  young  man  is  very  apt  to 
think  that  every  woman  who  treats  him 
with  politeness  is  in  love  with  him  ; 
but  we  cannot  imagine  a  man  of  sense 
making  such  a  blunder. 

maxim  251. 

"In  all  passions  we  commit  faults  ;  in  love, 
We  are  guilty  of  the  most  ridiculous  ones. " 

maxim  254. 

••Love,  all  agreeable  as  it  is,  pleases  more 
in  its  manner  than  in  itself." 

Love  is  a  great  inspirer  of  good  man- 
ners, by  those  thousand  delicate  atten- 
tions which  make  the  sum  of  true  po- 
liteness. There  is  no  better  place  to 
study  the  art  of  manners  and  politeness 
than  the  presence  of  two  genuine  and 
sensible  lovers. 

maxim  255. 
"  Women  in  love  forgive  great  indiscretions 
sooner  than  small  indelicacies." 

maxim  256. 

"  A  lover  never  sees  the  faults  of  his  sweet- 
heart 'till  the  enchantment  is  over." 

maxim  257. 
"  "We  are  nearer  loving  those  who  hate  us 
than  those  who  love  us  more  than  we  choose." 

maxim  258. 
"  A  man  of  sense  may  love  like  a  madman, 
but  never  like  a  fool." 

maxim  260. 
"Love  and  prudence  are  inconsistent ;  as 
the  former  increases,    the  latter  must  de- 
crease." 

Ovid  also  makes  love  and  dignity  in- 
consistent, thus  : 


Kon  bene  convenient,  nee  in  una  sede  morantur, 
Majestas  et  Amor. 

But  we  believe  neither  with  Ovid  nor 
Kochefoucalt.  We  believe  that  love  is 
consistent  with  both  prudence  and  dig- 
nity. If  it  were  not,  there  would  be 
neither  safety  nor  respectability  in  lov- 
ing. We  would,  indeed,  reverse  the 
thought  of  both  the  Latin  and  the 
French  author,  and  say  that  true  love 
is  the  greatest  inspirer  of  dignity,  and 
that  prudence  is  the  only  friend  of  true 
love.  Those  who  venture  to  treat  the 
divine  passion  with  a  less  scrupulous 
propriety  will  find,  at  last,  that  they 
have  committed  a  fatal  mistake.  They 
must  lose  the  bliss  of  loving,  if  not  of 
being  loved.  The  popular  habit  of  re- 
presenting love  as  some  sort  of  witch- 
craft, whose  chief  business  is  to  lead 
people  astray  from  the  paths  of  pro- 
priety and  virtue,  is  both  ruinous  to  a 
healthy  literature,  and  dishonoring  tc 
the  Author  of  our  being.  Away  with 
the  degrading  idea  that  a  beneficent 
God  has  made  the  most  beautiful  and 
charming  passion  of  our  nature  a  stum- 
bling-block of  sin  and  delusion  1  It  is 
precisely  the  absense  of  genuine  love 
that  works  all  this  mischief.  The  mo- 
dern reform  philosophy  of  free-love  is 
simply  the  science  of  lust,  invented, 
one  might  think,  to  convert  the  society 
of  men  and  women  into  a  community 
of  monkeys.  Take  all  the  vagaries  of 
the  present  hour,  and  is  society  much 
better  than  that  ?  Everywhere  we  see 
the  brutal  instincts  rising  above  tho 
divine  and  the  human. 


1865.] 


FINANCIAL   LYYING. 


43 


FINANCIAL  LYING. 


If  dizziness  is  a  luxury  to  any  man, 
we  advise  him  to  sit  down  and  attempt 
to  comprehend  the  speed  with  which 
we  are  whirling  on  into  bankruptcy. 
Indeed,  if  we  had  but  the  sense  to  know 
it,  we  are  there  already.  The  other 
day  the  Tribune  professed  to  be  fright- 
ened at  the  fact  that  we  are  running 
into  debt  at  the  rate  of  fee  thousand 
millions  of  dollars  a  year.  What  would 
it  be  if  it  should  get  the  courage  or  the 
honesty  to  look  the  real  figures  in  the 
face,  and  own  up  to  the  truth  that  we 
are  actually  going  on  into  debt  at  the 
rate  of  nearly  ten  thousand  millions  a 
year?  These  figures  are  something  to 
frighten  us  indeed  ;  and  they  would 
frighten  us  but  for  the  fact  that  we 
have  for  four  years  been  allowing  our- 
selves to  be  educated  to  take  alarm  at 
nothing  in  the  shape  of  debt,  massacre 
and  despotism.  In  matters  of  finance, 
particularly,  we  have  been  fed  so  long 
on  lies,  that  we  reject  the  truth  as  un- 
palatable, and  even  disloyal,  nourish- 
ment. To  lie  about  the  cost  of  the  war 
is  one  of  the  signs  of  super-excellent 
"  loyalty."  Indeed  the  estimates  and 
reports  of  the  Treasury  Department  for 
the  last  three  years  might  be  published 
in  a  book  of  the  taking  title  of  "  Lying 
Made  Easy  ;  or  Lessons  in  Lying  for 
the  Use  of  Beginners.11 

Example  1st.  Secretary  Chase,  in  his 
Report  of  July,  1801,  assured  the  coun- 
try that  all  the  government  required 
for  the  fiscal  year  was  $318,519,681 
The  confessed  expenditure  of  that  year 
was  $583,884,247  ;  cr  $205,000w  /00 
more  than  appeared  in  the  Treasury  es- 
timate,    llad  the  people  been  allowed 


to  see  the  actual  sum  required,  it  would 
probably  have  caused  them  to  reflect 
as  to  the  wisdom  of  plunging  headlong 
into  such  a  gigantic  war  upon  the  so- 
vereign and  co-equal  sister  States  of 
the  South. 

Example  2d.  In  Mr.  Chase's  next  Re- 
port, he  assured  the  patient,  the  hood- 
winked people,  that  all  it  would  require 
to  push  on  the  war  to  the  close  of  the 
fiscal  year,  ending  June  30,  1803,  was 
$475,331,245.  It  turned  out  that  the 
acknowledged  expenditure  of  that  year 
was  $788,558,777.  That  was  $3!  5,000,- 
000  more  than  the  people  were  ma.de  to 
believe  would  be  necessary  to  go  on 
with  the  bloody  experiment  for  another 
year.  But  it  would  have  been  dange- 
rous to  the  interest  of  the  Consohda- 
tionists  to  let  the  people  know  the 
real  cost  of  their  experiment  in  despot- 
ism in  advance. 

Example  3d.  The  public  having  been 
twice  fooled  in  relation  to  the  extent  to 
which  they  must  put  their  hands  in 
their  pockets  for  the  luxury  of  conquer- 
ing the  people  of  the  South,  the  cunning 
Secretary  foresaw  that  he  must  begin 
to  approach  something  like  the  actual 
figures  of  expense.  So  in  his  estimate 
for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1804,  he 
reached  the  bold  sum  of  $1,099,731,900. 
To  blunt  the  effect  of  such  a  sum  upon 
the  popular  mind,  we  were  assured  that 
it  would  meet  all  the  expenses  for  the 
year,  and  leave  a  balance  of  $350,000.- 
000  in  the  Treasury  for  future  opera- 
tions. The  idea  was  sweet,  especially 
to  those  who  had  already  lost  their 
common  sense.  Beautiful  thought !  to 
have  $350,000,000  in  the  Treasury— all 


FINANCIAL  LYING. 


fJan.,  1865.] 


the  fools  in  the  land  almost  instantly 
forgot  the  one  billion  called  for,  and 
patted  their  shallow  brains  in  noisy  de- 
light at  the  bare  thought  of  the  phan- 
tom surplus,  $350,000,000.  This  time 
the  infatuated  public  was  deceived  on- 
ly in  the  paltry  sum  of  $126,000,000. 

Example  4th.  The  next  estimate  of 
Mr.  Chase  was  for  the  fiscal  year  to 
end  June  30,  1865,  which  promised  the 
people  that  they  could  carry  on  their 
new  specimen  of  tyranny  to  that  pe- 
riod for  the  inconsiderable  amount  of 
$1,151,846,089.  But  now  the  new  Se- 
cretary, Mr.  Fessenden,  is  obliged  to 
tell  ns  that  the  expense  for  the  year, 
ending  next  June,  will  be  $1,419,082,- 
455,  which  is  two  hundred  and  forty 
millioiis  more  than  Mr.  Chase  promised 
it  should  cost.  Thus,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war  to  this  moment,  the  re- 
ports and  estimates  of  the  Treasury 
Department  have  been  one  string  of 
unblushing  deception.  Nor  do  these 
published  figures,  by  any  means,  give 
the  full  amount  of  deception,  for  there 
are  we  know  not  how  many  millions  of 
unsettled,  and  even  of  unpresented 
claims  against  the  government,  not  in- 
cluded in  any  of  these  statements. 

Thus  has  the  Treasury  Department 
adroitly  deluded  and  led  the  people 
from  point  to  point  in  relation  to  the 
eums  required  to  carry  on  the  war. 
Mr.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Secre- 
tary Seward  have  repeatedly  told 
the  public  that  the  country  was  never 
in  the  enjoyment  of  such  great  finan- 
cial prosperity  as  now  ;  and  we  are 
ashamed  to  say  that  there  have  been 
plenty  of  asses  to  believe  them.  That 
man  indeed  is  a  fool  who  can  believe 
the  country  to  be  financially  prosper- 
ing when  millions  of  its  inhabitants 
have  been  abstracted  from  the  fields  of 
productive  industry,  and  placed  in  the 


category  of  mere  consumers  or  destroy- 
ers of  amassed    wealth.     The    annual 
falling  off  in  our   shipments  of  bread- 
stuffs  to  Europe,  during  the  progress  of 
the  war,  tells  the  story  of  a   fatal    de- 
cline in  real  prosperity.     The  Agricul- 
tural Bureau  shows    that   in    1864  we 
have  shipped  two  millions   of  barrels 
less  of  flour  than  we  did   in  1862.     In 
1864  we  have  shipped   about  seventeen 
millions  of  bushels  less  of  wheat  than 
we  did  in  1861-2  ;   and  we  have  ship- 
ped nearly  fourteen  millions  less  of  In- 
dian corn  than  in  1861-2.   These  stait- 
ling  figures  represent,  to   a   great   ex- 
tent, the  absolute  falling  off  in  the  pro- 
ductive wealth  of  the  country.     If  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward  are  not  arrant 
impostors  or  studied  deceivers   of  the 
people,  the  Agricultural  Department  of 
the  Federal  Administration   must  evi- 
dently be  a  very    "  disloyal"  concern. 
These  tricksters  should  either  stop  their 
lying  proclamations  about  public  pros- 
perity, or  abolish  the  Bureau  of  Agri- 
culture,   with   its   damning   array    of 
figures,  which  show  a  fatal  decrease  of 
public  wealth.   Everything  a  man  eats, 
and  drinks,   and   wears,    has  risen  in 
price  from  two  hundred  to  four  hundred 
per  cent.,  while  the  trash  that  is  called 
money  has  run  down  to  forty-five  cents 
on  the  dollar.     Still   the  working  man 
is  told  that  he   is  prosperous.     True 
the  price  of  wages  has  advanced  ;  but 
how  much  ?     Not   enough  to  meet  the 

laborer's  individual  increase  of  expens- 
es, leaving  the  three,  or  five,  or  seven 
members  of  his  family  to  be  somehow 
kept  alive,  under  this  vast  augmenta- 
tion of  prices,  without  one  cent's  in- 
crease per  capita  of  the  means  of  sup- 
port. And  these  people  are  told  that 
they  are  prosperous.  If  they  believe  it, 
their  stupidity  is  surpassed  only  by  the 
impudence  and  the  downright  finan- 
cial falsehood  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the 
supporters  of  his  treasouous  revolution. 


EDITOR'S    TABLE. 


— May  we,  without  mockery,  wish  our  pa- 
trons a  Happy  Neio    Year?    If  our  wishes 
could  make  the  year  of  18G5  a  happy  one, 
misery  and  want  should  be  unknown  through- 
out the  world.     Bat,  alas,    to   us  in  America 
it  must  be  a  year  of  blood  and  suffering.  The 
foul  spirit  of  war  is  a  disease,  as  much  so  as 
any  epidemic,  or  infectious   distemper,  and, 
when  once  it  attacks  a  nation,  it  must  run 
its  course.     That  means  an  indefinite  period, 
according  to  the  constitution  or  resources  of 
the  patient.     While  there  is  vitality  left  for 
the  insatiable  malady  to   prey  upon,  we  may 
expect  it  to  last.     It  is  a  madness  that  must 
run  its  time  like  a  fever.     To  be  guilty  of  no 
mockery  of  the  afflicted,    therefore,    we  will 
wish  the  people  a  speedy  return  to  reason 
and  happiness  ;  and  for  our  patrons,  espe- 
cially,   we  wish  all    the    happiness    which 
springs  from  the  consciousnes  of  sharing  no 
part  of  the  responsibility  of  the   great  and 
damning  crime  of  the  war.     All  hail,  fellow- 
*' copperheads,"  or  whatever  name  is   used 
to  denote  those  patriotic  and  brave  citizens, 
who  can  neither  be  bribed  by  greenbacks  nor 
faightened  by  a  bastile !     All  hail,  friends  of 
the  Union  and  Constitution  our  fathers  made ! 
The  Old  Guard  sends  you   greeting.     After 
two  years  of  battling  against  despotism,  dur- 
ing which  time  it  has  not  once   surrendered 
to  the  foe,  it  enters  upon  the   campaign  of 
18G5,  reinforced  to  double  its  former  strength, 
and  with  no  abatement  of  tho  determination 
and  courage  which  havo   carried  it  through 
past  conflicts.     Bat  as  enlisting  is   the  order 
of  tho  day  with  our  implacable  enemy,  may 
we  not  hope  that  each  of  oar  patrons  will  ex- 
ert himself  to  send  us   as  many  new  recruits 
as  possible,  to   render  Tile  Oed  Guard  more 


formidable  than  ever  to  the   disunion   hosts 
of  the  Abolitionists  ? 

— The  lady  who  writes  us  of  the  sufferings 
and  desolation  which  this  war  has  brought 
upon  her  heart — sufferings  to  which  she  nei- 
ther yields  by  weak  murmurs,  nor  by  bending 
before  the  despotism  that  wrongs  her — com- 
mands our  profoundest  sympathy,  as  well  as 
our  admiration.  There  is  nothing,  perhaps, 
in  all  cultivated  human  nature  more  impres- 
sive than  the  spectacle  of  a  heart,  beat  upon 
by  pain  or  wrong,  rising  higher  and  higher, 
on  the  very  bosom  of  their  waves.  Whether 
it  be  the  stoic,  crying  out  to  the  anguish  and 
calamity  of  life,  "Rex  sum" — "I  am  your 
master" — or  the  iEschilean  Prometheus,  ly- 
ing beneath  his  chains,  wraeked  by  the  eter- 
nal vulture  at  his  heart,  but  defying  the  pow- 
er of  the  tyrant ;  or  a  gentle  woman,  over- 
whelmed by  a  crue[  despotism,  that  robs  her 
of  her  husband  and  her  children,  and  drives 
her  out,  from  the  cherished  roof  where  she 
was  born,  into  the  derisive  storms  of  want 
and  insult,  but  is  still  unable*  to  conquer  her 
spirit,  the  spectacle  is  still  the  same,  and 
challenges  the  same  tribute  of  exalted  sym- 
pathy from  all  surrounding  manhood. 

—  The  phylosopher   says  :  "  Time   is   mo-  • 
ney."     The  poet  says  the   same  thing  less 
briefly  : 

Hours,  minutes,  moments,  are  the  small  coin 
Tnat  make  the  sum  of  even  the  richest  life. 

— The  papers  announce  that  "Mr.  Chase 
is  appointed  to  fill  the  place  of  Chief  Justice 
Taney."  Mr.  Chase  may  sit  in  the  same  offi- 
cial chair,  bat  he  can  never  fill  Judge  Ta- 
ney's place.  A  coon  may  sit  in  a  lion's  den, 
and  set  up  to  be  a  lion,  and  attempt  to  roar, 
bat  it  will  bo  only  a  coon  still. 

— A  magazine  writer  mourns  that  there  is 
so  much  genius  lost  to  tho  world  for  the  want 
of  opportunity  and  cultivation.  Nonsense  ! 
If  a  man  does  not  cultivate  a  talent  it  is 
proof  that  he  has  it  not.  If  a  mm  is  a  poet 
you  cannot  stop  bin  from  making  verses. 
Alas!   tnero  aro  numbers   whom   we  oaunot 


46 


TWTTOR  S   TAB^h. 


[Jan., 


stop  from  ranking  verses  who  are  not  poets. 
If  a  man  is  a  musician,  he  will  make  music 
in  spite  of  circumstances.  Men  of  genius  are 
not  made   by  circumstances.     They  make  cir- 

cuumstances. 

— A  Boston  critic  yokes  Boileau  and  Qui- 
nault  together  as  "the  leaders  of  the  best 
school  of  French  poets."  But  there  is  no 
likeness  between  the  two.  Boileau  was  the 
poet  of  Keason  ;  Quinault  of  the  Graces. 
Their  poesy  is  no  more  alike  than  the  laurels 
of  Virgil  and  the  roses  of  Anacreon.  Boi- 
leau is  always  severe  and  correct.  Quinault 
always  sweet  and  amiable.  Bat  neither  form- 
ed a  school. 

— A  receipt  for  saving  the  Union. — Burn 
down  the  houses,  colleges,  and  school-houses 
of  the  South.  Convert  their  churches  into 
bowling-alleys,  assignation-houses,  and  bar- 
rooms. Fire  their  wheat  fields  ;  steal  their 
spoons  ;  smash  up  their  pianos ;  turn  their 
women  and  children,  and  helpless  old  men, 
naked  into  the  fields  and  woods  ;  outrage 
their  women.  Then  tell  them  that  you  on^y 
seek  to  establish  among  them  the  blessed 
free  institutions,  the  industry  and  morals  of 
the  North.  If  they  do  not  instantly  come 
cheerfully  back  into  the  Union,  roast  every 
rascaJ  of  them  alive,  and  give  them  to  the 
Abolitionists  to  eat,  That  will  form  as  glo- 
rious a  union  as  ever  existed  between  the 
stomach  of  a  wolf  and  the  body  of  a  sheep. 
Beutiful! 

— A  cotemporary  quotes  the  following  dis- 
tich from  Collins  : 

"  How  sleep  the  brave  who  sink  to  rest, 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest!" 

Exquisite  lines,  which,  if  less  forcible,  are 
equal  in  beauty  to  the  following  from  the 
First  Elegy  of  Tyrta3us,  with  which  Collins 
was  evidently  familiar  ; 

44  Now  fallen,  the  noblest  of  the  van,  he  dies! 

His  city  by  the  beauteous  death  renown'd  ; 
His  low-bent  father  marking  where  he  lies, 

The  shield,  the  breast-plate  hack'd  by  many 
a  wound. 

The  young,  the  old,  alike  commingling  tears, 
His  country's  htaoij  grief  bedews  the  grave; 

And  all  his  race  in  verdant  lustre  wears 
Fame's  richest  wreath,    transmitted   from 
the  brave.'' 

But  what  wretched  mockery  to  app'y  any 
of  tnese  tines  to  the  unfortunate  soldiers  who 


have  lost  their  lives  in  Sherman's  house- 
burning  and  woman-ravishing  raid  through 
the  State  of  Georgia !  What  proianation  of 
the  muse!  Our  heart  bleeds  for  the  young 
men  who  have  perished,  while  our  soul  sick- 
ens at  the  base  purposes  for  which  they  have 
been  used.  House-burning  and  rape  are  not 
war.  We  will  acknowledge  no  man  to  be  a 
Christian  gentleman  who  does  not  condemn 
such  brutal  havoc,  done  in  the  prostituted 
name  of  warfare.  We  would  not,  knowingly, 
take  a  wretch  by  the  hand  who  does  not  sick- 
en at  such  scenes. 

— We  must  decline  the  "Epigram  on  a  La- 
dy who  put  off  the  Promise  of  a  Kiss  till  To- 
morrow.'" The  postponement  must  have 
been  vexatious  to  the  poet,  but  we  should  not 
be  warranted  in  publishing  his  griefs,  unless 
sung  in  numbers  a  little  more  artistic.  The 
following,  from  an  old  Greek  poet,  is  on  the 
same  subject.  We  advise  our  correspondent 
to  adopt  it : 

"  To-morrow!"  This  to-morrow  ne'er  is  seen. 

Habitual  plea  of  dilatory  spleen. 

To  me  be  kind  to-day — nor  others  give 

What  I,  to-morrows  fool,  shall  ne'er  receive. 

"This  evening!"  What's  a  woman's  even- 
ing V     Years ! 

Evening  that  comes  too  late  when  beauty  dis- 
appears. 

—It  is  said  that  Mr.  Holt  does  not  at  all 
wince  at  being  called  Titus  Oates.  He  prob- 
ably does  not  know  what  he  is  called  when 
li<>  is  compared  to  Titus  Oates.  His  great 
English  namesake  caused  several  innocent 
people  to  be  put  to  death  by  swearing  that 
they  were  involved  in  treasonous  plots  which 
were  pureiy  his  own  lying  inventions.  The 
man  who  would  not  wince  at  being  called 
'lilus  Odes,  scarcely  would  do  so  at  being 
called  Judas  Iscariot. 

— O.  A.  Brownson  has  found  a  new  name 
for  the  llepubiican  party,  viz.,  "  The  Party 
of  Doctrines."  Why  does  he  not  give  the 
French  of  the  very  thing,  viz.,  la  CI  que  Doc- 
trinaire ?  The  Doctrinaire  clique  of  France 
was  a  clique  of  political  philosophers,  always 
ready  with  some  new  doctrine  fitted  to  revo- 
lutionize the  government,  and  overthrow  all 
established  customs  of  civilization.  Eng- 
land also  has  had  its  Doctrinaire  clique,  which, 
always  inspired  by  the  atheistic  doctrines  of 
the    French    Doctrinaires    has    been    ready 


1865.] 


EDITOR  S    TABLE. 


47 


to  agitate  themselves  ir>to  notoriety  when- 
ever a  chance  for  popular  defection  occurred. 
And  now,  alas,  America  too  has  its  clique 
Doe.lri'tidre.  An  erudite  doctor  of  the  clique, 
even  Doctor  Brownson,  makes  English  of  the 
French  name,  and,  without  forethought, 
slaps  it  upon  his  party.  It  is  the  right  name 
in  the  right  place. 

— The  wife  of  a  shoddy  contractor  walked 
down  Broadway  the  other  day,  flaunting  in  a 
dress  that  cost  $2,500.  At  that  same  hour 
there  were  thousands  of  soldiers  wives  and 
widows  who  ure  starving  and  dying  for  the 
want  of  the  necessaries  of  life  in  this  city. 

— The  country  newspapers  are  anxiously 
enquiring  what  has  become  of  the  diabolical 
wretches  who  attempted  to  fire  the  hotels  of 
New  York.  We  think  they  may  be  seen  al- 
most any  night  in  the  bosom  of  the  loyal 
league  lodges  of  this  city. 

— Pent  is  now  kept  for  sale  as  an  article  of 
fuel  in  Boston.  Tiie  judgment-day  is  work- 
ing. The  looiish  people  who  have  supported 
this  war  will  at  last  surely  reach  a  piont 
where  they  will  get  enough  of  it.  Then  they 
will  turn  upon  the  rich  rascals  who  have  used 
and  ruined  them. 

— Gen.  Grant  must  be  a  very  feeling  man, 
for  all  he  is  such  a  butcher  of  his  men.  We 
have  had  sixty  or  seventy  accounts  of  his 
"feeliug  for  Lee's  position  in  force."  Every 
time  he  felt  it,  and  retired. 

— An  Abolition  editor  calls  us  "a  heart- 
less traitor,"  and  wants  to  know  what  we  are 
going  to  do  about  it.  Why,  sir,  only  to  say 
that  we  look  upon  you  with  a  great  degree  of 
interest,  as  a  tine  specimen  of  petrified  igno- 
ramus. 

— An  army  correspondent  thinks  we  have 
"heard  the  last  of  Ben.  Butler's  ditch."  But 
when  shall  we  hear  the  last  of  Ben.  Butler  ? 
His  duck  is  harmless. 

— An  editor  is  in  trouble  because  some 
amiable  people  take  the  liberty  to  laugh  at 
his  defeated  candidate,  and  sharply  says  that 
••  it  is  easy  for  the  live  ass  to  kick  the  dead 
lion."  True  ;  a  good  deal  easier  than  to 
make  a  lice  lion  out  of  a  dead  ass. 

— A  correspondent  writes,  "we  think  it 
will  puzzle  any  white   man   to   discover   the 


wit  of  the  editorials  in  Harpers' s  Magazine." 
The  reason,  probably,  is,  that  it  is  not  intend- 
ed for  white  men,  but  for  blade  men.  Harper  s 
is  intensely  the  organ  of  negroes.  It  inces- 
santly blackguards  Democrats  as  "  traitors," 
because  they  are  white  men,  with  the  princi- 
ples of  white  men.  A  white  man  with  nvjro 
principles  might  suit  it  ;  but  are  afraid  that 
even  such  a  nondescript  wid  be  bothered  to 
find  such  a  thing  as  wit  in  its  vapid  negro 
philipics. 

—The  black  Sons  of  New  England  in  New 
York,  have  lately  held  an  election  of  officers 
of  their  society.  Why  don't  the  white  Sons 
of  New  England,  resident  in  this  city,  form 
a  white  man's  society  of  that  kind  ?  Men  of 
the  complexion  of  Beecher  and  Bellows  are 
prominent  geniuses  in  the  Society  of  the 
black  Sons  of  New  England,  which  gives  its 
annual  dinners  at  the  Astor  House. 

— The  last  number  of  Harper's  Magazine 
contains  a  "  disloyal"  picture.  It  is  called 
"The  Interview  between  Grant  and  Pember- 
ton."  Gen.  Grant  is  made  to  look  like  a 
"nonchalant"  young  rowdy,  leaning,  with 
his  arms  folded,  against  a  tree,  smoking  a  ci- 
gar, while  to  Pemberton  is  given  the  air  and 
manners  of  a  gentleman. 

—  Polybius  says :  "There  are  two  points 
which  are  essential  parts  in  every  govern- 
ment ;  and  these  are  the  laws  and  the  man- 
ners." Then  our  government  is,  at  the  pre- 
sent time,  in  a  very  bad  way,  for  it  is  desti- 
tute of  both  laws  and  manners. 

— A  wealthy  Republican,  who  enjoys  a 
splendid  mansion  on  Staten  Island,  has  the 
fortune  to  be  the  father  of  a  young  daughter 
who  has  recently  become  the  mother  of  a 
pair  of  twins  ;  but  the  most  singular  part  of 
the  story  is,  that  the  father's  teaching  cre- 
ated such  a  powrful  sympathy  in  the  young 
lady  s  mind  for  tfae  "  poor  oppressed  negro," 
that  both  her  children  came  into  the  world  as 
black  as  the  ace  of  spades.  Some  of  the 
neighbors  profess  to  think  that  these  inter- 
esting specimens  of  the  "new  American  man'1 
had  a  remarkable  likeness  to  the  gentleman's 
negro  coachman  ;  but  these  are  ignorant  peo- 
ple, who  do  not  understand  the  power  of 
sympathy. 

— Another  caso,  similar   to   the  above,    ex* 


48 


editor's  table.- 


[Jan..  1865.] 


cept  that  the  new  type  is  in  the  singular  num- 
ber, has  just  occurred  in  one  of  the  Western 
counties  of  the  State.  A  cotemporary  pities 
the  parents.  They  probably  don't  deserve 
pity.  We  rather  pity  the  unfortunate  girls 
who  have  such  foolish  parents,  as  those  who 
stimulate  their  childrens'  minds  with  an  un- 
natural morbid  sympathy  for  negroes.  We 
venture  to  say  that  no  "Copperhead"  family 
ever  becomes  ornamented  with  such  boquets 
of  sweet  lilies. 

— A  gentleman  by  the  name  of  W.  J.  Free- 
burgher  was  recently  arrested  and  imprisoned 
in  Baltimore,  for  "cursing  the  President." 
Where  is  the  law  to  punish  a  man  for  cursing 
the  President  ?  We  have  no  disposition  to 
curse  him,  but  we  shall  insist  on  our  right  to 
do  so  as  much  as  we  have  a  mind  to. 

— A  journalist  whom  we  suspect  of  being 
a  "Copperhead,"  thinks  that  "Ben.  Butler 
will  go  down  to  posterity  oniy  as  a  cut-throat." 
Will  he  not  go  down  as  a  cut-purse  as  well  ? 
We  never  heard  of  Ben.  Butler  lisking  his 
skin  by  attempting  to  cut  anybody's  throat  ; 
but  we  have  heard  of  him  often  enough  as  a 
cut-purse.  In  that  character  he  is  now  before 
the  courts  of  New  York. 

— The  great  organ  of  English  opinion  says, 
that  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  are 
governed  by  an  army  of  "  Sbirri."  That  is 
hard.  The  Sbirri  were  officers  of  the  Inqui- 
sition, and  celebrated  for  their  rapacious 
cruelty  and  vulgarity. 

— A  few  weeks  ago  Mr.  Seward  dined  at  a 
hotel  in  Washington.  As  he  felt  himself  the 
lion  of  the  table,  he  undertook  to  show  off 
some  sage  reflections  on  the  quality  of  the 
times.  A  French  lady,  who  sat  opposite  to 
him,  said,  in  an  under  tone,  but  sufficiantiy 
loud  to  be  heard  by  Seward,  "loupmoraliite." 
The  Secretary  understood  it  as  a  compliment, 
and  betrayed  signs  of  exquisite  satisfaction  in 
his  face.  What  will  be  his  sensations  when 
told  that  the  French  lady  called  him  "a  mo- 
ralizing wolf?" 

— The  editor  of  the  Gardner  Spectator  says : 
"We  believe  that  the  editor  of  The  Old 
Guard  would  be  uncomfortable  at  the  thought 
of  going  to  heaven  with  an  Abolitionist,  or  a 
"War  Democrat."  We  beg  our  cotemporary 
to  be  assused  that  we  have  not  the  slightest 


fear  of  ever  meeting  any  such   company  in 
that  place. 

— An  English  reviewer  of  the  poems  of 
Elizabeth  Barrett  Brownieg,  thinks  the  fol- 
lowing lines  challenge  comparison  out  of  the 
whole  world  of  sweet  verse  : 

Henceforward,  human  eyes  of  lovers  be 
The  only,  sweetest  sight  that  I  shall  see, 
With  tears  between  the  looks  raised  up  to  me. 

In  touching  earnestness  and  Greek-like 
simplicity,  are  they  not  quite  matched  by  the 
following  verses  of  Helen  Bich,  one  of  the 
sweetest  of  our  female  poets  : 

I  dreamed  but  now  my  soul  had  laid, 

Aside  its  robes  of  flesh  forever. 
In  darkness  drear  and  loan  I  strayed, 

To  see  the  sunshine  never,  never ! 

Ah,  that  dear  heart !  without  the  the  light 
And  life  of  its  bright  love  to  bless  me, 

The  future  would  be  doubly  night, 
Nor  joy,  nor  thou,  love,  to  caress  me. 

Gen.  Francis  Meagher — General!  O,  good 
Lord  deliver  us !  says  he  is  "  fighting  to  ex- 
tend the  blessed  institutions  of  the  North 
over  the  South."  But  how,  if  the  South  does 
not  wish  the  blessed  institutions  of  the  North, 
what  then  ?  Why,  they  must  be  forced  to 
take  them.  Yes,  most  mighty  non-comba- 
tive General,  just  as  England  forced  her 
blessed  institutions  upon  Ireland.  The 
"  blessings"  the  English  instisution  have  pro- 
duced in  the  green  vales  of  Erin,  may  be 
seen  in  its  bloody  and  flaming  annals  of  mas- 
sacre and  incendiarism  for  seven  centuries. 
The  kind  of  union  Engia .id  forced  upon  Ire- 
land at  the  bloody  bayonet's  point,  is  the 
kind  of  union  this  degenerate  son  of  Ireland 
would  force  upon  the  South.  The  Union  we 
want  is  of  another  kind — is  the  Union,  and 
only  the  Union,  which  our  fathers  made. 

"  The  Third  Year  op  the  War,"  by  E.  A- 
Pollard,  giving  the  Confederate  account  of 
of  the  terrible  contest  now  going  on,  i3  just 
issued  by  C.  B.  Richardson,  of  this  city.  Mr. 
Pollard  wields  a  graphic  pen,  and  all  who  de- 
sire "  the  South  side"  view  of  the  campaign 
which  commenced  with  Chanceilorsville,  and 
ended  with  the  terrible  and  bloody  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  should  get  this  volume.  Mr. 
Richardson's  publications  will  all  be  found 
advertized  on  the  cover  of  Tue  Old  Guard. 


THE  OLD  GUARD, 


A  MONTHLY  JOUMAL,   DEVOTED   TO   THE   PRINCIPLES   OF    1776   AND    1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — FEBRUARY,    1865.  — No.    II. 


HAVE  STATES,  UNDER  ANY  CIRCUMSTANCES,  A  RIGHT  TO 
WITHDRAW  FROM  THE  UNION  ? 


A  leading  organ  of  public  opinion — 
■ — of  Northern,  or  New  England  public 
opinion — says  :  "  We  have  the  power 
to  subjugate,  or  to  annihilate,  the 
South,  and  one  or  the  other  we  are  go- 
ing to  do."  This  programme  is  plain- 
ly announced.  No  robber  ever  stated 
his  point  more  boldly  ;  and  we  suppose 
we  must  take  it  as  a  correct  declara- 
tion of  New  England  morality.  The 
principle,  though  shocking,  has  the  me- 
rit of  simplicity.  Let  us  test  it  in  ano- 
ther relation.  A  man  may  say,  "  I 
have  the  power  to  whip  my  father  and 
to  beat  my  mother,  and  I  am  going  to 
do  it."  This  may  suit  New  England 
politics,  and  New  England  Christianity, 
but  can  it  pass  for  an  enlightened  pub- 
lic morality  ?  The  question  is  not  what 
we  have  the  power  to  do,  but  what  we 
have  the  right  to  do.  We  are  weary  of 
this  all-bewildering  New  England  jar- 
gun  on  this  subject.  We  have  been 
mortified  to  hear  this  North,  where  we 
were  born,  braying  like  an  ass  about 
"  rebellion"  for  almost  four  years  now, 
when  we  know  that  not  one  in  ten  of 
the  leather-lunged  stentors  know  what 


they  mean  by  "  rebellion."  Indeed  it 
might  puzzle  a  philosopher  to  compre- 
hend how  a  "  sovereign  State"  can  be  a 
"  rebel."  We  know  that  a  subject  can 
rebel  against  his  government ;  but 
these  States  are  not  the  subjects  of  the 
federal  government.  They  are  the  so- 
vereign framers,  and  masters,  and  own- 
ers of  that  governiEent.  It  will  take 
the  brain  of  a  fool  to  find  out  that  qua- 
lity of  sovereignty  which  can  logically 
"  rebel."  The  Federal  Government, 
which  has  no  original,  or  sovereign 
attributes,  and  which  acts  only  by 
"granted"  or  "delegated"  powers,  can 
rebel  against  the  sovereign  grantors  of 
those  powers — alas,  we  see  that  that 
is  easy  enough  ! — but  let  no  man,  who 
would  not  pass  for  a  dolt,  talk  about 
the  master  rebelling  against  the  ser- 
vant, or  the  creator  rebelling  against 
the  creature.  To  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment each  State  assented  by  an  act  of 
its  own  individual  and  separate  sove- 
reignty. The  act  of  federal  union  was 
net  intended  to  merge  those  separate 
sovereignties  into  one  agglomerated 
mass  but  to  preserve  and  protect  them 


50 


HAVE    STATES,    &C, 


[Feb., 


in  their  individuality  and  separateness. 
It  was  not  meant  to  divest  them  of  so- 
vereignty, but  to  give  them  the  means 
of  more  effectually  preserving  and  de- 
fending that  sovereignty.  Rufus  King, 
of  New  York,  stated  the  objects  of 
the  Federal  Government,  in  the  Consti- 
tutional Convention,  in  these  words  : 
"  What  is  the  object  of  the  general  sys- 
tem (Government)  ?  First,  defense 
against  foreign  invasion ;  secondly, 
against  internal  sedition" — i.  e.,  sedi- 
tion within  a  State  against  its  own 
Government.  It  is  sometimes  careless- 
ly conceded  that  the  States  surrendered 
certain  portions  of  this  sovereignty  for 
the  sake  of  protecting  other  portions 
of  it.  This  is  not  only  a  superficial  and 
illogical,  but  it  is  a  perverted  view  of 
the  subject,  which  has,  we  have  no 
doubt,  often  been  taken  by  men  who, 
on  closer  reflection,  would  readily  per- 
cieve  the  absurdity  of  the  idea.  It  is 
true  that  the  Federal  Government  has 
received  certain  powers  from  the  States, 
but  it  received  these  powers,  not  as 
surrendered,  but  as  "delegated  pow- 
ers." We  shall  look  in  vain  through 
the  Constitution  to  find  where  the  States 
surrendered  any  of  their  sovereign  pow- 
ers to  the  Federal  Government.  Madi- 
son, as  we  have  often  shown  in  the 
pages  of  The  Old  Guard,  points  out 
the  distinction,  when  he  say  a  :  "  A  de- 
tegated  is  not  a  surrendered  power." 
The  States  simply  "  granted"  the  Fede- 
ral Government  the  right  of  exercising 
certain  of  their  sovereign  attributes, 
jointly,  for  the  "  general  welfare."  All 
the  powers  delegated  to  the  Federal  Go- 
vernment are  carefully  restricted  or  li- 
mited, and  therefore  divested  of  every 
attribute  of  sovereignty  Without  usur- 
pation, or,  if  you  please,  without  rebel- 
ling against  the  authors   of  its  exist- 


ence, the  Federal  Government  can  claim 
no  higher  functions  than  that  of  an 
agent  of  the  joint  sovereignty  of  "  the 
several  States." 

We  are  aware  that  there  will  be 
plenty  of  absurd  and  senseless  raving 
against  this  idea  ;  but  who  will  at- 
tempt to  refute  it?  It  is  a  quality  of 
the  times  to  dogmatize,  to  brow-beat, 
to  threaten,  and  to  lie  ;  but  all  these 
are  the  weapons  of  ignorance,  impos- 
ture, and  villainy.  They  are  the  im- 
plements of  men  who  know  they  are  in 
the  wrong — not  of  the  deceived,  but  of 
deceivers.  The  pages  of  The  Old 
Guard  are  open  to  the  arguments  of  any 
gentleman  of  ability  who  will  attempt 
to  refute  the  doctrines  above  laid  down; 
or  the  editor  will  be  his  humble  ser- 
vant to  discuss  these  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  our  Government,  orally,  before 
the  people.  If  we  loved  our  country 
less — if  we  were  less  attached  to  the 
grand  principles  of  government  estab- 
lished by  our  Revolutionary  fathers — - 
we  would  abandon  the  field  here,  and 
no  longer  seek  debate  with  a  genera- 
tion of  traitors,  whom  we  have  a  right 
to  despise.  The  blood  that  flows  in  our 
veins  has  throbbed  in  life  in  this  coun- 
try ever  since  1630.  This  is  our  "  Fa- 
therland." By  every  memory  and  every 
hope  dear  to  the  human  breast,  we  are 
bound  to  our  country  and  to  its  insti- 
tutions ;  and  it  is  this  feeling  alone 
that  prompts  us  to  further  stem  the 
flood  of  delusion,  ignorance,  and  des- 
potism which  sets  like  a  tide  of  blood 
over  the  land. 

Now,  to  return  to  our  argument ;  we 
are  quite  certain  that  the  only  reply 
which  will  be  made  to  our  statement  of 
the  federative  principles  of  our  gov- 
ernment is,  that  they  justify  secession  ; 
but  this  is  neither   an   answer   nor  an 


1865.] 


RIGHT   TO    WITHDRAW    FROM    THE    UNION? 


51 


argument — it  is  only  an  appeal  to  pre- 
judice. The  question  for  honorable 
men  to  decide,  is  not  whether  the  ar- 
gument justifies  secession,  but  is  it 
true?  That  is  the  first  thing  to  be  set- 
tled— is  it  true  ?  And  suppose  it  is 
true,  what  then?  Shall  we  lie  about  it, 
and  swear  that  the  argument  is  not 
true,  because  we  are  afraid  it  will  jus- 
tify secession  ?  To  help  the  faint- 
hearted a  little,  let  us  ask,  which  State 
would  have  joined  the  Union  had  it  sup- 
posed that,  under  no  circumstances,  of 
whatever  oppression  and  wrong,  could  it 
ever  resume  its  sovereign  powers  ?  Does 
any  man  believe  that  a  single  State 
would  have  agreed  to  the  compact  with 
such  an  understanding  of  its  nature  ? 
If  he  does,  he  is,  to  say  the  least,  de- 
plorably ignorant  of  the  history  of  the 
FederalGovernment.  Some  of  the  States 
expressly  reserved  this  right,  in  terms, 
in  the  act  adopting  the  Constitution  ; 
but  is  not  the  right  implied  by  the  prin- 
ciples of  common  law,  in  the  very  na- 
ture of  the  compact  itself?  To  say 
otherwise  is  to  contend  that  the  States 
did  not  "  delegate"  certain  of  their  pow- 
ers at  all,  but  that  they  surrendered  all 
into  the  hands  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, establishing  that  as  an  unlimited 
monarchical  power  over  them.  This  is 
the  dilemma  into  which  those  are  push- 
ed who  fly  with  such  alarm  from  the 
idea  that  there  may  be  circumstances 
which  would  justify  a  State  in  with- 
drawing.    Jefferson  says  : 

"The  several  States  comprising  the  United 
States  of  America,  are  not  united  on  the  prin- 
ciples of  unlimited  submission  to  tkeir  general 
government,  but  by  compact,  under  the  style 
and  title  of  a  Constitution  for  the  United 
States,  and  of  amendments  thereto,  they 
constitute  a  general  government  for  special 
purposes,  delegated  to  that  government  cer- 
tain deiinito   powers,    reserving   each  Slate  to 


itself  the  residuary  mass  of  right  to  their  own 
self-government. " 

If  the  States  are  "  not  united  on  the 
principles  of  unlimited  submission,"  their 
right  under  certain  circumstances  to 
withdraw  from  the  Union,  follows  as  a 
thing  of  course.  On  this  declaration 
of  federative  principles,  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  twice  elected  President.  And  that 
such  were  the  doctrines  of  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution,  and  of  the  States 
which  adopted  it,  was,  we  think,  clear- 
ly proved  in  our  leading  article  of  The 
Old  Guard  for  last  month. 

On  this  subject  the  "  Father  of  the 
Constitution"  says  : 

"A  compact  between  independent  sove- 
reigns, founded  on  acts  of  legislative  autho- 
rity, can  pretend  to  no  higher  validity  than 
a  league  or  treaty  between  the  parties.  It  is 
an  established  doctrine  on  the  subject  of 
treaties,  that  all  the  articles  are  mutually  con- 
ditions of  each  other  ;  that  a  breach  of  any 
one  article  is  a  breach  of  the  whole  treaty  ; 
and  that  a  breach  committed  by  either  of  the 
parties  absolves  the  others,  and  authorizes 
them,  if  they  please,  to  pronounce  the  com- 
pact violated  and  void." 

This  covers  the  whole  ground,  and 
leaves  not  a  spot  to  stand  a  doubt 
upon  in  relation  to  the  opinions  of  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution  on  this 
subject.  Not  a  State  had  any  idea 
that  it  was  binding  itself  hand  and 
foot  in  a  compact  which  would  hold  it 
fast  after  other  parties  to  it  had  proved 
recreant.  Such  an  idea  is  at  war  not 
only  with  the  principles  of  the  com- 
mon law,  but  with  common  sense.  It 
is  the  nature  of  a  compact  that  when 
it  is  broken  on  one  part,  it  is  broken 
on  all.  We  cannot  violate  our  part  of 
a  bargain,  and  still  hold  the  other  par- 
ty to  the  terms.  The  moment  that  we 
break  the  agreement  sets  him  free  From 
his  part  of   the   compact.     The  pnnci- 


HAVE    STATES,    &C, 


[Feb., 


pie  holds  good  in  compacts,  or  bar- 
gains, between  sovereign  States,  in  all 
respects,  as  between  individuals.  The 
States,  as  individual  sovereignties,  are 
parties  to  the  compact.  The  validity 
of  the  compact  depends  upon  the  faith- 
ful observance  of  all  the  terms,  by  all 
the  parties  forming  it.  One  half  of  the 
States  cannot  hold  the  other  half  to  a 
violated  compact ;  nor  can  a  majority 
justly  hold  the  minority  to  a  violated 
compact.  If  the  rights  of  but  a  single 
State,  as  guaranteed  by  the  instrument 
of  compact,  are  violated  by  all  the  rest, 
that  single  State  is  clearly  absolved 
from  all  its  obligations,  under  the  bro- 
ken instrument.  This  principle  under- 
lies the  whole  system  of  civilization, 
and  there  is  no  way  of  rejecting  it 
without  bringing  the  whole  edifice  of 
laws  and  institutions  to  the  ground. 
Daniel  Webster  affirms  and  applies  the 
great  principle  in  the  following  lan- 
guage : 

"  If  the  Constitution  be  not  observed  in  all 
its  parts,  the  whole  of  it  ceases  to  be  bind- 
ing, *  *  *  *  I  have  not  hesitated 
to  say,  and  I  repeat,  that  if  the  northern 
States  refuse  wilfully  and  deliberately  to  car- 
ry into  effect  that  part  of  the  Constitution 
which  respects  the  restoration  of  fugitive 
slaves,  and  Congress  provide  no  remedy,  the 
South  would  no  Jonger  be  bound  to  observe 
the  compact.  A  bargain  cannot  be  broken 
on  one  side,  and  still  be  binding  on  the  other 
side." 

We  quote  this  passage  from  Mr. 
Webster  merely  for  the  principle  of  law 
which  it  defines,  without  intending  to 
raise  the  question  of  what  States  have 
violated  the  Federal  compact.  Our  pur- 
pose in  this  article  is  only  to  discuss 
the  question  whether,  under  any  circum- 
stances, States  have  a  right  to  withdraw 
from  the  Union?*    The  following   re- 

*  If  the  reader  wishes  to  understand  the  extent  to 
which  the  Constitution  has  been  violated  by  the 
North  he  is  referred  to  the  article  entitled  "  .Nulhfiers 
of  the  North,''  beginning  on  page  121  of  vol.  2nd  of 
The  Old  Guard. 


marks  of  Mr.  Madison,  in  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention,  evidently  express 
the  mind  of  that  body,  from  the  fact 
that  they  were  not  disputed  by  any 
member  of  the  Convention  : 

"  It  has  been  alleged  that  the  confedera- 
tion, having  been  formed  by  unanimous  con- 
sent, could  be  dissolved  by  unanimous  con- 
sent only.  If  we  consider  the  Federal  Union 
as  analagous  to  the  fundamental  compact  by 
which  individuals  compose  one  society,  and 
which  must,  in  its  theoretic  origin  at  least, 
have  been  the  act  of  the  component  mem- 
bers, it  cannot  be  said  that  no  dissolution  of 
the  compact  can  be  effected  without  unani- 
mous consent.  A  breach  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  the  compact  by  a  part  of  the  so- 
ciety, would  certainly  absolve  the  other  part 
from  their  obligation  to  it.  If  the  breach  of 
any  article  by  any  of  the  parties  does  not  set 
the  others  at  liberty,  it  is  because  the  con- 
trary is  implied  in  the  compact  itself,  and 
particularly  by  that  law  of  it  which  gives  an 
indefinite  authority  to  the  majority  to  bind 
the  whole  in  all  cases.  1  his  latter  circum- 
stance shows  that  we  are  not  to  consider  the  Fe- 
deral Union  as  analagous  to  the  social  compaci 
of  individuals — for  if  it  were,  a  majority  would 
have  the  right  to  bind  the  rest,  and  even  to 
form  a  Constitution  for  the  whole.  If  we 
consider  the  Federal  Union  as  analagous,  not 
to  the  social  compacts  among  individual 
men,  but  to  the  Conventions  amongst  indivi- 
dual States,  what  is  the  doctrine  resulting 
from  these  Conventions?  Clearly  that  a 
breach  of  any  one  article,  by  any  one  party, 
leaves  all  the  other  parties  at  liberty  to  consi- 
der the  whole  Convention  as  dissolved." 

Our  fathers,  who  sat  in  that  Conven- 
tion, had  they  the  gift  of  looking  into 
the  future,  would  have  been  amazed  at 
the  mass  of  stupidity  floating  in  our 
time  upon  this  subject.  What  would 
they  say — what  would  the  Father  of 
the  Constitution  say — to  hear  these 
fiery  and  super-impudent  dolts  ;  the 
ministers,  the  contractors,  dry-goods 
clerks,  barbers,  and  strong-minded  wo- 
men, lay  down  the  law  of  compacts,  by 
which  sovereign  States  are  bound,  like 


1865.] 


A    RIGHT    TO    WITHDRAW    FROM    THR    UNION? 


53 


Prometheus  with  the  vultures  gnaw- 
ing his  liver,  without  the  power  of  as- 
serting their  "inalienable  rights?11 

At  the  October  Term  of  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  U.  S.,  1851,  Judge  Nelson, 
in  referring  to  State  laws,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Fugitive  Slave  clause  of 
the  Constitution,  said: 

"I  have  already  said  the  provision  in  ques- 
tion is  a  material  part  of  the  Constitution — 
the  fundamental  law  of  the  Union,  framed 
by  our  fathers,  and  under  which  we  live — so 
material  and  important,  that  any  one  conver- 
sant with  the  history  of  that  instrument 
knows  that  without  it  the  Union  would  ne- 
ver have  been  formed.  Let  any  one  of  the 
northern  States,  therefore,  annul,  or  utterly 
disregard  it,  setting  the  fundamental  law  in 
this  respect  at  defiance,  and  be  successful  in 
maintaining  such  disregard  and  abandon- 
ment of  duty,  and  a  disruption  of  the  Union 
is  already  accomplished.  One  or  more  of 
the  members  of  the  confederacy  cannot  an- 
nul a  material  part  of  the  compact  which 
they  have  entered  into  with  the  other  States, 
and  at  the  same  time  claim  an  observance  of 
the  compact  by  others.  There  can  be  no 
such  obligation  on  those  of  others,  legal  or 
moral.  It  requires  but  common  sense  and 
common  honesty  to  settle  this.  That  other 
State,  or  those  other  States,  interested  in  the 
rejected  and  repudiated  part,  would  have  a 
right  to  regard  the  compact  as  at  an  end,  and 
to  withdraw  from  a  confederacy  of  faithless 
associates.  There  are  two  sides  to  the  com- 
pact. Both  must  be  observed,  or  neither. 
These  principles  are  fundamental.  They  lie 
at  the  foundation  of  alt  contracts." 

Such  is  the  limit  of  this  article,  that 
we  are  embarrassed  to  know  what  to 
select  from  the  great  mass  of  evidence 
at  our  command,  in  proof  of  the  pro- 
position that  circumstances  may  a- 
rise  to  justify  States  in  declaring  their 
connection  with  the  Union  at  an  end, 
and  in  withdrawing  from  a  broken 
compact.  One  of  the  most  eminent  of 
the  early  jurists  of  our  country,  Judge 
Rawle,  in  his  Commentaries  on  the  Fe- 
deral Constitution,  says  : 


"It  depends  on  the  State  itself  to  rda'm  or 
abolish  the  principle  of  representation,  be- 
cause it  depends  on  the  State  itself  whether  it 
will  continue  a  member  of  the  Union.  To  deny 
this  right  would  be  inconsistent  with  the 
principle  on  which  all  our  political  systems 
are  founded  ;  which  is,  that  in  all  cases  the 
people  have  a  right  to  determine  how  they 
will  be  governed.  *  *  *  *  States, 
then,  may  wholly  withdraw  from  the  Union,  but 
while  the?  continue  in  the  Union  they  must 
retain  the  character  of  representative  repub- 
lics." 

Judge  Rawle  was  a  Pennsylvanian, 
and  his  standing  in  the  country  at  that 
day,  may  be  seen  by  the  fact  that 
Washington  strongly  urged  him  to  ac- 
cept a  place  in  his  cabinet  as  Attorney- 
General  of  the  United  States.  We  could 
quote  language  to  the  same  effect  from 
Gouverneur  Morris.  President  John 
Adams,  in  effect,  asserted  the  same 
when  he  refused  the  Rev.  Mr.  Coffin  a 
subscription  to  build  a  college  in  Ten- 
nessee, on  the  ground  that  Tennessee 
would  soon  be  a  foreign  State  to  New 
England.  Massachusetts  was,  at  that 
time,  contemplating  withdrawing  from 
the  Union.  In  the  November  number 
of  this  Journal  we  gave  documentary 
proof  that  the  New  England  States 
were  threatening  to  secede  from  the 
Union  all  the  way  along  from  1790 
to  1812.  Josiah  Quincy  declared 
that  if  the  bill  to  purchase  Louisiana 
passed  Congress  it  would  give  the  New 
England  States  the  right  to  secede. 
His  language  was  : 

"If  this  bill  passes,  it  is  my  deliberate 
opinion  that  it  is  virtually  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union  ;  that  it  will  free  the  States  from 
their  obligation  ;  and  that,  as  it  will  be  the 
right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  duty  of  some,  to 
prepare  for  sepx-ilion-" 

In  the  Republican  Convention  that 
nominated  Fremont,  Judge  Spaulding 
spoke,  amidst  loud  applause,  ol  events 
in  which  "  he  was  for  dissolution,  and 


54 


HAVE    STATES,    &C. 


Feb, 


he  cared  not  how  quick  it  came."  The 
leaders  of  the  party  that  procured  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Chicago 
have  asserted  not  only  the  right,  but 
the  duty,  of  the  secession  of  the  non- 
slaveholding  States  as  a  vital  article 
of  their  creed.  They  have,  in  days 
passed,  flooded  Congress  with  petitions 
for  "  dissolution."  The  brazen-throated 
loyal  leaguers  who  now  make  such  a 
racket  and  din  about  the  "  sin  of  seces- 
sion" are,  it  would  seem,  ignorant,  not 
only  of  the  history  of  their  country, 
but  of  the  history  of  their  own  party. 
De  Tocqueville,  in  his  celebrated  work 
on  the  American  system  of  government, 
makes  this  remark  : 

"  The  Union  was  formed  by  the  voluntary 
agreement  of  the  States,  and  in  uniting  to- 
gether they  have  not  forfeited  their  nation- 
ality, nor  have  they  been  reduced  to  the  con- 
dition of  one  and  the  same  people.  If  one 
of  the  States  chose  to  withdraw  its  name 
from  the  contract,  it  would  be  difficult  to  dis- 
approve its  right  of  doing  so." 

It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  an  intelli- 
gent foreigner,  who  studies  the  Ame- 
rican system  in  the  history  of  its  foun- 
dation, and  in  the  record  of  its  leading 
statesmen,  as  coming  to  any  other  con- 
clusion. In  President  Jackson's  im- 
mortal message  against  nullification, 
he  admits  that  the  States  possess  "the 
ii idefeasable  right  of  resisting  acts  which 
are  plainly  unconstitutional,  and  too  op~ 
pressive  to  be  endured."  This  sentence 
carries  with  it  the  right,  as  a  last  re- 
sort for  State  protection,  of  withdraw- 
ing from  the  Union  ;  though  he  would 
seem,  erroneously  as  we  think,  to  place 
this  action  in  the  right  of  revolution. 
Is  not  the  right  rather  in  the  nature  of 
the  compact  itself?  The  real  revolu- 
tionists are  the  States  which  are  guilty 
of  a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  by 
waging  a  crusade  against  the  guaran- 


teed rights  of  other  States.  Such  States 
would  be  the  revolutionists.  Their  po- 
sition is  that  of  violators  or  breakers 
of  the  compact  of  fraternity.  They  are 
revolutionists,  while  the  others  may  be 
simply  striving  to  protect  themselves 
from  a  revolutionary  breach  of  the 
compact,  whether  by  withdrawal  from 
the  company  of  the  compact-breakers, 
or  by  other  means  of  protection  and 
self-defense.  Withdrawal  from  the 
Union  does  not,  therefore,  necessarily 
imply  revolution  or  rebellion  ;  it  may 
be  only  an  act  of  self-defense,  or  of  re- 
sistance to  revolution.  Is  the  man  who 
protects  his  own  house,  as  best  he  can, 
from  the  designs  of  the  incendiary,  to 
be  classed  as  a  revolutionist?  Did  the 
people  of  New  England,  who  threaten- 
ed to  withdraw  from  the  Union  in  1790, 
in  1794,  in  1801,  in  1811,  in  1814,  and 
three  several  times  since,  consider 
themselves  as  "rebels?"  Did  the  good 
people  of  Massachusetts,  of  Vermont, 
of  Pennsylvania,  of  Ohio,  and  of  other 
States,  who  petitioned  Congress  for  a 
"  dissolution  of  the  Union,"  admit  them- 
selves to  be  "rebels?"  Did  John  Ad: 
ams,  Josiah  King,  and  John  Quincj 
Adams,  when  they  asserted  the  right 
of  New  England  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union,  contemplate  themselves  in  the 
light  of  "  rebels?"  Did  the  Eepublican 
Convention  which  nominated  Mr.  Fre- 
mont, and  which  applauded  to  the  echo 
a  loud  threat  to  dissolve  the  Union,  re- 
gard itself  as  an  assembly  of  "rebels?" 
Did  the  collected  wisdom  and  patriot- 
ism of  New  England,  which  met  at 
Hartford  in  1814,  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  the  New  England  States  out  of 
the  Union,  allow  themselves  to  be  '■  re- 
bels V*  Tell  us,  0  ye  brawlers  !  ye 
loud-tongued  and  empty-headed  loyal 
leaguers,  who  make  both  day  and  night 


1865.] 


A    RIGHT   TO    WITHDRAW    FROM   THE    UNION  ? 


55 


hideous  with  your  implacable  yells 
against  "  rebellion,"  were  all  these  an- 
cient friends  of  yours,  these  solid  men 
of  other  days,  of  whom  you  are  but  the 
spawn  and  scum — were  they  "  rebels  P* 
In  the  Tribune  of  Feb.  23d,  1861,  Mr. 
Greeley  made  the  following  plain  de- 
claration of  the  right  of  States  to  with- 
draw from  the  Union  : 

"We  have  repeatedly  said,  and  we  once 
more  insist,  that  the  great  principle  embo- 
died by  Jefferson  in  the  Declaration  of  Amer- 
ican Independence,  that  governments  derive 
their  just  power  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned, is  sound  and  just ;  and  that  if  the 
slave  Statis,  the  cotton  States,  or  the  Gulf 
States  only,  choose  to  form  an  independent 
nation,  they  have  a  clear  moral  right  to  do 
so.  We  have  never  said,  nor  intimated,  that 
this  is  a  right  to  be  claimed  in  a  freak  or  a 
pet,  and  exercised  with  the  levity  of  a  beau 
choosing  his  partner  for  a  dance.  We  do  not 
believe — we  have  never  maintained — that  a 
State  might  break  out  of  the  Union,  like  a 
bull  from  a  pasture — that  one  State,  or  ten 
States,  might  take  themselves  off  in  a  huff — 
much  less  make  a  feint  of  going,  in  order  to 
be  bribed  to  stay  ;  but  we  have  said,  and  still 
maintain,  that,  provided  the  cotton  States 
have  fully  and  definitely  made  up  their  minds 
to  go  by  themselves,  there  is  no  need  of  light- 
ing about  it ;  for  they  have  only  to  exercise 
reasonable  patience,  and  they  will  be  let  off 
in  peace  and  good  will.  Whenever  it  shall 
be  clear  that  the  great  body  of  the  southern 
people  have  become  conclusively  alienated 
from  the  Union,  and  anxious  to  escape  from 
it,  we  will  do  our  best  to  forward  their  views." 

The  same  eminent  leader  of  the  Re- 
publican party — is  he  not  indeed  the 
father  of  it  ? — in  the  Tribune  of  Dec. 
11,  1860,  said: 

"  We  have  repeatedly  asked  those  who  dis- 
sent from  our  view  of  this  matter,  to  tell  us 
frankly  whether  they  do  or  do  not  assent  to 
Mr.  Jefferson's  statement  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  that  governments  'derive 
their  }UHt powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov. 
erned,  and  that  whenever  any  form  of  gov- 
ernment becomes  destructive   of   these  ends, 


it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abol- 
ish it,  and  to  institute  a  new  government,' 
&c,  &c.  We  do  heartily  accept  this  doctrine, 
believing  it  intrinsically  sound,  beneficent, 
and  one  that,  universally  accepted,  is  calcu- 
lata  1  to  prevent  the  shedding  of  seas  of  hu- 
man blood.  And  if  it  justified  the  secession 
from  the  British  empire  of  three  millions  of 
colonists  in  1776,  we  do  not  see  why  it  wou  d 
not  justify  the  secession  of  five  millions  of 
Southerners  from  the  Federal  Union  in  1881. 
If  we  are  mistaken  on  this  point,  why  does 
not  some  one  attempt  to  show  wherein  and 
why?  For  our  own  part,  while  we  deny  the 
right  of  slaveholders  to  hold  slaves  against 
the  will  of  the  latter,  we  cannot  see  how 
twenty  millions  of  people  can  rightfully  hold 
ten,  or  even  five  millions  in  a  detested  union 
with  them  by  military  force." 

There  is  a  vast  deal  more  of  equally 
logical  and  equally  just  and  truthful 
writing  which  might  be  quoted  from 
the  editorials  of  Mr.  Greeley.  As  he 
challenged  others  to  answer  his  rea- 
soning, so  we  now  challenge  him  to  an- 
swer himself.  The  truth  is,  that  his 
former  position  on  this  question  was 
sound  and  impregnable.  Nobody  ever 
attempted  to  answer  him  ;  none  but  a 
fool  ever  will  attempt  it.  The  right  of 
a  State  to  withdraw  from  the  Union 
for  cause,  or  after  the  compact  is  bro- 
ken by  the  other  parties  to  it,  is  logi- 
cally as  plain  as  the  right  of  a  State  to 
enter  into  the  Union  in  the  first  place. 
It  becomes  a  party  to  the  Union  with 
the  understanding  that  the  other  par- 
ties to  it  will,  in  good  faith,  keep  all 
the  conditions  of  the  compact.  On  no 
other  terms  did  it  bind  itself  to  remain 
a  member  of  the  Union.  The  compact 
being  broken  by  the  other  parties,  re- 
leases it  from  its  share  of  the  bargain. 
But  there  is  a  thing  which  States  have 
no  right  to  do.  They  have  no  right  to 
break  the  solemn  compact  by  which 
each  State  pledged  itself  to  respecl  the 
sovereignty,  rignts,  and  institutions  o, 


+ 


56 


HAVE    STATES,    &C. 


[Feb., 


all  the  other  States  who   are   members 
of  the   Union.     This   breaking   of  the 
compact  is  the  real  revolution,  or  the 
real   "rebellion."      We   have   already 
said  that  it  is   no  part  of  the  purpose 
of  this  article  to  point  out  what  States 
may  have  broken  the   compact.     It  is 
not  necessary,  for   our  present  object, 
to  say  that  any  States  have.     We  are 
dealing"  only  with  this  senseless  asser- 
tion— which  has  become  the  foundation 
of  an   order   of  things   never   contem- 
plated by  the  founders  of  the  Union — 
that,  "  under  no  circumstances  can  a 
State  withdraw  from  the  Union.11     Such 
an  assertion   we   hold   to   be  not  only 
senseless,  but  monstrous.    Such  a  prin- 
ciple carried  out  in  all  the  relations  of 
life,  would  put  a  stop  to  all  the  move_ 
ments  of  civilization.     Who  would  en. 
ter  into  compacts,  partnerships,  or  bar- 
gains of  any  kind,  if  by  so  doing  they 
bound  themselves,  beyond  the  reach  of 
reparation  or  retreat,  to  adhere  to  con. 
tracts  after   they  were   broken   by  the 
other  parties   to   them  ?     It  is   certain 
that  if  such  were  the  character   of  the 
compact  of  the   Union,  not   one   State 
would  ever  have  become  a  party  to  it. 
The  effort  to   change   the   character  of 
the  compact  into  an  involuntary  Union, 
is  revolutionary,  and  should  be  abhor- 
red by  every  State  alike  ;  for  the  exist- 
ence of  every  State  is  alike  involved  in 
the  issue.     Let  us   look  at  the  matter 
through   an   illustration  that   we  can 
easily  appreciate.   Several  of  the  States 
of  this  Union  have,  by  an  act  of  their 
sovereign  right,  abolished  "  slavery" — 
suppose  the  States  which,  by  the  exer- 
cise of  the   same   sovereign  will,  have 
not  abolished,  should  combine  together 
for  the  purpose   of  forcing   the  States 
which  have   abolished   the  Institution 


to  re-establish  it  again  ?  And  suppose 
that  the  "  slave"-holding  States  should 
obtain  a  majority  to  enforce  the  de- 
cree that  every  State  in  the  Union 
should  establish  negro  "  slavery  V 
Would  not  this  be  a  violation  of  the 
compact?  Would  not  the  minority 
have  a  clear  right  to  withdraw  trom 
the  company  of  the  despotic,  compact- 
breaking,  and  revolutionary  majority  ? 
Which  northern  State  would  remain  an 
hour  in  such  a  "  Union  V1  It  would  be 
a  Union  no  longer.  The  State  that 
should  submit  to  such  a  decree  would 
deserve  to  be  despised  by  everybody, 
and  by  all  nations.  Does  not  this  show 
us  the  absurdity,  the  downright  fool- 
ishness, of  the  current  jargon  which  as- 
serts that,  under  no  circumstances 
whatever,  can  a  State  withdraw  from 
the  company  of  its  associates  in  the 
Union  !  We  see  that  the  right  to  with- 
draw for  cause  is  a  necessary  condi- 
tion of  the  compact.  We  also  see  that 
this  right  has  always  been  held  and  af- 
firmed by  statesmen  and  the  States  oi 
the  North.  The  contrary  opinion  is  not 
yet  four  years  old  with  those  who  are 
now  asserting  it  with  lungs  of  brass. 
The  very  men  who  are  now  filling  the 
air  with  hypocritical  yells  for  the  Union, 
are  the  same  who  until  recently  hissed 
and  sneered  at  the  real  friends  of  the 
Union,  as  "  Union-savers."  It  was  a 
term  of  reproach  in  the  mouths  that 
now  ring  the  changes  in  its  praise  ; 
but  the  thing  they  clamor  for  is  not  the 
Union.  The  Union  that  our  fathers 
made  they  hate,  and  there  is  no  lan- 
guage of  abuse  too  strong  for  them  to 
apply  to  those  who  still  fondly  cling  to 
the  glorious  old  Union  that  came  out  of 
the  grand  struggle  of  1176. 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


57 


THE  PEER   4ND  THE  PRINTER.* 
A  NOVEL. 


BY  THOMAS   DUNN  ENGLISH. 


CHAPTER  III., 

Wherein  I  become  almost  a  Spanish  Scholar,  but  lose  both  my  Teachers. 


The  next  day  Paul  Bagby,  having 
heard  of  my  adventure,  called  at  the 
printing-house.  Learning  that  I  was 
about  to  visit  the  patient,  he  volunteer- 
ed to  accompany  me,  saying  that  in  his 
two  years'  sketching  tour  on  the  Penin- 
sula he  had  made  himself  a  tolerable 
master  of  the  Castilian.  We  found  the 
Spaniard  lying  upon  a  couch,  reading, 
while  his  little  daughter  sat  near.  He 
seemed  glad  to  see  me,  and  when  I 
presented  the  artist,  received  him  with 
ail  the  courtesy  that  his  constrained 
position   would   allow  him    to    show. 


negyric  upon  Louis  XIV.,  because  the 
king  sent  forty  arm-chairs  to  the  Aca- 
demy," said  the  Spaniard. 

"Exactly,"  replied  Paul,  laughing, 
11 1  might  have  bought  as  many  as  forty 
sofas  with  the  proceeds  of  Lord  Landys' 
direct  patronage,  throwing  aside  the 
sitters  he  has  sent  me  ;  consequently, 
common  gratitude  requires  that  I  should 
admire  him  as  much  as  D'Alembert  did 
Louis  XIV." 

"  He  is  fond  of  pictures  then.  Has 
he  many  ?" 

"  Yes,  and  some  very  fine  ones.    His 


They  entered  into  conversation  in  Spa-     gallery  contains  a  picture  from   every 


nish,  at  my  instance,  and  while  they 
were  thus  engaged,  I  watched  the 
child,  and  noted  the  play  of  her  fea- 
tures as  she   listened.     Occasionally  I 


modern  artist  of  note,  with  some  fine 
specimens  of  the  masters.  By  the  by, 
he  has  a  picture  painted  by  a  foreign 
artist,  the  portrait   of  a   monk,  which, 


joined  in  the  conversation,  Espinel  ap-     odd  as  it  may  seem,  bears   a  striking 
pealing   to   me    at   times    in    French,     resemblance  to  you,  senior." 


Their  conversation,  I  found  by  this,  had 
turned  upon  the  Earl  of  Landys,  who 
seemed  to  be  a  subject  of  deep  interest 
to  the  Spaniard.  The  latter  at  length 
said  to  me  in  French  : 

"  Monsieur  Bagby  seems  to  admire 
milord  Landees  very  much." 

"  My  faith  !"  said  Paul,  in   the    same 


"  Indeed  I  by   one   of  the   old   mas- 
ters ?" 

"  No  ;  modern,  undoubtedly." 
The  surgeon  now  entered  the  room, 
and  told  us  that  the  senior  would  not 
be  able  to  go  about  for  some  days,  as 
the  internal  injuries  were  severe.  Bag- 
by  translated  this  to   the   patient,  who 


language,    "the  admiration   is    merely      merely  replied  that  it  was  unfortunate, 


gratitude  for  patronage,  of  which  I 
have  received  a  deal  through  the  Lan- 
dys' interest." 

"  D'Alembert  pronounced  quite  a  pa- 


as  he  desired  to  visit  London  at  an  ear- 
ly date.  Bagby  now  rose  to  leave,  and 
I,  promising  to  return  in  a  few  minutes, 
accompanied  him  down  stairs. 


[•Entered  accord  n  •  to  A-'t.  of  Congre  s,  m  t lie  year  ISU4,  by  Vaa  Bvrle,  Uoifon  &  Co.,  iii  the  Clerk's 
Ouice  o:  Lac  iJou.Cv  vJouiL  ot  t.io  UiUbWU  ooaLerf  lor  t.<e  Soullloru  District  oi  isie»v  York.] 


58 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


Feb., 


"  What  do  you  think  of  the  couple  ?" 
I  asked,  when  we  were  fairly  out  of 
the  room. 

"  I  think  the  child  is  the  most  beau- 
tiful creature  of  her  age  I  ever  saw," 
was  the  answer,  "  and  I  intend  to  paint 
her  portrait.  As  for  her  father,  he  is 
no  father  at  all,  I  fancy." 

"  How  do  you  come  to  that  conclu- 
sion ?" 

"  A  child  always  bears  some  resem- 
blance to  each  parent.  It  may  be  only 
such  as  those  acquainted  with  those 
matters  can  point  out ;  but  it  is  always 
there.  Sometimes  the  upper  part  of 
the  head  is  that  of  the  father,  and  the 
lower  that  of  the  mother,  or  vice  versa. 
Then  the  face  may  be  that  of  one  pa- 
rent, when  the  back  part  of  the  head 
will  have  the  configuration  peculiar  to 
that  of  the  other,  or  the  reverse.  Again, 
there  may  be  a  mingling  of  the  facial 
points.  I  have  been  studying  the  two 
with  the  eye  of  a  naturalist,  and  the 
analytical  habit  of  an  artist,  and  the 
girl's  face,  head,  and  physical  confor- 
mation, are  totally  unlike  his,  except 
in  points  that  might  be  accidentally  si- 
milar. Besides,  he  is  a  monk,  or  has 
been  until  recently." 

"  How  do  you  make  that  out  ?" 

"  His  head  bears  the  mark  of  the  ton- 
sure. The  hair  has  been  only  suffered 
to  grow  a  short  while." 

"  It  may  have  been  shaved  through 
illness." 

"Not  a  bit  of  it.  In  that  case  the 
shaving  would  not  have  been  so  regu- 
lar, and  scarcely  on  the  top  of  the  head. 
Then  you  must  remember,  that  although 
she  called  him '  father,'  and  he  address- 
ed her  as  '  daughter,'  he  spoke  of  her 
to  me  all  through  as  '  this  child,'  '  this 
dear  little  girl,'  and  so  on." 

"  But,"  said   I,   "  he  spoke  of  her  to 


me  as  '  the  child  he  was   bound  to  pro- 
tect.' " 

"  Precisely.  It  is  not  a  parental  ob- 
ligation, you  see,  on  which  a  parent, 
taking  it  as  a  matter  of  course,  would 
not  insist.  But  you  had  better  return 
to  your  Spaniard.  I'll  see  you  again, 
and  we'll  talk  the  matter  over  farther. 
Call  on  me  to-morrow  before  you  come 
here,  and  I  will  show  you  how  far  I 
have  gone  in  the  way  of  painting  her." 
"  Do  you  expect  her  to  sit,  then  ?" 
"  Sit  ?  No.  A  face  so  remarkable 
is  easily  painted  from  memory.  1  won't 
get  its  character  and  expression  out  of 
my  mind  for  a  twelvemonth." 

He  left,  and  I  returned  to  Espinel. 
The  latter  was  reading  when  I  came 
in,  but  put  the  book  down. 

"  Do  not  let  me  interrupt  you,"  said 
I.  "  If  you  are  interested,  go  on  ;  but 
first  tell  me  if  I  can  order  anything 
new  for  yon  of  the  landlord." 

"  No  ;  I  am  quite  comfortable,  and 
if  you  will,  would  prefer  to  talk." 

He  then  asked  me  a  great  many 
questions  about  the  town  and  its  vici- 
nity, more  particularly  about  the  Lan- 
dys  family,  all  of  which  I  answered  as 
well  as  I  could.     At  length  he  said  : 

"  How  long  since  you  commenced  to 
study  French  ?" 

11  About  a  year  since." 
"  Are   there   many  French  people  in 
this  town  ?" 

"  Only  one  that  I  know — the  gentle- 
man who  gave  me  lessons — M.  de 
Lille." 

"  You  must  have  great  aptitude  for 
acquiring  languages  Your  accent  is 
defective  in  part,  but  wonderfully  good 
to  have  been  acquired  during  a  year. 
How  would  you  like  to  study  Spanish?" 
"  Very  much." 
"  Kepeat  this  ;"  and  he  uttered  a  few 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


59 


words  in  Castilian. 

I  obeyed. 

"  Very  good  ;  very  good,  indeed," 
said  he,  while  the  little  girl  clapped  her 
hands  in  delisrht.  "  You  have  caught 
the  accent  perfectly.  You  would  find 
the  Spanish  quite  easy  to  master.  Once 
learn  the  alphabetical  sounds,  and  all 
after  that  is  an  effort  of  memory.  I 
know  most  European  languages,  but 
not  English.  I  have  been  thinking, 
as  1  have  nothing  better  to  do  while 
fastened  here,  that  I  would  like  to 
change  lessons  with  you.  I  could  get 
along  fastly,  for  I  am  familiar  with  the 
Low  Dutch,  which  is  nearly  identical 
with  the  Low  Saxon,  one  of  the  parents 
of  the  English  tongue.  You  shall  teach 
me  English,  and  I  will  return  it  with 
Spanish." 

I  acceded  to  the  proposition,  and  the 
lessons  began. 

We  continued  our  studies  all  the 
time  the  Spaniard  remained  in  Putten- 
ham.  In  a  little  time  I  had  mastered 
the  sounds  of  the  Spanish  language, 
and  a  good  many  phrases,  as  well  as 
the  forms  of  its  verbs.  I  was  less  for- 
tunate as  a  teacher  than  pupil.  Espi- 
nel  found  it  very  difficult  to  get  over 
some  of  our  peculiar  sounds,  and  our 
exceptional  orthography  became  a  great 
stumbling-block.  Fortunately  there 
was  in  our  printing-room  a  Spanish 
grammar  and  dictionary,  kept  to  de- 
termine the  proper  spelling  of  Spanish 
words,  when  such  had  to  be  used  in  the 
Chronicle,  and  these  books  were  of 
great  assistance. 

It  was  nearly  four  weeks  before  Se- 
nor  Espincl  was  able  to  rise  and  walk 
about  the  room.  The  shock  had  been 
a  severe  one  to  a  man  over  fifty-six — 
for  such  he  told  mo  was  his  age — and 
his  recovery  was  slow.     So    earnestly 


did  I  labor  during  this  time  that  I  had 
acquired  quite  a  smattering  of  Casti- 
lian, and  managed  not  only  to  trans- 
late rapidly  with  the  aid  of  the  dic- 
tionary, but  to  keep  up  a  brisk  conver- 
sation on  ordinary  subjects.  I  found 
myself,  however,  better  able  to  con- 
verse with  the  child  than  the  old  man. 
Her  prattle,  simple  as  it  was,  I  readily 
understood,  and  my  interest  in  her  was 
so  deep,  that  it  became  my  greatest 
delight  to  talk  with  her.  Zara,  for 
such  was  her  name,  had  by  this  time 
grown  quite  attached  to  me,  and  would 
come  and  sit  on  my  knee,  and  lay  her 
head  on  my  shoulder,  while  I  told  her 
some  nursery  ballad,  or  fairy  story,  in 
my  imperfect  Spanish ;  or  would  prattle 
to  me  in  a  curious  mixture  of  her  own 
language  with  English,  which  last 
tongue  she  acquired  faster  than  Espi- 
nel.  The  Senor  Jose,  meanwhile,  with 
a  table  wheeled  up  to  where  he  sat, 
worked  hard  in  translating  some  Ens:- 
lish  book,  and  occasionally  interrupted 
Zara  and  me  to  ask  me  the  proper  form 
of  some  verb,  or  an  explanation  of  a 
difficult  idiom.  How  tenderly  I  loved 
that  pure  and  affectionate  child  !  How 
delighted  I  was  with  her  growing  at- 
tachment to  me  ! 

At  length  the  Senor  Espinel  was 
able  to  walk  without  serious  difficulty, 
and  managed  to  call  on  Mr.  Gutten- 
berg,  and  thank  him  for  permittiugmy 
attendance.  My  protector  received 
him  civilly  enough,  but  did  not  feel 
prepossessed  in  his  favor.  This  arose 
from  the  fact  that  Paul  Bagby,  then  in 
London,  had  intimated,  previously  to 
his  departure,  that  Espincl  was,  or  had 
been  a  monk.  With  all  his  many  good 
qualities,  John  Guttenberg  had  a  strong 
sectarian  prejudice. 

I  left  the  Espincls    one    night  about 


60 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Feb., 


ten  o'clock,  having  shaken  bands  with 
Don  Jose,  and  kissed  little  Zara,  who 
always  remained  up  from  rest  until  I 
left.     She  .said,  as  we  parted  : 

"  Good  night,  brother  Ambrosio. 
Some  day  Zara  grow  great  big  ;  then 
she  spick  English  much  gooder  as 
now." 

I  smoothed  her  hair  with  my  hand, 
arid  turned  to  go.  As  I  left  the  land- 
lord came  with  a  letter  which  had  ar- 
rived by  the  evening  mail,  directed  to 
the  Senor  Jose  Espinel.  I  noticed  that 
it  had  the  London  mark. 

The  next  day,  at  noon,  I  went  to  see 
my  friends  as  usual,  and  was  told  that 
the  Spaniard  and  his  daughter  had  ta- 
ken places  the  night  before  in  the  mail- 
coach  for  London,  and  had  departed  at 
daybreak. 

"  He  left  this  for  you,"  said  the  land- 
lord. 

I  tore  open  the  letter.  It  was  in 
French,  and  read  in  English  thus  : 

"  My  dear  young  friend — A  letter,  received 
as  you  left  us  last  night,  called  me  direct  to 
London,  without  an  opportunity  to  bid  you 
more  than  this  farewell,  or  to  express,  as  I 
oufht,  my  sense  of  \our  kindness.  Zara 
sends  her  love  to  you,  and  the  enclosed  sou- 
venir. May  God  have  you  in  his  holy  keep- 
ing. 

•'Jose  Espinel." 

Enclosed  in  the  letter  was  a  packet, 
containing  a  lock  of  hair,  which  I  knew 
at  once  to  be  Zara's. 


CHAPTER  IV., 

Which  details  singular  events,  including  a  fresh 
Mystery,  and  introduces  the  Bight  Honorable 
the  Earl  of  Landys. 

About  two  months  after  Zara  and 
her  father  had  left  the  town,  Tom 
Brown,  who  had  been  over  to  the  shop 
for  copy,  told  me  that  a  package  ad- 
dressed to  me  had  arrived    by  the  car- 


rier from  London.  For  I  must  men- 
tion that  our  printing-house  was  a  back 
building,  in  the  rear  of  a  piece  of 
ground  on  which  the  book-shop  and 
dwelling-house  was  built,  and  faced  on 
a  ten  foot  alley  behind.  I  asked  Tom 
what  the  package  was  like,  and  why 
he  did  not  bring  it  with  him. 

"  It  is  thin,"  answered  he,  "  and 
looks  like  a  big  atlas,  wrapped  up  in 
brown  papor.  I'd  have  brought  it  in, 
Brosy,  my  boy,  and  charged  you  a  pint 
of  beer  for  carrying  it,  only  they 
wouldn't  let  me.  The  Governor,"  mean- 
ing thereby  his  master,  "  said  you  were 
to  come  in  the  shop  shortly,  as  he 
wanted  to  see  you.  He  is  in  a  terri- 
ble state  of  excitement,  I  can  tell  you, 
about  the  skeleton  they  picked  up  this 
morning,  and  has  got  the  traps  they 
dug  out  with  it." 

"  I'll  go  as  soon  as  I  fill  my  stick," 
said  I.  "  What  skeleton,  and  where 
did  they  find  it  ?" 

"You  know  Sharp's  old  rookery,  in 
the  Ram's  Horn  ?" 

The  Ram's  Horn  was  the  cant  name 
given  to  a  crooked  lane  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  town,  inhabited  by  the  poorest 
class  of  people. 

"Yes,"  I  replied,  "it  tumbled  down 
during  the  last  storm." 

"Exactty;  very  much  tumbled;  went 
all  to  crash.  Sharp  sold  it  a  little 
while  since  to  Bingham,  who  also 
bo  light  the  three  next  to  it,  and  is  about 
to  build  his  new  brew-house  there. 
They've  been  clearing  out  ruins  and 
digging  foundations  all  last  week. 
This  morning,  right  in  t\ie  center  of 
what  used  to  be  the  cellar  of  Sharp's 
house,  they  came  across  a  skeleton,  in 
some  rotten  clothes.  Old  Dr.  Craig 
says  that  the  bones  belonged  to  a  wo- 
man.    The  gold,  sleeve-buttons  of  the 


1865.1 


THE  PEER  AND  THE  PRINTER. 


CI 


chemise  were  there,  and  a  gold  pin, 
with  a  sky-blue  stone  in  it,  and  some 
queer-shaped  letters  on  the  back  ;  the 
woman's  name,  I  suppose." 

"  What  was  the  name  V 

«  Queer— very— V.  M.  Taw.  Mrs. 
Taw  must  have  been  made  away  with, 
aud  buried  there  ;  at  least  that  is 
everybody's  say-so.  They  found  a  dag- 
ger there,  the  rummiest  kind  of  a  knife, 
with  a  blade  as  crooked  as  a  dog's 
hind-leg,  and  a  carved  wooden  handle, 
partly  rotten.  The  Governor  heard  of 
it,  and  he  bought  all  the  things.  I 
think  he  means  to  keep  'em  in  the  shop 
to  draw  custom.  Old  Sharp  tried  to 
get  them  for  the  Museum,  but  the  Go- 
vernor was  too  quick  for  him.  He  is 
in  a  terrible  pother  about  something." 

"  Who  ?     Sharp  ?" 

"  No  ;  our  old  man.  He  and  the 
mistress  are  holding  a  grand  confabu- 
lation. I  heard  'em  mention  your 
name  as  I  went  in." 

I  finished  my  task,  washed  my  hands, 
put  off  my  apron,  and  went  to  the 
house.  Mary  Guttenberg,  a  girl  of 
fourteen,  just  turning  into  womanhood, 
was  sewing  in  the  back  part  of  the 
shop.  Her  father  and  mother  were  in- 
side of  the  counter.  Before  them  were 
various  articles,  including  the  things 
Tom  had  spoken  of.  As  I  came  for- 
ward, Mrs.  Guttenberg  pointed  to  the 
larger  package.  I  undid  the  fasten- 
ings, and,  after  removing  the  wrapper, 
and  two  stout  bits  of  binder's  bands, 
placed  on  either  side  to  preserve  it  from 
injury,  I  found  a  portrait,  one-fourth 
size,  of  Zara  Espinel.  From  the  P.  B. 
in  the  left-hand  corner,  I  knew  it  to  be 
the  work  of  Paul  Bagby.  As  I  opened 
it  I  discovered  a  letter,  addressed  to 
me.  When  I  had  admired  the  portrait 
suiliciently,  I  opened  th -\  letter.     It  was 


from  Paul,  dated  at  London,  and  these 
were  the  contents  : 

"My  dear  little  type-slicker: 

«•  Herewith  you  have  a  copy  of  my  portrait 
of  little  Zara,  whose  untimely  fate  in  being 
whisked  away  by  a  grim,  grey-bearded  ogre, 
you  have  so  much  lamented.  I  think  that  I 
have  not  only  caught  the  features,  but  the 
whole  spirit  of  her  extraordinary  face.  I 
should  like  your  criticism  on  that  point,  for 
you  were  so  fond  of  her  that  her  expression 
must  be  firmly  fixed  on  your  mind. 

"  Apropos  to  Zara — who  do  you  think  I  saw 
in  the  Park  yesterday  ?  No  other  than  that 
mysterious  Don,  the  Senor  Espinel.  My 
conjecture  concerning  him  was  right.  Don 
Jose  is  Fray  Jose.  He  wore  the  suit  of  black, 
with  the  cut  and  style  of  the  ecclesiastic.  He 
was  in  a  coach,  with  a  coat  of  arms  on  the 
panel,  but  it  drove  off  and  past  before  I  could 
make  out  more  than  a  ducal  coronet.  I  was 
on  foot — what  right  has  a  poor  devil  of  an 
artist  to  ride  anything  but  Shank's  mare  ? 
Our  eyes  met,  and  I  bowed.  He  looked  at 
me  superciliously,  as  much  as  to  say,  '  And 
who  are  you,  pray  ?  It  was  a  cut. — cool  as  a 
cucumber — unless  I  am  very  much  mistaken. 
There  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  twitching  about 
the  corners  of  his  mouth,  as  though  he  en- 
joyed my  discomfiture.  I  felt  annoyed,  raid 
have  made  up  my  mind  to  pick  up  a  quarrel 
w'th  his  reverence  on  the  first  opportunity. 
Zara  was  not  with  him.  I  should  like  to 
know  where  he  has  bestowed  her.  Would 
not  you  ? 

"  I  have  a  famous  commission.  I  am  to 
make  a  series  of  paintings  for  a  wealthy 
Yankee — at  least  he  came  from  New  York, 
and  I  presume  he  is  an  American.  He  wants 
a  set  of  pictures,  without  limit  as  to  number, 
of  Engiisa  life  and  scenery.  He  is  a  perfect 
magnificio — as  stately  and  proud  as  a  baron 
of  old — and  has  lots  of  tin.  His  name  is 
Archbold. 

"  Give  my  compliments  to  the  worthy  pub- 
lisher of  that  astounding  print,  the  Patten- 
ham  Chronicle,  and  te>l  the  redavteur-en  chef 
that  ministers  tremble  at  the  thunders  he 
hurls,  and  the  world  generally  shakes  at  his 
fulminations  as  usual.  I  have  three  pictures 
ready  for  the  exhibition  of  this  year,  ^here- 
from I  expoet  great  fame,  unless  the  hanging 
committee  treat  me  unfairly,  au  I  elevate  my 
offspring  forty  cubits  Lugn.  1  nave  known 
vagabonds  to  do  bUOil  tilings. " 


62 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[Feb., 


The  rest  of  the  letter  was  rilled  with 
gossip.  I  put  it  down  and  turned  to 
view  the  picture  again,  which  Mary 
Guttenburg,  who  had  laid  down  her 
work  for  the  purpose,  now  held  in  her 
hand. 

"  How  pretty  she  is  !"  exclaimed 
Mary,  and  her  father  and  mother  echoed 
her  comment.  The  likeness  was  won- 
derfully correct.  The  artist  had  caught 
the  expression  of  tenderness  peculiar  to 
her  face,  the  liquidity  of  her  dark  eyes> 
and  all  the  poetry  of  her  clouds  of  dark 
hair.  He  had  brought  to  his  task  the 
whole  force  of  his  genius,  and  every 
resource  of  his  art. 

"  What  a  sweet  face  !"  continued 
Mary. 

"  Beautiful,  indeed  !"  said  a  voice  be- 
hind us. 

We  turned,  and  to  our  astonishment 
stood  the  Karl  of  Landy's,  who  bowed 
slightly  and  apologetically.  But  the 
bend  of  his  body  was  entirely  wasted 
on  a  part  of  the  by-standers.  Mr.  John 
Guttenberg  was  filled  with  all  that 
servile  deference  to  a  peer  which  marks 
the  true  English  tradesman.  Had  the 
Right  Honorable  John,  Earl  of  Landys, 
ex-member  of  the  Privy  Council,  con- 
descended to  have  thrown  a  flip-flap 
then  and  there — an  outrageous  impos- 
sibility to  suggest,  I  admit — my  worthy 
patron  would  have  thought  it  in  nowise 
incompatible  with  the  dignity  of  the 
peerage.  He  would  have  gone  into 
ecstacies  at  the  agility  of  the  noble- 
man, and  would  have  avowed  at  once 
that  no  one  below  the  rank  of  a  mar. 
quis  could  have  thrown  such  a  flip-flap 
as  that.  He  felt  honored  by  the  ill-bred 
peeping  of  the  peer. 

All  the  Guttenburgs  bowed  pro_ 
foundry  ;   and  the  head  of  the  family, 


with  a  smiling  face  and  a  rubbing  of 
the  palms  of  the  hands  together — a 
trick  of  his  when  desiring  to  be  very 
courteous — inquired  in  what  way  he 
could  have  the  honor  of  serving  his 
lordship. 

"  I  called,  Mr.  Guttenburg,"  said  the 
Earl,  "  to  say  I  would  like  to  have  the 
last  new  novel,  if  it  be  in." 

I  said  to  myself — 

"That  is  not  true,  my  lord.  You 
would  have  it  sent  you  by  the  carrier 
from  London  ;  or,  had  you  wanted  it 
from  ns,  would  have  despatched  a  ser 
vaut  to  obtain  it.  You  have  some 
other  motive  for  this  extraordinary 
visit." 

However,  though  I  thought  all  this 
I  said  nothing  aloud,  of  course,  but 
merely  stood  there  in  a  respectful  atti- 
tude waiting  to  hear  more. 

Mr.  Guttenburg  took  down  the  book 
from  the  shelf,  and  did  it  up  careiuliy 
in  white  paper,  offering  to  send  it  by 
me,  but  the  Earl  said  he  would  take 
it  himself,  and  threw  down  the  subscrip- 
tion-money. 

"  Can  I  have  the  honor  to  serve  your 
lordship  in  any  other  way  ?"  inquired 
the  zealous  bookseller.  '*  Will  your 
lordship  condescend  to  accept  a  copy 
of  this  week's  Chronicle?  You  will 
find  your  lordship's  recent  arrival  at 
Landys  Castle  respectfully  noticed  un- 
der the  proper  head.  Will  your  lord- 
ship deign  to  be  seated  ?" 

But  his  lordship  preferred  to  stand. 

"  Is  that  picture  for  sale  ?"  he  asked. 

u  Of  course,  your  lordship.  That  is, 
it  belongs  to  my  adopted  son  there, 
Ambrose,  (pay  your  respects  to  his 
lordship,  sir,)  and  no  doubt  he  would 
be  glad  to  dispose  of  it  if  your  lord- 
ship wished."     And  the  bookseller  con- 


865.] 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER 


63 


torted  his  brows  and  looked  at  me  as 
much  as  to  say — "  "  Why  don't  you  of- 
fer it  to  him  at  once  V 

But  I  was  determined  not  to  part  with 
the  picture  at  all  and  said — ■ 

11  It  is  a  gift  from  a  friend,  and  there- 
fore your  lordship  will  see,  cannot  be 
sold." 

"  It  is  a  very  fine  picture.  What 
artist?" 

"  M  r.  Paul  Bagby.  my  lord." 

"  Ah,  yes  !  I  see  his  mark.  I  might 
have  known  his  style.  I  would  like  to 
have  a  copy." 

"  This  is  a  copy,  my  lord.  He  re- 
tains the  original." 

"Is  it  a  fancy  sketch  or  from  life ?" 

"  From  life,  my  lord." 

"Indeed!  a  very  beautiful  child  then. 
I  am  much  struck  with  the  face  and 
will  write  to  Mr.  Bagley  on  the  sub- 
ject. By  the  by,  Mr.  Guttenberg,  what 
is  this  story  about  a  skeleton  having 
been  found  in  the  town  ?  They  tell  me 
that  you  have  some  curious  relics." 

"  Yes,  your  lordship,"  replied  the 
printer  ;  "  and  Mrs.  Guttenberg  and 
myself — let  me  have  the  honor  of  pre- 
senting Mr.  Guttenberg  to  your  lord- 
ship's notice — were  discussing  the  mat- 
ter just  before  your  lordship  entered 
the  shop.  It  is  very  singular  taken  in 
connection  with  the  other  circumstan- 
ces ;  very  singular  indeed,  your  lord- 
ship." 

"  Is  there  a  story,  then?" 

"Yes,  your  lordship.  Pray  be  seat- 
ed, my  lord,.  I  am  pained  to  see  your 
lordship  standing.  Mary,  my  dear,  you 
may  resume  your  former  seat  back 
there." 

Mary  retreated  to  the  rear  of  the  shop, 
with  a  vexed  expression  on  her  coun- 
tenance ;  but  she  endeavored  to  listen 
as  well  as  the  distance  would  permit. 


"  You  see,  your  lordship,  that  my 
wife  and  I  are  of  the  opinion  that  the 
skeleton  is  connected  with  the  history 
of  this  boy.  If  your  lordship  will  deign 
to  listen,  you  shall  judge  for  yourself. 
Don't  go,  Ambrose,"  continued  he  as  I 
made  a  motion  to  leave,  "  I  intend  to 
give  his  lordship  your  real  history 
which  you  have  never  heard  yourself.' 

He  then  detailed  the  circumstances 
I  have  before  given  to  the  readers  of 
the  events  of  the  night  in  which  I  came 
into  his  charge,  and  displayed  the  jew- 
elry and  articles  received  with  me, 
dwelling  on  the  fact  that  the  pin  or 
brooch  recently  found  matched  the 
bracelet  before  had,  and  bore  an  in- 
scription similar  to  that  on  the  inside 
of  the  ring.  I  took  up  the  pin  as  he 
spoke,  and  there,  deeply  engraven  on 
the  back  : 

V.M.-.TA/W 

"  And  was  the  package  the  woman 
gave  you  ever  found  ?"  inquired  Lord 
Landys,  when  the  printer  had  finished 
his  narration. 

"  Never,  your  lordship  ?" 

"  Your  adopted  son  does  you  credit," 
said  the  Earl.  "  1  hear  that  he  is  a 
young  man  of  correct  deportment  and 
very  studious,  as  well  as  proficient  in 
two  or  three  languages.  If  he  desire 
it,  he  can  have  the  use  of  my  library 
occasionally.  I  will  speak  to  Mr.  Os- 
born,  my  steward,  to  that  effect  on  my 
return  to  the  castle-" 

I  bowed  my  acknowledgment  of  the 
favor,  and  Mr.  Guttenberg  rubbed  his 
hands  and  bobbed  his  head  with  great 
assiduity. 

"And  this  portrait,  you  say  Mr. — 
Mr.—" 

"  Fecit,  my  lord."  suggested  Mrs. 
Guttenberg. 


64 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[Feb., 


"  Ah,  yes  !  thank  you.  This  por- 
trait, you  say,  Mr.  Fecit,  is  from  life. 
Did  I  hear  you  mention  the  name  of 
the  party  V} 

"  Her  name  is  Zara,  my  lord.  She  is 
the  daughter  of  a  Spaniard  who  was  in 
this  town  some  few  months  back,  and 
who  met  with  an  accident  which  de~ 
layed  him  for  several  weeks." 

"  Ah,  yes  1  I  remember.  You  res- 
cued the  child,  I  believe.  I  think  I 
read  some  account  of  it  either  in,  or 
copied  from  the  Chronicle.  I  believe 
also,"  and  here  the  nobleman  fixed  his 
eyes  full  on  mine,  "that  this  same 
Spaniard  did  me  the  honor  to  inquire 
concerning  me." 

How  did  he  know  that?  I  had  nev' 
er  mentioned  it  to  any  one.  I  felt  a 
a  little  embarrassed,  having  no  idea, 
how  far  the  queries  might  be  pushed  ; 
but  I  answered  : 

"  He  did  make  some  inquires  con- 
cerning matters  of  interest  in  the 
neighborhood,  among  the  rest  about 
your  lordship's  place  and  asked  ques" 
tions  about  your  lordship's  family  ;  but 
those  were  such  as  strangers  are  apt 
to  put." 

"  May  I  ask  who  he  was  and  what 
he  was  ?" 

"  Senor  Jose  Espinel,  my  lord,  I  do 
not  know  his  profession,  ii  he  had  any; 
that  is  not  beyond  doubt " 

"  You  conjecture  then  ?" 

"Another  does.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested to  me  that  he  was  a  monk  or 
something  of  that  sort." 

"  Was  the  child  his  daughter  ?" 

"  I  cannot  say,  my  lord." 

"  Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  des- 
cribe the  man  ?" 

"  I  complied  as  accurately  as  I  was 
able,  for  though  I  felt  the  querist  was 
endeavoring  to  get  from  me  all  the  in- 


formation he  could,  there  was  no  rea- 
son why  I  should  withhold  what  he 
wanted,  and  I  was  anxious  to  discover 
the  cause  of  his  manifest  interest,  and 
thought  that  full  aeplies  might  lead  to 
a  probsble  conjecture  on  my  part.  The 
Earl  mused  a  moment  and  then  said  : 

"  Did  you  notice  anything  peculiar 
in  iris  person  or  manner  ?"    . 

This  was  said  carelessly,  but  at  the 
lattea  part  of  the  sentence  his  voice,  as 
I  thought  trembled  a  little.  I  watched 
him,  therefore,  curiously  as  I  replied  : 

"Nothing,  my  lord,  in  his  manner, 
more  than  the  profusion  of  gesture 
common  to  most  foreigners;  and  noth- 
ing on  his  person  except  a  blood-mark 
on  his  right  wrist  shaped  like  a  cross. " 

The  Earl  turned  pale  and  shivered 
as  though  he  were  cold.  He  dropped 
the  subject,  and  turning  toward  the 
counter  took  up  the  rusted  and  crooked 
dagger. 

"  I  recognize  this  kind  of  weapon," 
said  he.  "  This  is  a  krees,  a  dagger 
used  by  the  Malays.  I  passed  three 
months  on  the  island  of  Sumatra,  with 
my  late  cousin,  years  since,  and  be- 
came well  acquainted  with  their  lan- 
guage and  costume.  Indeed,  one  rea- 
son why  I  have  proffered  Mr.  Fecit 
here  the  use  of  my  library  is  that  I 
learn  that  he  is  fond  of  the  study  of 
languages.  Having  some  pretensions 
to  be  a  linguist,  myself,  I  sympathise 
with  his  pursuit." 

"  May  I  presume,  said  my  patron 
to  asp  your  lordship  a  question  ?" 

"  Do  so." 

"  The  tall  dark  man  of  whom  I  told 
you,  spoke  to  the  lady  in  a  strange 
lenguage.  I  remembei  one  one  word 
which  seemed  to  have  a  powerful  effect. 
It  was,  near  as  I  can  make  out  the 
sound,  diyum  1" 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


65 


"The  word,  I  think,  is  Malay.  It 
sounds  very  near  the  word  for  silence 
in  that  language." 

"Fray,  my  lord,"  said  I,  "is  this  in- 
scription in  the  Malay  character?"  and 
I  nointed  to  the  letters  on  the  brooch. 

No  ;  these  seem  to  be  the  rude  at- 
tempts of  some  foreigner  to  form  Eng- 
lish characte*rs." 

After  some  general  conversation, 
Captain  Berkely  and  another  officer 
came  in  the  shop,  and  his  lordship,  af- 
ter nodding  to  them,  turned  'to  leave 
the  shop,  accompanied  to  the  door  by 
the  obsequious  printer. 

"  Well,  old  fellah,"  said  Berkely,  when 
the  printer  returned,  "  what  was  Lord 
Toplofty  doing  here,  eh  ?" 

"  His  lordship  has  been  paying  his 
subscription  to  the  library,  captain. 
Bless  me,  if  his  lordship  hasn't  left  the 
novel.  His  lordship  has  only  gone  a 
i'ew  steps.  Bun  after  him,  Ambrose, 
and  hand  it  to  him,  with  my  respectful 
compliments." 


CHAPTER  V., 

In  ichkh  I  meet  with  the  Dowager  Countess,  and 
see  a  strange  portrait. 

His- lordship  kept  his  word  as  a  noble- 
man should.  Mr.  Osborne,  the  stew- 
ard, called  at  the  shop  a  few  days  af- 
terward, and  told  me  that  I  had  per- 
mission to  read  in  the  library  of  the 
Castle  at  suitable  hours.  These  suita- 
ble hours  1  found,  upon  inquiry,  were 
from  three  to  six  in  the  afternoon,  while 
the  family  were  there,  and  at  any  hours 
1  might  choose  when  the  family  were 
away.  The  time  first  named  interfered 
with  my  duties  in  the  composing-room, 
but  Mr.  Guttenberg  looked  upon  the 
permission  as  an  express  command  from 
an  authority  not  to  be  contemned,  and 
insisted  that  I  should    spend    the   time 


set  down  for  me  among  his  lordship's 
books.  I  was  readily  obedient,  for  I 
thus  had  a  field  of  study  opened  to  me, 
otherwise  far  beyond  my  reach.  I  found 
the  library  to  be  a  full  one — the  rarest 
and  finest  editions  of  new  and  old  works 
occupying  the  shelves.  It  struck  me 
that  neither  the  earl  nor  his  visitors 
ever  troubled  the  library,  unless  per- 
chance to  lounge  there,  since  none  of 
the  works  on  the  shelves  bore  traces 
of  frequent  use.  My  mind  did  not 
dwell  on  that  fact.  I  thought  only  of 
enjoying  the  advantages  which  1  pos- 
sessed. Among  the  volumes  were 
grammars  and  dictionaries  of  all  the 
European  languages,  and  some  of  Asi- 
atic tongues,  besides  a  few  hundred  of 
the  writings  of  various  foreign  authors 
in  the  original..  My  fondness  for  ac- 
quiring languages  found  new  stimulus 
and  satisfaction,  and  I  applied  myself 
earnestly  to  a  pursuit  which  some 
would  have  called  a  task. 

Time  passed  for  several  months  with 
little  incident  worthy  of  notice.  I  heard 
nothing  of  Zara  or  her  father  in  the 
meanwhile,  and  it  was  only  at  rare  in- 
tervals that  they  came  to  my  memory. 
I  was  lost  in  my  rambles  through  a 
new  world.  My  ordinary  life  was  sim- 
ply monotonous,  the  same  round  of  em- 
ployment in  the  printing-room  or  circu- 
lating library,  and  1  made  no  acquaint- 
ance beyond  our  circle  of  patrons,  with 
whom  I  was  a  favorite.  The  officers 
of  the  regiment,  through  .Berkely,  had 
me  in  to  assist  when  they  gave  ama- 
teur dramatic  performances,  but  this 
was  only  an  occasional  amusement. 
The  servants  at  the  castle  got  to  know 
me  very  well,  and  often  amused  me  by 
a  bit  of  gossip  concerning  the  family, 
or  an  anecdote  of  one  of  iU  membei*8. 
To  all  these    I   listened,  but  made   no 


66 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[Feb, 


comments.  I  was  naturally  fond  of 
talking-,  but  I  was  naturally  prudent; 
This  was  soon  discovered,  and  I  be" 
came  gradually  the  depository  of  a  deal 
of  secret  history,  useless  enough,  but 
very  amusing. 

Among  other  facts,  I  speedily  learn- 
ed that  the  Dowager  Countess  of  Lan- 
dys,  the  mother  of  the  late  earl,  was 
nearly  imbecile — so  much  so  that  she 
was  constantly  attended  to  by  her 
maid,  a  woman  who  had  been  brought 
up  in  the  family  ;  and  that  the  present 
earl  suffered  her  to  retain  the  apart- 
ments she  had  occupied  during  her 
son's  life -time.  She  was  said  to  have 
become  insane  on  receiving  the  news 
of  her  son's  shipwreck  ;  but  the  violent 
paroxysms  ceased,  leaving  her  mind  in 
a.state  approaching  idiocy,  and  giving 
rise  to  a  few  harmless  peculiarities. 
Her  cousin,  Lady  Caroline  Bowlington, 
was  the  only  one  who  had  the  power 
to  interest  her.  During  her  short  year- 
ly visit  the  countess  seemed  to  rally, 
and  her  mind  resumed  its  normal  con- 
dition. On  the  departure  of  her  cousin 
there  was  an  apparent  relapse. 

1  also  became  well  acquainted  with 
the  steward,  Mr.  Osborne.  He  was 
quite  a  line  gentleman  in  manners,  and 
hud  the  entire  confidence  of  his  noble 
master.  Indeed  it  was  remarked  by 
many  that  the  consultations  between 
the  two  were  conducted  on  a  footing 
of  equality,  and  that  the  manner  of  the 
steward  to  the  peer  was  that  of  one 
who  felt  secure  of  his  position  under 
all  circumstances.  No  one  knew  the 
origin  of  this  Mr.  Osborne.  He  came 
when  the  wearer  of  the  title  succeeded 
to  the  earldom,  having  been  summoned 
from  a  distance.  It  was  said  that  they 
traveled  together  abroad,  and  had  been 
connected   for   many    years.      People 


wondered  how  the  servant  maintained 
such  absolute  control  over  the  master, 
for  it  was  evident  that  the  smooth, 
smirking  aud  dapper  gentleman  lost  a 
portion  of  his  deferential  manner  when 
conversing  with  his  patron,  and  paid 
but  little  heed  to  the  commands  gene- 
rally put  as  suggestions  of  the  latter. 
There  was  some  secret  in  this  which 
none  had  been  able  to  discover.  I  made 
no  effort  to  penetrate  it.  It  was  no  af- 
fair of  mine. 

Thus  it  passed  until  about  a  year  af- 
ter the  rescue  of  Zara,  when,  as  I  sat 
one  day  in  my  customary  place  in  the 
library,  Lord  Landys  entered.  I  rose 
to  go,  but  he  bade  me  remain  and  be 
seated.  He  took  up  the  book  I  had 
been  reading,  the  Dejing  Navodu  Cres- 
kelio,  of  Francis  Palacky,  and  put  me 
some  questions  as  to  its  contents,  pos- 
sibly to  ascertain  what  progress  I  had 
made  in  the  language  in  which  it  was 
written.     At  length  he  said  : 

"Do  you  keep  up  communication 
with  your  mysterious  Spanish  friend 
still,  Mr.  Fecit  V 

"  No,  my  lord,"  was  my  answer.  "  I 
have  not  heard  of  him  or  of  his  dauorh- 

o 

ter,  for  a  lomr  while." 

"  I  should  have  thought  Mr  Bagby 
would  have  kept  you  advised  of  their 
movements." 

"  No,  my  lord.  He  never  mentions 
them  in  the  occasional  letters  I  receive 
from  him,  and  I  suppose  is  as  ignorant 
of  their  whereabouts  as  I." 

"  Hardly  since  he  painted  the  little 
Zara's  portrait." 

"That  was  a  sketch  from  memory, 
my  lord.  She  has  a  striking  face,  apt 
to  fix  its  features  in  an  artist's  mind." 

"  You  are  to  be  free  of  your  inden- 
tures in  a  couple  of  years,  I  believe," 
continued  the  earl  "  Have  you  thought 
on  your  future  pursuits  V 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


67 


"  Not  particularly,  my  lord.  I  shall 
be  a  printer,  of  course." 

44  You**  information  and  quickness, " 
said  he,  and  I  rose  and  bowed  an  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  compliment,  "lift 
you  out  of  that  sphere  of  life.  There 
are  few  avenues  for  ambition  in  Eng- 
land, without  the  command  of  money 
and  connexions,  but  abroad  you  might 
rise  rapidly." 

"  It  is  possible,  my  lord,"  I  replied  ; 
"but  it  would  require  means  there 
too." 

"  Those  might  be  found.  I  have  in- 
fluence with  the  present  ministry,  and 
could  procure  you  a  creditable  posi- 
tion in  India.  The  road  there  to  repu- 
tation and  wealth  is  not  yet  choked 
up.  At  least,  youth,  health,  talent 
and  enterprise  might  remove  all  ob- 
stacles." 

"  I  thank  your  lordship,  but  I  have 
no  desire  to  abandon  the  land  where  I 
was  horn." 

11  Are  you  sure  that  you  were  born 
here,  at  ail  ?"  was  the  quick  reply. 

I  was  startled  at  the  question,  and 
the  tone  in  which  it  was  uttered.  Be- 
fore I  could  frame  an  answer,  he  con- 
tinued— 

"1  do  not  mean  to  wound  your  feel- 
ings at  all,  but  you  know  your  own 
his  tor}*,  and  you  might  have  been 
born  in  France,  you  know.  Think  on 
my  proposition  well  before  you  reject 
it.  It  gives  you  an  opportunity  which 
you  can  never  have  upon  the  soil  of 
England.  But  perhaps  you  are  deter- 
mined to  remain  here  in  order  to  in- 
vestigate the  mystery  of  your  birth." 

"  No,"  1  replied,  "  I  have  thought  of 

that,  but  there  seems   to   be   no  clue. 

The  loss  ot    the   packet    of    papers    by 

Mr.  Guttenberg  is  irreparable.  I  shall 
not  waste  time  in  a  fruitless  pursuit. 
When  1  come  to  grapple  with  the  world 


I  will  do  it  boldly,  and  I  will  allow  no 
vain  object  to  weaken  my  efforts." 

"  You  are  ambitious,  then,"  said  the 
earl,  as  he    arose    to   leave   the  room 
"  Think  well  on  India — wealth  and  dis- 
tinction." 

Without  reflecting  any  more  on  his 
offers,  I  resumed  my  reading,  when  he 
had  retired.  How  long  I  read  it  is 
impossible  to  say,  but  I  had  certainly 
gone  through  a  great  number  of  pages, 
when  I  heard  the  rustling  of  silk,  and, 
looking  up,  beheld  a  very  old  woman 
regarding  me  with  apparent  interest. 

There  wTas  something  startling  in 
the  apparition. 

The  features,  from  the  indications 
presented,  must  at  one  time  have  been 
handsome  ;  age  had  not  entirely  des- 
troyed their  pleasing  regularity  of  out- 
line ;  but  the  soul  which  formerly  ani- 
mated them  was  clouded.  In  strange 
contrast  with  the  brilliant  black  eyes, 
and  the  white  hair  which  escaped  in 
masses  from  beneath  the  laced  cap, 
was  the  vacant  expression  about  the 
mouth,  whose  puckered  lips,  slightly 
parted,  disclosed  the  toothless  gums. 
The  old  woman  looked  at  me  intently, 
and  then  muttered  something*  which  I 
could  not  distinguish.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  words,  plainly  uttered  : 

"  Her  son  !  it  must  be  ;  yes,  look  at 
the  ear." 

I  recovered  from  my  astonishment 
at  length,  and,  rising*,  bowed  respect- 
fully ;  for  I  was  sure  that  this  was  the 
Dowager  Countess  of  Landys.  She 
motioned  me  to  resume  my  seat,  and 
when  1  hesitated,  sank  in  a  chair,  and 
waving  her  hand,  said  in  a  peremptory 
way  : 

"  Sit,  sir  1" 

I  obeyed,  and  she  still  kept  her  eyes 
fixed  on  me,  the  features   lighting   up. 


68 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[Feb., 


and  the  vacant  expression  quite  gone. 
I  was  meditating  how  to  escape  the 
painful  scrutiny,  when  she  spoke 
again,  and  this  time  in  a  voice  of  ten- 
derness : 

"  I  have  not  seen  you  for  many  days, 
my  son.  Why  do  you  mourn  her  loss 
still  ?  She  was  not  worthy  of  you.  I 
told  you  in  the  beginning  how  it  would 
be.     Let  her  go.'7 

I  made  no  answer.  What  could  I 
have  said  ? 

"  He  will  come  again/7  continued  the 
Countess,  now  apparently  talking  to 
herself.  "  I  know  it.  He  will  come 
again.  What  the  living  promised  the 
dead  would  do,  were  the  body  a  hun- 
dred fathoms  beneath  the  sea.  The 
dead  has  never  come,  and  the  living 
will.77 

The  interview  with  one  thus  crazed 
became  so  embarrassing  that  I  was 
about  to  escape  it  by  flight,  when  the 
steward  entered  the  room.  The  Coun- 
tess glared  at  him  for  a  moment,  rose, 
and  walked  with  a  haughty,  and,  for 
her  years,  a  vigorous  step  from  the  li- 
brary. 

"  Were  you  much  disturbed,  Am- 
brose ?7'  inquired  Osborne. 

"  Yes,  sir  ;  and  in  some  fear,  though 
she  has  been  here  but  a  few  minutes. 
It  is  the  Dowager  Countess — is  it  not?77 

uYes.  It  is  singular  that  she  said 
nothing  to  you.  She  is  very  apt  to 
make  queer  remarks  to  strangers.77 

"  She  did  say  something,'7  I  said,  and 
repeated  her  words. 

"  Do  you  understand  it  ?'7  he  inquir- 
ed. 

Now,  why  should  he  ask  that  ?  Why 
should  I  understand  it?  Is  there  some 
secret  here  they  fear  I  may  fathom  ? 

These  were  the  questions  that  I  in- 
stantly put  to  myself.    But  to  Osborne 


I  merely  gave  a  negative  to  his  ques- 
tion. 

"  She  sometimes  eludes  the  vigilance 
of  her  attendant,77  he  said,  "  and  goes 
wandering  about  in  this  strange  kind 
of  way,  startling  visitors  with  all  kinds 
of  queer  sayings.  She  often  fancies  if 
she  meets  with  a  stranger  that  he  must 
be  her  son.  She  has  never  recovered 
the  late  earl's  loss.77 

"  Her  ladyship  seems  to  be  very  old," 
I  said. 

"  Yes  •  but  I  merely  came  to  get  a 
book,  and  will  not  disturb  you.'7 

Mr.  Osborne  selected  a  book  from 
the  shelves,  and  left  the  room. 

I  resumed  my  study,  but  was  doom- 
ed to  another  interruption.  I  heard 
the  door  open,  and  on  looking  around, 
saw  another  stranger. 

The  last  intruder  was  a  woman,  neat- 
ly clad  in  black,  apparently  a  kind  of 
domestic.  She  was  about  forty  years 
of  age,  with  bold,  strong  features,  short 
in  stature,  rather  stout,  but  not  fat. 
Her  eyes  were  grey,  and  were  fixed  cm 
me  in  some  surprise. 

"I  beg  pardon,  sir,77  she  said,  "  but 
I  have  missed  the  Countess  Dowager, 
and  looked  to  see  if  she  were  here.  She 
sometimes  comes  in  the  library-77 

"  Ah  !  you  are  her  attendant  then  ?" 

"  Yes,  sir.77 

"  She  was  here,  but  left  when  Mr. 
Osborne  came.77 

"  She  does  not  like  him — who  does  ? 
I  hope  you  won't  think  me  imperti- 
nent, but  pray  who  are  you,  sir  ?7' 

"  My  name  is  Ambrose  Fecit.  I  am 
Mr.  Guttenberg7s  apprentice  and  adopt- 
ed son.77 

"  A  printer's  boy  !     How  singular  \n 

I  was  amused  at  the  tone  in  which 
the  words  were  uttered,  and  the  look 
of  wonder  in  her  face. 


18 65. J  THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER.  69 

"  Pray,"   I   inquired,  "  is  it  singular  "  Whose  portrait  Vr 

that  I  should  be  a  printer's  apprentice,  I'm  sure  I  don't  know.     The   butler 

or  that,  being  a  printer's  apprentice,  I  says  he  was   a   pirate.     It   has   hung 

should  be  seated  here  ?"  there  for  years.     The  late  earl  brought 

"  No,  it  was  not  that  ;  but  the  like-  it  here.     Would  you  like  to  see  it  V 

ness  was  so  strong."  "  Very  much,"  I  replied. 

"  What  likeness  ?"  "  Come   with   me,  and  I  will   show 

"  Yours  ;  you   look  like  the  portrait  you." 
in  the  north  gallery." 

(7b  be  continued:) 


-+&+~ 


A  LOST  HEART. 

You  gave  me  your  heart,  a  donation  of  woe, 
From  that  gift  all  the  mischief  has  grown  ; 

For  now  I've  lost  mine,  and  never  shall  know 
Which  is  yours,  and  which  is  my  own. 


THE  POET  AND  THE  GODS. 

g«  Give  me,"  said  Bacchus,  "  a  bumper  of  wine  !" 
*'  No,"  said  Apollo,  "  a  young  lass  be  mine  !" 

**  Then,"  said  the  poet,  "  since  the  gods  disagree, 
To  end  the  dispute,  let  both  be  for  me." 


-:o:- 


THE  POET'S  TOAST. 

To  the  old  let  long  life  be  a  treasure  ; 

And  the  young,  let  them  taste  cv'ry  pleasure  : 
And  the  fair,  let  us  kiss, 
They'll  welcome  the  bliss  ; 

All  the  rent,  give  them  peace  without  measura 


TO 


THE   LITERATURE    OF   WAR. 


|Feb. 


THE  LITERATURE  OP  WAR. 


I  ne'er  approved  this  rash  romantic  war, 
Begot  by  hot-  brained  bigots,  and  fomented 
By  the  intrigues  of  proud  despairing  priests. 
All  ages  have  their  madness,  this  is  ours." 

[Lino's  Elmerklc. 


Critically  speaking"  the  title  of  this 
article  may  not  be  correct.  For  war 
is  a  foe  to  literature,  as  it  is  of  every 
other  polite  accomplishment  and  virtue. 
The  field  of  literature  and  refinement 
lies  in  the  regions  of  peace.  That  nev- 
er flourished  in  time  of  war.  It  was 
nursed  at  the  breast  of  peace.  The 
great  jEneid  of  Virgil  came  out  of  the 
quiet  and  peaceful  shades  of  Mantua. 
So  it  was  in  the  solitary  vales  of 
Vaucluse  that  Petrarch  drew  the 
breath  of  poetic  inspiration,  and  sent 
forth  his  sweet  sonnets  to  refine  and 
elevate  the  affections.  It  was  in  the 
depths  of  peace  that  Paradise  Lost 
was  born.  War  never  gave  birth  to 
such  triumphant  monuments  of  genius 
as  these.  It  is  the  nature  and  the 
business  of  war  to  destroy  the  works 
of  literature  and  virtue.  Whither  have 
vanished  the  splendid  temples,  paint- 
ings and  statues  that  once  adorned  the 
cities  of  Corinth  and  Athens  ?  Ques- 
tion not  Time  but  the  destructive  God 
of  War.  Behold  the  revels  of  the 
Goths  and  Huns  of  Alaric  among  the 
monumental  glories  of  Rome  !  After 
the  streets  had  been  strewn  with  the 
dead  of  every  age,  a  violent  assault 
was  made  upon  the  works  of  art  of 
every  description  Says  Gibbon,  "The 
palaces  of  Rome,  were  rudely  stripped 
of  their  splendid  and  costly  furniture. 
The  sideboards  of  massy  plate,  and  the 
variegated  wardrobes  of  silk  and  pur- 


ple, were  irregularly  piled  in  wagons 
that  always  followed  the  march  of  a 
Gothic  army.  The  most  exquisite 
works  of  art  were  roughly  handled  or 
wantonly  destroyed  ;  many  a  statue 
was  melted  for  the  sake  of  the  pre- 
cious materials  ;  and  many  a  vase,  in 
the  division  of  the  spoil,  was  shivered 
into  fragments  by-  the  stroke  of  the 
battle-ax." 

Is  it  possible  that  Gibbon  wrote 
these  things  of  those  savage  barbari- 
ans, the  Goths  and  Huns,  in  the  City 
of  Rome,  one  thousand  four  hundred 
and  fifty  years  ago?  We  think  he 
must  have  been  prophesying  of  the 
performances  of  the  refined  and  Chris- 
tian soldiery  of  the  North  in  the  cities 
of  the  South,  in  the  year  of  our  Blessed 
Lord,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-four.  0  war  !  war  !  what  a  fiend 
art  thou  !  The  fury  of  the  vandals  in 
Italy  has  been  the  way  of  all  nations 
when  thoroughly  inspired  by  the  demon 
of  war.  How  often  has  the  whole 
beautiful  Palatinate  been  laid  waste 
by  this  foul  fiend  I  The  Ukraine,  dur- 
ing the  last  century,  was  laid  waste  in 
the  same  savage  manner  by  that  mon- 
ster Catharine  of  Russia.  Almost  the 
whole  of  La  Vandee,  thickly  peopled 
as  it  was  with  a  rural  population,  and 
everywhere  bearing  the  mark  of  the 
highest  cultivation,  and  smiling  with 
plenty  and  happiness,  was  doomed,  in 
the  French  Revolution,  to  a  horrid  de- 


1865.] 


THE    LITERATURE    OF    WAR. 


71 


vastation.  Mr.  Southcy,  in  his  history 
of  the  Peninsular  War,  speaking-  of  the 
splendid  castle  of  Benevento,  says  : 
"Every thing"  combustible  was  seized. 
Fires  were  lighted  against  those   fine 

o  o 

walls  ;  and  pictures  of  unknown  value, 
the    wurks    of    the    greatest    Spanish 
masters,  and   of  other  great  painters 
who   left  so   many  of  their  finest  pro- 
ductions in  Spain,were  heaped  together 
as  fuel.     Cottages  were  all  roofless  and 
untenanted.       Ashes    scattered    upon 
their   ruined  walls,  gardens,  the  shells 
of' fine   houses,  all  destroyed  by  fire.'' 
Think  we  just  here  of  the  noble,  the 
Christian,  the  Union-saving*  march  of 
Sheridan  through  the   rich  and  beauti" 
ful  valley  of  the    Shenandoah,   or    of 
Sherman   over    the  fair    and    fruitful 
fields  of  Georgia.      Wise,  humane  and 
beautiful  way  to  save  the  Union  !     Let 
us  pause  for  a  moment  to  admire  the 
wisdom  and  humanity  of  this  modern 
march  of  the  vandals,  and   adore  the 
character  of  the  very  Christian  people 
who  applaud  it !     To  drink  still  deeper 
draughts  of  approval,  let  us  go  back  to 
1814,  and  behold  the    British   army  en- 
tering the  City  of  Washington.     They 
burn    down    the    capitol,    the    Presi- 
dent's   house,   the   public    offices,   des- 
troying the  national  library,  with   all 
its      invaluable     historic     documents. 
Beautiful  1       Wc,    whose   sublime    pa- 
triotism,   and  lofty  Christian   feelings, 
prompt  us  to  rejoice   in  the  burning  of 
southern  mansions,  and  in  committing 
to  the  flames   rare  libraries,  and   con- 
tinental    pictures,     will     find     sweet 
themes  for  reflection  in    these  reminis- 
ces of  British   vandalism.     They  ought 
to  make   us     in     love    with    war    like 
a    Christian     minister.      They   ought 
to     make     our     hearts      swell    with 
watls faction,  like  the   heart  of  a  minis- 


ter when  he  hears  of  the  burniiiLr  of  a 
wheat-field,  or  of  the  fireing  of  a 
widow's  home. 

Such  a  demon  does  war  make  of  hu- 
man nature. 

"The  gates  of  mercy  shall  be  shut  up  ; 

And  the  flesh'd  soldier,  rough  and  hard  of 

heart, 
In  liberty  of  bloody  hand,  shall  rage 
With  conscience  wide  as  hell  ;  mowing  like 

grass 

Your  fresh  fair  virgins  and  your  flowering 
maids." 

(Slialcspeare,  Henry  V. 

In  the  fable  of  Mars  the  reign  of  that 
destructive  god  is  foreshadowed.     He 
was  born  of  Juno,  without  a  father,  in 
a  fit  of  jealousy  and  revenge.     Having 
learned  that  Jupiter  had  brought  Pal- 
las into  the  world   by  projecting  that 
goddess  from  his  brain,  without  her  as- 
sistance,  Juno  retired  to  the   garden 
of  Olenitis,  and, without  his  aid,  brought 
Mars,  the   god  of  war,  into  the  world. 
The   3^oung   monster   was    nursed    by 
fierceness.      He    was    worshipped     in 
Lemos  by  the  sacrifice  of  human  beings. 
His  companions  were  fear  and  anger. 
His   sister,  Bellona-,  attended  him  with 
a  bloody  whip.     The  wolf,  the  dog,  the 
vulture   and  the   cheating   Pye,    were 
dedicated  to  him.     Typical  of  his  fero- 
cious, ravenous,    and  lying  character. 
He   is  described    by  Homer  as  a  mur- 
erer — unjust,  impious,  mad  and  perfidi- 
ous.    His  priests  were  called  Salii,  and 
were  twelve  in  number,   who  carried 
the  Ancilia,    or  sacred   bucklers  from 
the    Temple   of  Mars,    in    procession, 
leaping,  dancing,  and  singing  profane- 
ly through  the  streets.     What   a  pic- 
ture of  the   levity,  profanity,  and   dis- 
gusting   infidelity    of    the     abolition 
priests  of  our  day  !       These  hyenas  of 
our  pnlpits  are  the  Salii  from  the  Tem- 
ple of  Mars,  not  ministers  of  the  blessed 


72 


THE    LITERATURE    OF    AVAR. 


Feb., 


religion  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  Their 
altars  were  originally  built  by  Numa, 
not  by  Christ.  Mars  was  absolved  from 
the  murder  which  he  committed  in  the 
iEropagus,  the  seat  of  Athenian  jus- 
tice, to  signify  that,  while  the  slightest 
misdeeds  were  punished  in  the  reign 
of  peace,  the  greatest  crimes,  the  most 
inhuman  murders  were  permitted  under 
the  reign  of  Mars.  Seneca  describes 
it  all  in  this  line— r"  Pa vafurlepuniun- 
iur,  magna  in  triumphis  agunter  ;h  i.  e., 
small  murders  are  punished,  great 
ones  honored  with  triumphs. 

The  ancient  poets  represent  Mars  as 
the  enemy  of  Minerva,  the  goddess  of 
wisdom  and  arts.  There  was  an  irre- 
concilable feud  between  them.  How 
true  has  fabulous  history  proved  itself 
to  be  in  the  real  history  of  civilized  na- 
tions !  Mars  the  enemy  of  Minerva. 
War  everywhere  the  foe  of  wisdom 
and  art.  The  implacable  enemy  of  civ- 
ilization. Many  nations,  in  fighting 
lor  the  possession  of  territory,  have 
lost  their  civilization. 

"Alas,  poor  country  : 
Altmost  afraid  to  know  thyself!     It  cannot 
Be  called  our  mother,  but  our  grave  ;  where 

nothing 
Bat  who  know  nothing  is  never  seen  to  smile  ; 
Where  sighs,  and  groans,   and  shrieks  that 

rend  the  air, 
Are  made,  not  mark'cl  ;  where  violent  sorrow 

seems 
A  modern  ecstasy  ;  and  the  dead  man's  knell 
Is  there  scarce  asked  for  whom  ;  and  good 

men's  lives 
Expire  before  the  flowers  in  their  caps. 

[Macbeth. 

In  these  lines  we  may  see  our  own 
wretched  face,  as  in  a  glass,  at  the 
present  moment-  The  victories  we 
have  won  are  over  ourselves.  Tri- 
umphs over  our  own  happiness  and 
lives.  We  sometimes  go  oT  in  ecstasy, 
but  it  is'  the  ecstasy  of  madness,  for  it 


is  over  our  own  dead.     We   shout  like 
fiends   that   we    killed    ten   thousand 
"  rebels."     But  we  forget  like  tools  that 
wTe  devoted  to  death  thirty  thousand  of 
our   own  people  in  that  single  day  of 
combat.      Our  own  people  !      Who  are 
our  people  ?     Are  not  the  Virginians 
as  much  our  people  as  the  Vermonters  ? 
If  I  were  to  choose  for  my  neighbor  be- 
tween the  general  characteristics  of  a 
Virginian  and  a  Vermonter,  I  could  not 
be  long  in  making  my  election.    Why 
should  I,  who  find  it  impossible  not  to 
weep  over  the  mangled  corpse  of  a  brave 
man  of  Vermont,  turn  round  and  laugh 
and   jibe    over    the    same    sight    of  a 
brave  Virginian  ?      Thank  God  that  I 
am  not  so  bereft  of  my  reason  and  my 
humanity.     They   are    all    my   people. 
Nor   can  I  find   in   my  heart   any  sym- 
pathy for  the  popular  uncivilization  and 
barbarism  which   localizes   death    and 
then   shouts  in  gladness  over  it.     The 
triumph  of  offensive  war  is,  at  best,  a 
barbarian's   glory.     I  shudder   at  the 
attrocities    of  war,  committed   by  na- 
tions  professing  Christianity      I    turn 
away  in  sick  disgust  from  these  bloody 
Sain,  the  lying  priests  from  the  filthy 
temple    of  Mars,  who  officiate   in  our 
pulpits  in  the  prostituted  name  of  the 
sublime  Prince  of  Peace  from  Gallilee. 
Mr.   Medhurst  an   English  missiona- 
ary  at  Batavia,  once  presented  a  tract 
to  a  Malay.     On  receiving  it  he  said  to 
the  missionary  :  -'  Are  you  coming  to 
teach  me  this  new  religion  ?      Look  at 
the  nations  professing  it.     How  they 
cut   each   other's    throat    about    such 
trifles  as  the  title  to  a  few  acres  of 
land  !"    The  Emperor  of  China  gave  as  ' 
a  reason  for  refusing  the  Christian  re- 
ligion to  be  preached  in  his  empire,  that 
"Wnerever    the    Christians    go,    they 
whiten    the    soil   with    human  bones " 


1865.] 


ilIE    LITERATURE    OF    WAR. 


73 


A  Turk  at  Jerusalem  once  said  to 
Mr.  Wolff,  a  missionary:  "Why  do 
you  come  to  us  ?"  "  To  teach  you 
peace,"  replied  Wolff.  "  Peace  !"  ex- 
claimed the  Turk,  leading  him  to  the 
window,  and  pointing  to  Mount  Calva- 
ry ;  "  There  upon  the  very  spot  where 
your  Lord  poured  out  his  blood,  the  Mo" 
hammedan  is  obliged  to  interfere  to 
to  prevent  Christians  from  shedding 
the  blood  of  each  other  !"  What  would 
be  the  ho  rror  of  the  Malay  of  Batavia 
the  Emperor  China,  or  the  Turk  of  Je- 
rusalem were  they  to  look  upon 
our  country  now,  as  it  lies  soaking  in 
fraternal  blood!  How  would  they 
shudder  at  the  ferocity  of  the  conflict 
and  at  the  low  and  groveling  motive 
with  which  it  is  waged  !  If  this  is 
civilization  what  would  barbarism  be  ? 
If  this  is  liberty  where  would  they  turn 
their  eyes  to  get  a  look  at  tyranny  ? 
If  this  is  a  model  Republic  where  the 
laws  are  under  the  feet  of  armies,  what 
what  could  a  model  despotism  be  ?  Plu- 
tarch says  of  Philopcemen,  "  Nature, 
indeed,  gave  him  such  talents  for  com" 
mand  that  he  knew  not  only  how  to 
govern  according  to  the  laws,  but  he 
knew  how  to  govern  the  laws  themselves.''1 
If  this  is  praise,  we  have  examples 
nearer  to  us  than  the  Achaen  comman- 
der. Plutarch  also  tells  us  that  the 
blood-thirsty  Marius  studied  to  make 
new  commotions  in  the  Roman  Com- 
monwealth, because  he  discovered  that 
all  his  greatness,  arose  from  war.  It 
was  the  saying  of  this  tyrant  that  "In- 
ter arma  silent  leges" — i.  e.,  in  war  the 
laws  are  silent.  This  has  been  called 
a  law  maxim.  It  never  was  a  law 
maxim,  notwithstanding  we  have  heard 
no  less  a  person  than  the  Hon.  Daniel 
S.  Dickinson  quote  it  as  such.  D  was 
the  maxim  of  a  tyrant  and  a  murderer. 


If  such  were  a  principle  of  law  all  that 
any  monster  would  have  to  do  to  de- 
prive the  people  of  the  protection  of 
their  laws  would  be  to  get  up  a  war.  Sir 
James  Mackintosh  remarks  that  "  an  ar- 
my with  the  sentiments  which  it  is  the 
system  of  modern  Europe  to  inspire,  is 
not  only  hostile  to  freedom  but  incom- 
patible with  it " 

It  is  the  nature  of  war  not  only  to 
make  an  end  of  liberty  and  to  destroy 
the  works  of  science,  literature  and  art, 
but  to  overthrow  the  social  fabric  it- 
self. Tacitus  refers  to  this  as  one  of 
the  scourges  of  war.  Count  Segur  in 
his  account  of  the  expedition  into  Rus. 
sia,  has  this  remark  :  "  Henceforward 
there  was  no  fraternity  in  arms  ;  there 
was  an  end  to  all  society,  to  all  ties  ; 
the  excess  of  evils  had  brutified  them.'* 
It  is  even  so  in  all  wars,  except  those 
of  unavoidable  self-defense.  We  are  in 
full  possession  of  this  intolerable 
scourge  at  the  present  moment.  It 
was  the  boast  of  a  drunken  western 
senator,  in  the  Senate  Chamber  of  the 
United  States,  even  before  the  com. 
mencement  of  the  present  war,  that 
11  we  will  leave  the  print  of  our  char- 
iot wheels  so  deep  in  the  soil  of  the 
South  that  eternity  shall  not  wear  them 
out,"  That  threat  may  be  fulfilled  ; 
but  those  chariot  wheels  have  already 
left  still  deeper  marks  in  our  social 
structure.  The  plowshare  has  been 
sent  through  society  here  in  the  North, 
until  the  very  foundations  of  good 
neighborhood  have  been  broken  up  ; 
and  a  whole  generation  must  pass 
away  from  the  scene  of  action  before 
we  shall  recover  from  the  shock.  The 
child  is  yet  unborn  that  will  live  to  see 
us  in  the  possession  of  the  peace,  pros- 
perity, and  all  the  blessings  of  civili- 
zation   which    we    enjoyed     in    such 


14 


THE    LITERATURE    OF    WAR. 


[Feb., 


abundant  degree  before  the  commence- 
ment of  the  suicidal  strife.  Society 
with  us  more  resembles  a  caravan  of 
tigers  than  a  community  of  intelligent, 
Christian  gentlemen.  Neighbors  pass 
each  other  in  the  streets  with  that  pe- 
culiar cut-throat  cast  of  countenance 
which  indicates  the  hell  that  reigns 
within  the  breast.  The  war  is  every- 
where. Not  alone  in  the  smoking  ru- 
ins of  Southern  cities,  but  here  in  the 
heart  and  brain  of  every  man  and 
woman  of  the  North.  Our  chariot 
wheels  have  passed  over  the  fruitful 
fields  of  the  South  ;  and  they  have  al- 
so passed  over  our  own  hearts,  tearing 
out  their  human  sympathies,  and  scat- 
tering to  the  four  winds  of  heaven  all 
the  sweet  charities  and  blessed  emblems 
of  religion  and  civilization.  There  is  no 
escape  from  the  consequences  of  our 
crime.  No  hiding  place  for  our  follies 
When  Mars  thought  he  was  commit, 
ting  adultery  with  Venus  in  secret,  he 
was  seen  by  all  the  gods.  Even  so 
our  present  folly  and  uncivilization  are 
seen  and  abhorred  by  all  the  world  ex- 
cept ourselves.  We,  as  if  possessed  by 
demons,  rejoice  even  in  our  calami- 
ty. In  such  detestation  did  the  Ro- 
mans at  the  most  refined  era  of  their 
history  hold  civil  war  that  they  would 
not  permit  the  picture  of  Mars  to  be 
painted  on  their  gates  and  private 
doors  ;  but,  instead,  painted  the  like 
ness  of  Minerva,  the  goddess  of  wis 
dom,  art,  science,  and  literature. 

We  shudder  to  imagine  what  the 
people  of  this  country  would,  at  the 
present  time,  paint  as  public  emblems 
of  their  taste  in  morals,  literature  and 
art.  As  for  our  literature,  it  has  lost 
nearly  every  trace  of  all  the  respecta- 
bilit}'  it  ever  possessed.  For  the  most 
part,  its  dignity  and  truth  are  in  keep- 


ing with  the  worthless  and  lying  des- 
patches of  the  War  Department.  Al- 
most everything  in  the  shape  of  ro- 
mance, criticism,  essays,  and  poetry, 
partakes  of  the  fever,  fraud  and  false- 
hood of  politics  and  manners.  A 
book  that  was  not  devoted  to  some  de- 
lusion or  sham,  would  astonish  us,  as 
something  making  its  appearance  out 
of  due  time.  The  current  popular  li- 
terature is  well  represented  by  such 
books  as  the  "  The  Bobbin  Boy,"  wh'ch 
is  simply  a  string  of  insipid,  fulsome 
lies  about  the  progress  of  Gen.  Banks 
from  boyhood  to  manhood.  He  is  call- 
ed "  The  Bobbin  Boy"  from  having 
lived  in  a  factory.  Had  he  never  left 
it,  his  own  and  his  country's  honor 
would  be  better  off.  His  life  began 
with  bobbin,  and  winds  up  with  tape — - 
poor  stuff,  in  this  instance,  certainly, 
to  make  a  hero  of ;  and  a  wretched 
piece  of  mortal  vanity  to  weave  into  a 
volume.  There  is  another  book  of  the 
same  character  about  Gen.  Grant,  en- 
titled "  The  Tanner  Boy,"  based  upon 
the  fact  that  his  father  was  a  tanner  ; 
and  another  about  Chase,  as  "  The  Fer- 
ry Boy  ;"  and  still  another  about  Andy 
Johnson,  as  "  The  Tailor  Boy."  There 
are  dozens  of  books  of  these  titles,  all 
written  in  a  vein  of  laudatory  fulsomc- 
ness  and  most  indecent  disregard  of 
truth.  They  are  called  "  books  for  the 
times,"  and  they  are  well  named  ;  for 
their  shallowness,  falseness,  and  syco- 
phancy, are  indeed  characteristic  births 
of  the  times.  Even  Edward  Everett 
writes  and  lectures  volumes  of  sense- 
less fiction  and  dribble  about  the  re- 
bellion and  the  war,  showing  that  his 
manhood  and  his  literary  character 
have  succumbed  to  the  enervating  and 
demoralizing  temper  of  the  hour.  Bry- 
ant vainly  tries   to  spur  up   his  jaded 


1865]  THE    LITERATURE    OF    WAR.  75 

muse  to  sing*  the  glories  of  blood    and  the  popular  litterateurs  of  the  day.     He 

negroes.    Only  such poetlings as  Boker,  is  the  t3'pc  of  the  new  American   man 

Bayard  Taylor,  Stoddard  and  Aldrich,  of  genius.     Alas,  the  once   bright  face 

can  get  off  their  tin  horns  at  full  blast  of  American  literature  is  covered  with 

on  such  subjects,  because   their   muse  soot  and  blood,  and  wool.     We  advise 

is  incapable  of  higher  flight.     It  is  the  no  man  to  attempt   to  wash  them   off, 

age  of  negro  literature.     Fred  Doug-  unless  he  is  prepared  to  encounter  the 

las   deserves  to  stand  at    the  head   of  yell  of  a  hundred  thousand  hyenas  ! 


-♦- 


ARABIAN  EPIGRAMS. 


ON   A  VALETUDINARIAN. 


So  careful  is  Isa,  and  anxious  to  last, 

So  afraid  of  himself  is  he  grown, 
He  swears  through  the  nostras  the  breath  goes  too  fast, 

And  he's  trying  to  breathe  thro'  but  one. 

ON  A  MISER. 

11  Hang  her,  a  thoughtless,  wasteful  fool, 
She  scatters  corn  where'er  she  goes"— 

Quoth  Hassan,  angry  at  his  mule, 
That  dropt  a  dinner  to  the  crows. 

TO  A  LADY,  UPON  HER  REFUSAL  OF  MELONS,  AND  HER  REJECTION  OP  THE 
ADDRESSES  OF  AN  ADMIRER. 

When  I  sent  you  my  melons,  you  cried  out  with  scorn, 
"They  ought  to  be  heavy  and  wrinkled,  and  yellow;" 

When  I  offered  myself,  whom  those  graces  adorn, 
You  flouted  and  called  me  an  ugly  old  fellow. 

TO   A  LADY,    ON   SEEING   HER   BLUSH. 

Lelia,  whene'er  I  gaze  on  thee, 

My  altered  cheek  turns  pale, 
"While  upon  thine,  sweet  maid,  I  see 

A  deep'ning  blush  prevail. 

Lelia,  shall  I  the  cause  impart 

Why  such  a  change  takes  place  ? 
The  crimson  stream  deserts  my  heart, 

To  mantle  on  thy  face. 

TO   A   FEMALE   CUPBEARER. 

Come,  Lelia,  fill  the  goblet  up, 

lloach  round  the  rosy  wine, 
Think  not  that  we  will  take  the-  cup 

From  any  hand  but  thine. 

A  draft  liko  this  'twore  vain  to  seek, 

No  grane  can  such  supply  ; 
It  st'Niis  its  tint  from  Lena's  check, 

Its  brightness  Ironi  her  eye. 


16 


POETICAL    HISTORY    OF    KISSING. 


[Feb, 


POETICAL  HISTORY  OP  KISSES. 


Now,  let  ns  see  if  we  can  unbend  a 
little  from  the  severe  attitude  in  which 
our  heart  and  brain    are  fixed   by  long1 
battling'  against  fraud,  despotism  and 
war,  to    bring   out   of  the    shadow  re- 
gions of  the  past  something  of  this  de- 
lightful  record   of  kisses.     But   let  it 
not  be  supposed   that  we  are  writing 
this  article  exclusively  for  our  lady  pa- 
trons.    The   men   are  more  in  need  of 
it,  from  the  fact  that  they  are  more  in 
danger  of  losing  their   humanities   in 
the  barbarian  ordeal  through  which  we 
are  passing.     The  theme  is  all-compre- 
hending.    It  has  made  of  one  blood  all 
nations  ;  and  we  may  add  that  it   has 
made  of  one  blood  the  philosophers  and 
the  fools  of  all    nations  ;  for    all  have 
acknowledged  the  delight   of  kissing  ; 
though  not  perhaps  in  the   same   sub- 
lime degree,  as  we  suppose   that  must 
depend,  in  a   great   measure,  upon  the 
culture  and  refinement  of  the  heart  and 
brain.     Historically,  we    are    able    to 
trace  kissing  as  far  back,  at   least,  as 
the  termination  ot  the   siege   of  Troy 
when  we  are    told   that  "  upon  the  re- 
turn  of  the    Grecian   warriors,    their 
wives  met  them,  and  joined   their  lips 
together  with  joy'" 

Kissing  among  the  heathens  was  a 
religious  ceremony.  Cicero  tells  us  of 
the  statue  of  Hercules,  of  which  the 
chin  and  lips  were  worn  away  by  the 
constant  kissing  of  the  worshippers. 
We  have  traces  of  this  ceremony  in 
the  kissing  of  the  Testament  on  the 
administration  of  oaths  in  our  courts 
of  justice. 

Kissing  also   h<*s    an   early   sacred 
history,  for  we  read   in   Genesis   that 
•  Jacob  kissed  Rachel." 


The  refined  Greeks  celebrated  no- 
thing so  much  as  the  kiss.  Anacreon 
tells  us  that  he  dreamed  of  asking  a 
beautiful  girl  for  a  kiss,  and  just  as  ho 
was  about  to  receive  it,  he  unfortu- 
nately awoke  and  lost  it : 

"  When  as  I  thought  to  snatch  a  kiss, 

The  vision  fled— the  sleep  of  bliss 

And  left  alone,  I  felt  in  vain 

The  torturing  wish  to  sleep  again." 

The  following  is  a  perfectly  literal 
translation  of  one  of  the   epigrams  of 

the  Greek  Anthology : 

"  A  certain  maid  kissed  rne  one  evening  with 
moist  lips. ; 

The  kiss  was  nectar,  for  her  mouth  emitted 
the  sweets  of  nectar. 

Now  I  am  drunk  with  the  kiss,  having  im- 
bibed so  much  love." 

The  following  exquisite  lines  are  al- 
so from  the  Anthology  : 

"  He  who  thy  lovely  face  beholds, 
Whose  beauty  every  charm  unfolds, 
Is  surely  blest  ;  but  more  so  he, 
Who  hears  thy  voice  of  harmony  ! 
But  more  than  mortal  is  the  bliss 
Of  him  who  ravishes  a  kiss, 
In  p'ayful  dalliance  from  those  lips 
Where  glowing  love  his  empire  keeps 
But  quite  a  god  is  sure,  the  swain, 
Who  feels  thee,  blushing,  kiss  again, 
And  from  that  mouth  the  gift  receives, 
Which  all  his  soul  of  sense  bereaves." 

But  not  in  Greek  poetry  alone  do  we 
find  such  delightful  accounts  of  the 
kiss  ;  the  philosophers  of  the  classic 
land,  even  such  profound  ones  as  Pla- 
to, may  be  quoted  to  the  same  effect, 
as  witness  the  following  literal  trans- 
lation of  one  of  his  epigrams  : 

' '  When  Agathis  by  a  burning  kiss  consent- 
ed to  repay  my  passion,  I  felt  my  soul  com- 
ing to  my  lips,  as  though  it  wanted  to  get  up- 
on those  of  Agathis." 


1865.] 


rOETICAL   HISTORY    OF    KISSING. 


77 


Aristieneytus  called  a  kiss  "the  sweet 
uiin^lina:   of    souls."      Tins    beautiful 
idea  that  the  souls  of  lovers  pass  from 
i  to  lip  through  a  kiss  is  everywhere 
een  in    the  writings    of  the    Greeks. 
VVe  often  meet  with  the  charming  fan- 
cy that  the  soul  of  the  dying-  may  pass 
into  the  soul  of  the  living- lover  through 
a    kiss.     Bion    has    made  use    of  this 
consoling    thought    in    his    matchless 
Epitaph   on  Adonis,  where    he    makes 
Venus  exclaim  ; 

"  Stay,  poor  Adonis  !  lift  thy  languid  head, 
Ah,  let  me  find  thy  last  expiring  breath, 
Mix  Hps   with  lips,    and   draw   thy  soul  in 

aeath. 
Wake  but  a  li'  tie  for  a  last,  last  kiss  : 
13    i   t  ie  last,  but  warm  with  lite  as  this— 
That  through  my  lips  I  may  thy  spirit  drain, 
Suck  thy  sweet  breath— drink  love   through 

every  vein  ; 
This  kiss  shall  serve  me  ever  in  thy  stead, 
Since  thou  thyself,  unhappy  one,  art  tied." 

To  show  the  difficulty  of  doing  jus- 
tice to  this  beautiful  passage  in  Eng- 
lish verse,  we  give  a  perfectly  literal 
prose  translation  of  it  : 

"  Rise  for  a  moment,  0,  Adonis  !  and  give 
me  a  kiss  just  before  thou  diest!  Kiss  me  if 
it  be  never  so  little,  while  yet  thy  kiss  has 
life  ;  whilst  thy  breath  may  flow  from  thy 
soul  into  my  mouth,  and  into  my  heart,*'  aud 
I  will  steal  away  thy  sweet  love,  but  I  will 
preserve  this  kiss  as  if  it  was  Adonis  himself, 
when  thou,  unhappy  youth,  dost  ily  me." 

The  Latin  poets  were  far  less  refined 
and  spirititelle  in  their  ideas  of  the  kiss 
than  the  Greeks. 

The  following,  for  an  illustration, 
will  show  us  what  a  complete  glutton 
Martial  was  in  the  business  : 

"Come,  dearest,  and  give  mo  sweet  kisses, 
Fox  sweeter  sure  girl  never  gave  ; 

Lut  why  in  the  midst  of  my  blisses, 
Do  you  :isk  me  how  many  I'll  have? 

*  The  word  we  translate  "  heart,"  is,  in  the  <irw;<: 
"livor."  Tneanclems  believed  that  the  abode  ui' 
love  was  lu  the  liver* 


I'm  not  to  be  stinted  in  pleasure  ; 

Then  prithee,  my  charmer,  be  kind  ; 
For  whilst  I  love  you  beyond  incisure, 

To  numbers  I'll  ne'er  be  confined." 

If  we  may  trust  the  word  of  Foty- 
dore  Virgil,  the  people  of  England,  in 
his  time,  were  famous  for  their  kissing 
habits.  He  says  :  "  The  women  of 
England  not  only  salute  their  rela- 
tions, but  all  persons  promiscuously  ; 
and  this  ceremony  they  repeat,  gently 
touching  them  with  their  lips,  not  only 
with  grace,  but  without  the  least  im- 
modesty." 

But  the  great,  the  reverend,  the  pi- 
ous Erasmus,  bears  a  still  more  ample 
and  glowing  testimony  to  this  sweet 
custom  of  the  ancient  Britons.  He 
wrote  home  to  a  friend,  as  follows  : 

"  Did  you  know,  my  Faustus,  the  plea- 
sures which  England  affords,  you  would  fly 
here  on  winged  feet,  and  if  your  gout  would 
not  allow  yon,  you  would  wish  yourself  a 
Daedalus.*  To  mention  to  you  one  among 
many  things,  here  are  nymphs  of  the  love- 
liest looks,  good-humored,  and  whom  you 
would  prefer  even  to  your  favorite  muses. 
Here  also  prevails  a  custom  never  enough  to 
be  commended,  that  whenever  you  come, 
every  one  receives  you  with  a  kiss  ;  when 
you  return,  kisses  again  meet  you.  If  you 
meet  any  one,  the  first  sa.utation  is  a  kiss. 
In  short,  kisses  everywhere  abound  ;  which, 
my  Faustus,  did  you  once  taste,  how  very 
sweet  and  how  very  fragrant  they  are,  you 
would  not,  like  Solon,  wish  for  ton  years  ex- 
ile in  England,  but  would  desire  to  spend 
there  the  remainder  of  your  lite." 

If  so  pious  and  godly  a  scholar  as 
Erasmus  might  ily  off  into  such  rap- 
tures on  the  subject  of  kisses,  we  shall 


*  Daedalus  was  on  Athenian  artist,  of  Whom  many 
fabulous  things  were  written.  For  a  certain  crime 
he  was  banished,  with  his  son,  to  a  labyrinth  iu 
Crete.  Dnder  pretence  of  making  a  present  to  the 
kki'.,',  be  asked  for  some  feathers  and  was;  wit  a 
which  tie  made  himself  and  son  wings,  and  flew  away 
Into  Sardinia.  nia  son>  unfortunately,  flew  bo  near 
tut;:  sun,  t:mt  the  wax  whlcfl  held  the  feathers  toge- 
Ui  >r  melted,  and  ue  was  lust.  Ovid  tods  us  that  no 
built  a  tomple  to  Apollo. 


18 


POETICAL   HISTORY    OF    KISSING. 


[Feb., 


hardly  find  another  individual  in  all 
history  whose  dignity  would  be  com- 
promised by  such  a  thing.  The  vola- 
tile author  of  the  following*  lines  was 
not  more  infatuated  with  the  nectarous 
habit  : 

"  When  we  dwell  on  the   lips   of  the  lass  we 
adore, 
Not  a  pleasure  in  nature  is  wanting  ; 
May  his  soul  be  in  heaven,  he  deserves  it  I'm 
sure, 
Who  was  first  the  inventor  of  hissing. 

Master  Adam,  I  verily  think,  was  the  man, 
Whose  discovery  will  ne'er  be  surpassed  ; 

Well,  since  the  sweet  game  with  creation  be- 
gan, 
To  the  end  of  the  world  may  it  last'* 

Sir  Philip  Sidney  was  not  above 
confessing  his  admiration  of  kissing, 
as  witness  the  following  lines  on  the 
power  of  a  kirjs  : 

"Best  charge  and  bravest  retreat  in  Cupid's 
tight, 
A  double  key  which  opens  to  the  heart, 
Most  rich  when  most  its  riches  it  impart, 
Nest  of  young  joys,  schoolmaster  of  delight, 
Teaching  the  mean  at  once  to  take  and  give, 
The  friendly  stay,  where  blows  both  wound 
and  heal, 
The  petty  death  where  each  in  other  live, 
Poor  hope's  first  wealth,  hostage  of  promise 
weak, 
Breakfast  of  love." 

Ben  Johnson  evidently  wished  to  be 
thought  a  connoisseur  in  the  sweet  art 
of  kissing  : 

"  For  love's  sake,  kiss  me  once  again, 
I  long,  and  should  not  beg  in  vain — 

Here's  none  to  spy  or  see  ; 
Why  do  you  doubt  or  stay  ? 
i  I'll  taste  as  lightly  as  the  bee 
That  doth  but  touch  his  flower,  and  flies 
away. " 

There  must  have  been  pretty  strong 
kissing  going  on  in  Shakspeare's  time, 
or  the  great  poet  was  guilty  of  unpar- 
donable exaggeration  in  the  following 
lines  : 


"Then  kissed  me  hard, 
As  if  he  plucked  up  kisses  by  the  roots 
That  grew  upon  my  lips." 

From  the  following  we  may  conclude 
that  in  Beaumont's  day  some  of  the  la- 
dies, at  least,  had  a  prudent  and  econ- 
omising idea  on  this  subject  : 

"  Kiss  you  first,  my  lord?  'tis  no  fair  fashion; 
Our  iips  are  like  rose-buds  ;  blown  with  mens' 

breaths 
They  lose  both  sap  and  savor. " 

Drayton  was  no  friend  to  bashful 
and  timid  kissing  ;  he  says  : 

"  These  poor  half  kisses  kill  me  quite  ; 

Was  ever  man  thus  served  ? 
Amid  an  ocean  of  delight, 

For  pleasure  to  be  starved. " 

Mrs.  Belm  had  some  enthusiastic  fan- 
cies on  the  subject,  as  we  judge  from 
the  following  lines  in  her  Abdelazar) 

"  Sweet  were  his  kisses  on  my  balmy  lips, 
As   are   the  breezes  breathed   amidst  the 

groves 
Of  ripening  spices  on  the  hight  of  day." 

Dryden  must  have  had  some  exalted 
experience,  or  he  would  hardly  have* 
conceived  these  lines  : 

' '  Oh !  let  me  live  forever  on  those  lips  ! 
The  nectar  of  the  gods  to  these  is  tasteless." 

Dr.  Wolcot  was  in  great  trouble  at 
the  evanescent  nature  of  the  delicious 
bliss  : 

"  Soft  child  of  love,  thou  balmy  bliss, 
Inform  me,  0  delicious  kiss  ! 
Why  thou  so  suddenly  art  gone, 
Lost  in  the  moment  thou  art  won  ?" 

Sheridan  seems  to  have  been  as  wan- 
dering as  an  Arabian  on  horseback  in 
his  fancies,  for  ha  says  : 

"  I  ne'er  saw  nectar  on  a  lip, 
But  where  my  own  did  hope  to  sip." 

No  poet  was  ever  to  be  more  envied 
than  Leigh  Hunt,  if  the  kiss  he  receiv- 
ed from  "  Jenny"  was  anything  like  as 
sweet  as  he  imagined  it  to  be  : 


18G5.J                                                  POETICAL    HISTORY   OF    KISSING.  79 

"  J^nny  kissed  me,  when  we  met — ■  "  And  with  a  velvet  lip  print  on  his  brow 

Jump  ng  from  the  chair  she  sat  in —  Such  language  as  the  tongue  hath  never  spo- 

Time,  you  thief,  who  love  to  get  ken. " 

Sweets  into  your  list,  put  that  in ;  _Tr    ,                   ,       .,        ,,,-,,.        T.     „ 

c     T,                      T,         -,  Wc  have  read  of    a     blusninor  lip, 7 

Say  I  m  weary,  say  I  m  sad,  °      '  ' 

Say  that  health  and  wealth  have  missed  me,  "  r llby  lip,"  "  dewy  lip,"  "  pouting'  lip," 

Say  I'm  growing  old — but  add,  "glowing    lip,"    and    even     "burning1 

Jenny  kissed  me."  lip/*  and,  doubly  fortified  as  we  are  by 

As  this  article  is  limited  to  exactly  philosophy,  we  think  we   could  stand 

four  pages,  we  have  space  for  just  one  a  little    of  all    these;  but  0,    mighty 

illustration  more,  which  shall  be  from  Cupid  !  defend  us  from  such  a  cold  and 

our  own  countrywoman,  Mrs.   Sigour-  passionless,  and  cats-paw  like  thing  as 

ney  :  a  "  velvet  lip  I" 


-+&*- 


SONG  OF  THE  AGES. 

Old  earth  had  once  its  swaddling  clothes, 

In  dumb  phenominal  of  tims  ; 
Its  strength  like  growing  childhood  rose, 
Amid  dark  chaos,  and  the  chime 

Of  morning  stars — whose  music  rung, 
"Where  gloaming  darkness  wildly  sung, 
"Light,  more  light!" 

And  then  its  brawny  manhood  came — 

Its  heart  the  mighty  summons  felt, 
Rebounding  with  its  blood  of  flame — 
And  girded  with  an  ocean  belt  ; 
Around  its  mountain  ribs  of  rock 
Was  heard  the  awful  thunder  shock, 
"Light,  more  light!" 

And  man  was  there,  translating  all 

The  mystic  psalmody  of  Fate, 
God's  hieroglyphics  on  the  wall, 
Emblazoned  o'er  creation's  gate — 

Fire  ciphers  which  the  brooding  night 
Made  voiceful  in  a  cry  for  light, 

"Light,  more  light!" 

Up  went  the  shout  through  ever}'-  age — 

A  God's  voice  in  the  soul  of  man— 
ltesounding  o'er  a  sea  of  rage, 
Before  the  mighty  battle-van 

Of  heroes,  martyrs,  and  (Jon's  Grkat, 
Who  scorn  the  light  01  lust  and  hate, 
"Light,  more  light  1" 


C.    CHAVNVF.Y    BURR. 


80 


JUDGE    DOUGLAS  S    SUPPRESSED    PAMPHLET 


[Feb., 


JUDGE  DOUGLAS'S  SUPPRESSED  PAMPHLET  ON  SECESSION. 


The  Hon.  Henry  May  delivered  a 
speech  in  Congress,  Feb.  27th,  1863, 
in  which  he  declared  that  JudsreDo'ua:- 
las,  not  long-  before  his  death,  read  to 
him,  in  manuscript,  a  pamphlet  which 
he  was  about  to  publish,  embracing  a 
plan  for  a  peaceable  solution  of  the 
conflict  between  the  North  and  South. 
It  was,  at  the  time,  well  known  to  the 
intimate  friends  of  Mr.  Douglas  that  he 
was  engaged  on  such  a  work,  and  its 
publication  was  looked  for  with  emo- 
tions of  the  profoundest  anxiety  and 
hope.  But  alas  !  the  death  of  the  dis- 
tinguished statesman  cut  short  all 
these  expectations,  and  robbed  his 
country  of  the  wisdom  of  that  council 
which  would  have  had  a  powerful  in- 
fluence in  directing  the  public  mind  in- 
to measures  'which  might  have  saved 
our  land  from  this  horrible  inundation 
of  blood. 

The  following*  is  the  statement  of  the 
lion.  Mr.  May : 

"Mr.  Speaker,  that  eminent  and  far-see- 
ing statesman,  the  late  Judge  Douglas,  avow- 
ed to  me  in  April  preceding  his  death,  his 
solemn  convietion  that  our  Union  was  at  an 
end.  I  violate  no  confidence  in  repeating 
liis  opinions,  since  he  assured  me  it  was  his 
purpose  to  publish  his  views  at  an  early  day; 
and  if  the  sequel  of  his  life  may  seem  in  con- 
flict with  these  views,  there  are  those  among 
his  personal  friends  on  this  floor,  who  can 
reconcile  his  conduct,  and  show  the  confor- 
mity of  his  plans  with  a  peaceful  solution  of 
of  our  national  troubles.  Judge  Douglas, 
on  that  occasion,  read  to  me  an  elaborate  es- 
say, that  he  told  me  had  cost  him  more 
thought  and  labor  than  any  work  of  his  life  ; 
that  he  feared  it  was  too  long,  and  wished 
both  to  abridge  and  simplify  it,  so  that  *it 
might  be  read  and  understood  by  all;  that  he 
■would  revise  it  at  Chicago,  and  then  give  it 


to  his  countrymen.  Death,  alas!  denied 
this  most  patriotic  design.  That  essay  as- 
cribed our  present  situation  to  the  aggres- 
sive spirit  of  northern  Abolitionism.  It  de- 
clared his  conviction  that  the  Union  of  our 
States,  as  originally  formed  and  maintained, 
was  finally  destroyed,  and  no  political  union 
could  exist  again  between  the  free  and  the 
slaveholding  States  ;  that  such  an  idea  must 
be  abandoned,  and  a  commercial  unic-n,  found- 
ed upon  the  plan  generally  of  the  Zollverein 
of  the  States  of  Germany,  be  accepted  as  the 
only  practical  arrangement  to  secure  peace 
now  and  hereafter.  That  masterly  paper, 
every  word  of  which  I  heard  read  by  him- 
self, and  which  since  his  death  I  have  endea- 
vored in  vain  to  procure  for  the  benefit  of  its 
wise  counsels  to  our  countrymen,  fully  ex- 
plained the  plan,  operation,  and  results  of 
the  Zollverein,  and  showed  how,  with  cer- 
tain modifications,  it  could  be  adapted  to 
sustain,  all  those  principal  causes  and  influ- 
ences which  have  hitherto  made  the  United 
States  the  happiest  and  most  prosperous  of 
nations. " 

Several  parties  beside  Mr.  May  have 
applied  to  Mrs.  Douglas  for  the  manu- 
script above  referred  to,  but  in  every 
instance  she  has  refused  to  give  it  to 
the  public,  for  reasons  which  we  are 
sorry  to  say  reflect  little  honor  to  her- 
self, while  they  stamp  the  administra- 
tion with  an  infamy  which  time  can 
never  efface.  It  was  a  knowledge  of 
the  existence  of  this  document  that 
caused  Forney,  who  has  well  earned 
the  name  of  the  "  dog"  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
to  declare,  in  his  remarks  at  the  cere- 
monies at  the  battle-field  of  Gettys- 
burg, that  "  Mr.  Douglas  died  at  the 
right  time."  For  faction,  and  treason, 
and  despotism,  it  is  true,  the  great 
statesman  did  die  at  the  right  time  ; 
but,  for  his  country,  at  the  wrong  time. 
Had  he  lived,  this  now  suppressed  pain 


1865.1  0^   SECESSION. 


81 


phlct  would    have    been    given  to    the  publish  ourselves    as  fools.     Even    to 
public,  and  it  would  have  held,  at  least,  succeed  in    "  conquering"  the  southern 
the  Democratic   party  from   sloughing  States    would    be    precisely    the   most 
off  into  this  deep  gulf  of  shame,  as  an  perfect  and  ruinous  destruction  of  the 
abettor    of  despotism,    where    it   now  Union,  because  it  would  be  a  complete 
lies.  blotting  out  of  the  organic  principle  on 
The    position    assumed    by    Judge  which  th  j  Union  was  founded.    Better 
Douglas,  in  his    intended  publication,  that  the  form  of   the  Union  should    be 
was  in   keeping  with   his   memorable  overthrown  a  thousand  time's,  than  that 
speech  in  the  Senate,  where  he  declar-  the  organic  principle  should   be  violat- 
ed that   "  war  is  disunion  ;  final,  eter-  ed  in  a  single  instance  ;  for  while  the 
nal  separation,"  and  where   he  further  principle  survives,  there  is  hope  of  new, 
declared    that   the    Republican    party  and,  perhaps,    of  more    perfect  union. 
"  wanted    war,"  "for   the  very   reason  The  present  Federal  Government  is  the 
which  all  the  world  now  sees  they  have  third  Union  that  has    been    formed  by 
waQ*ed  it.     Had  Jud<;re  Douglas    lived,  these  States,  each  succeeding  one  more 
he  would  have  thundered  these  truths  perfect  than  the  former.     But  once  des- 
into  the  public   ear  until    the  popular  troy    the  principle,  and    all   hope,  not 
heart  would  have  stirred  like  the  ocean  only  of  Union,  but  of  American  liberty, 
in  a  storm.     lie  would   have    told  the  perishes.     The    fatal    mistake    of    the 
whole  truth,  and  the  people  would  have  people  of  the  North  has  been  their  un- 
believed  him.    His  death  left  the  North  willingness   to    admit  the  unavoidable 
without    a    statesman   possessing   the  conclusions  of  their    own    reason    and 
combined    forces    of  intelligence,  hon-  common  sense,  so  plainly,  stated  in  Mr. 
esty,  pluck,  and  position,  to  make  him-  Douglas's  Senatorial  speech,  and  more 
self  the  leader   of  any    honorable  way  elaborately  set   forth   in  his  pamphlet, 
out  of  our  difficulties,  or  a   wise  plan  which  has  been  so   shamelessly  and  so 
of  reconstruction.     The    first  thing  to  criminally   suppressed,  viz.,    that  it  is 
be    comprehended  was,  what   the    far.  not  possible  to  save  the  Union  by  war. 
seeing  Douglas  understood  at  a  glance,  and  that  if  we  have  no    other  remedy, 
viz.,  that  tear   teas  disunion.     We  find  the  Union  is   at    an    end.  .  Every  hour 
it  impossible  to  believe  that  any  intel-  we  postpone  the  acceptance  of  this  con- 
ligont  man  could  think  otherwise.    We  elusion,  is  simply  misfortune  and    ruin 
have  never  thought   so   meanly  of  the  to  ourselves.     It  is  a  useless   sacrifice 
intelligence    of    the    leading    Republi.  of  our  people,  and  an  insane  piling  up 
cans,  or  of  their  to°ls,  the  "  War  Dem-  of    debt   which   crushes    us,  and   w.il 
ocrats,"  as  to  suppose  that  they  really  crush   our   children   to   latest  genera- 
imagined  they  could  save  the  Union  by  tions.     We   shall    not,  in   this  article, 
war.     We  have  never,  for    a   moment,  dwell  upon  the   foolishness    of  the  ex- 
doubted  that  the  real  intention  of  these  pectation  with  which  the  people  of  the 
leaders  is   to   subvert   and   overthrow  North    have    been    inspired,  oi'  finally 
the  State  governments,    and   establish  conquering  or   subjugating    the  South. 
the  centralized  despotic   principle  upon  The  man  who  entertains  such  an    idea, 
their  ruins.     To    suppose    otherwise  is  simply  suffers  his  revengeful   passions 
to  regard  them    all    as    lunatics,  or    to  to  run  away  with  his  judgment.   We  do 


82 


judge  Douglas's  suppressed  pamphlet,  &c. 


[Feb., 


not  doubt  that  until  we  have  something 
to  offer  besides  the  word  of  command, 
something"  better  than  threats  of  fire, 
plunder,  rape,  and  confiscation,  she 
will  be  found  equal  to  the  worst  that 
we  can  do.  Four  years  of  superhu- 
man putting  forth  of  our  utmost 
strength  ought  to  teach  us  to  think  so; 
and  they  would,  if  we  had  not  lost  our 
reason.     We   still  hold,  with   the   la- 


mented Douglas,  that  war  is  disunion  ; 
and  we  entirely  agree  with  the  posi- 
tion assumed  in  his  suppressed  pam- 
phlet, that  of  all  the  measures  of  resto- 
ration, war  is  the  only  one  that  could 
be  devised  that  would  render  eternal 
separation  absolutely  certain.  We  ai  e 
repeating  the  example  of  that  lunatic 
who  cut  his  own  throat  to  save  him- 
self from  dying  of  a  fever. 


-*♦*■ 


THE  IDEAL  REPUBLIC. 

DESCRIBING  UNACCOUNTABLE  WONDERS  DISCOVERED  BY  PROFESSOR  HUGH  FALUTTN,  IN  A  REMARK- 
ABLE VOYAGE  TO  THE  IDEAL  "WORLD,  WHEREIN  IMPOSSIBLE  THINGS  ARE  MADE  VERY  POSSIBLE, 
AND   THINGS    THAT   NEVER   EXISTED   ARE   MADE   PLAUSIBLE   TO    THE    SIMPLEST   INTELLECT. 


Tue  readers  of  The  Old  Guard  will  re- 
member that  sometime  during  the  very  happy- 
year  of  1864,  we  published  a  brief  report  of 
a  lecture  before  the  Loyal  Philosophical  So- 
ciety of  New  York,  by  the  very  learned  Pro- 
fessor Hugh  Falutin,  on  the  character  of  the 
Ideal  World.  We  are  happy  to  be  enabled 
t:»  announce  that,  for  the  unspeakable  benefit 
of  mankind,  the  same  learned  and  useful  So- 
ciety has  engaged  the  services  of  the  most 
ingenious  Professor  Hugh  Falutm,for  a  course 
of  lectures,  to  be  delivered  once  a  mouth 
during  the  present  winter.  The  first  lecture, 
which  was  given  to  a  crowded  audience  of 
the  learned  and  elite  of  both  sexes,  was  on 
The  Jo eai  Republic.  The  editor  of  The  Old 
Guard  is  not  a  member  of  the  learned  Soci- 
ety, but  he  was  politely  favored  with  a  ticket 
to  the  whole  course,  and  had  the  honor  to  be 
'  one  of  the  del  ghted  crowd  of  highly  intelli- 
gent people  who  witnessed  the  opening  per- 
formance. The  distinguished  Professor  came 
forward  amid  a  storm  of  applause,  and  the 
waving  of  a  sea  of  white  and  odorous  hand- 
kerchiefs, and  said  : 

Ladies   and    Gentlemen : — In    order 
that  I  may  not  be  accused  of  egotism 


in  narrating  my  very  remarkable  disco- 
veries, it  is  proper  that  I  should  briefly 
state  the  circumstances  under  which 
my  voyage  to  the  new  Ideal  Republic 
was  undertaken.  From  my  youth,  I 
have  been  a  hard  student  of  the  science 
of  government,  and  of  innate  ideas.  My 
researches  led  me  to  a  state  of  un- 
speakable wretchedness  and  discon- 
tent, at  the  groveling  nature  of  all 
things  in  this  material  republic.  Gra- 
dually my  intellectual  part,  drooping 
under  the  pressure,  began  to  retire 
from  the  sensible  world,  and  would 
have  resigned  itself  into  a  state  of  in- 
cogitancy,  had  not  the  most  excellent 
and  learned  Dr.  Philo  Umbug  appear- 
ed at  the  right  moment,  to  divert  me 
from  that  inclination.  I  had  never  seen 
him  before  ;  but  having  cultivated  in- 
nate ideas,  I  instantly  knew  him.  Af- 
ter a  few  compliments,  he  told  me  it 
was  the  respect  he  had  for  a  person  of 


1865.] 


THE    IDEAL    REPUBLIC. 


83 


my  extraordinary  merits  that  brought 
hirn  thither  to  obtrude  upon  my  priva- 
cy.; that  lie  knew  the  grounds  of  my 
discontent,  and  would  instantly  remove 
them,  by  taking  me  into  a  better  state 
of  life,  where  I  should  be  put  in  pos- 
session of  entire  felicity.  A  Republic, 
in  fact,  where  every  man,  and  every 
woman,  would  have  riches,  honor,  wit, 
beauty,  and  every  other  possible  and 
impossible  accomplishment.  I  at  once 
concluded  that  this  blessed  state  could 
be  no  oilier  than  the  glorious  Ideal  Re- 
public, of  which  I  had  been  dream- 
ing so  long.  Growing  impatient  to  be 
on  the  voyage,  I  began  to  look  about 
for  my  wings,  a  fine  new  pair,  of  great 
strength  and  beauty,  which  my  innate 
ideas  had  already  made  for  the  purpose  of 
visiting  an  old  acquaintance,  which  I 
have  reason  to  believe  at  the  present 
time  resides  in  the  city  of  Copernicus, 
in  the  moon.  I  very  well  understood, 
by  nay  innate  idea,  that  the  Ideal  Re- 
public must  lie  in  some  of  the  lunar  re- 
gions, or  at  least  that  we  must  take 
the  moon  in  our  way  to  it.  But  the 
learned  and  ingenious  Dr.  Philo  Urn- 
bug  persuaded  me  to  leave  my  wings 
belli ud,  as  they  would  prove  a  great 
hindrance  to  me  inflvimr  ;  and  assured 
me  that  if  I  would  give  myself  up  en- 
tirely to  his  guidance  he  would  take 
me  to  our  journey's  end  in  safety.  He 
told  me  I  must  first  be  hoodwinked — 
that  if  I  would  become  a  true  philoso- 
pher, and  see  the  Ideal  Republic  to  the 
best  advantage,  there  was  nothing1  so 
proper  and  expedient  as  to  deprive  my- 
self of  my  material  vision.  The  rea- 
son he  gave  for  this  plausible  require- 
ment was,  the  great  inconvenience  that 
arises  from  our  senses.  It  is  sure,  said 
he,  that  is  the  greatest  impediment  in 
the  way  of  getting  rid    of  this  unjust 


material  Republic,  and  of  getting  into 
the  new  ideal  one.  We  should  find 
our  eyes  infinitely  sharper  if  it  were  not 
for  light ;  nay,  we  should  see  even 
ideas  themselves,  did  not  this  outward 
light  stand  in  the  way.  (Applause.) 
So  I  blindfolded  myself,  and  under  the 
inspiration  of  hope,  andmy  innate  idea, 
set  forthwith  eagerness  for  the  beauti- 
ful Ideal  Republic.  0,  what  rapture, 
as  I  approached  the  land  of  invisible 
light !  Ye,  who  have  your  intellect 
embodied,  or  immersed  in  matter, 
whose  thoughts  are  defiled  by  the  con- 
tagion of  sense,  can  know  nothing  of 
the  sacred  shades  that  inhabit  inacces- 
sible inanity.  There  I  first  discovered 
the  beatific  frenzies — the  parents  of  the 
whole  intelligible  universe.  Illumin- 
ated sages,  profound  necromancers, 
transcendental  visionaries — the  guar- 
dians of  superlunary  essences — in  the 
midst  of  which  dwelt  the  sublimated 
habilaments,  the  indiginary  and  born 
members  of  the  new,  the  divine  arche- 
typal Republic.  (Great  applause.) 
There  I  was  made  acquainted  with  the 
lovely  conceits,  whims,  caprices,  chi- 
meras, which  are  the  sovereign  dis- 
pensers of  human  destiny,  and  which 
bring  to  light  things  involved  in  an- 
cient darkness,  and  veiled  from  men 
by  the  interposition  of  blind  reason. 
On  approaching  the  atmosphere  of  the 
Ideal  Republic,  or  rather  as  soon  as  I 
came  within  the  sphere  of  its  activi- 
ties, you,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  can 
imagine  my  surprise  to  find  myself 
gravely  turning  upon  my  axis,  which 
was  something  more  than  a  novelty, 
as  I  had  never  traveled  in  that  manner 
before.  And  this  probably  might  be 
the  reason  that  my  brain  was  seized 
with  a  most  violent  whizzing,  as  if  a 
great  number    of  wind-mills    had  been 


84 


THE    IDEAL    REPUBLIC. 


[Feb., 


very  diligently  at  work  within  it.  This 
virtiginous  circumstance  of  brain  was 
not  in  the  least  abated  by  the  conti- 
nued rolling  of  my  person,  which  grew 
more  and  more  violent  as  I  progressed. 
At  last  I  discovered  something  that 
seemed  to  be  in  the  shape  of  a  scull, 
which  was  making  very  discernible 
circumvolutions  about  its  own  center. 
Now,  for  the  first  time  since  the  com- 
mencement of  my  journey,  my  learned 
guide  spoke,  and  told  me  that  this  was 
the  Ideal  Republic — that  this  vast  mu'J 
was  the  shell  of  it,  and  that  inside  of 
it  was  the  most  wonderful  and  beauti- 
ful state  of  society.  That  the  happy 
inhabitants  never  have  the  headache, 
from  the  fact,  probably,  that  they  have 
not  real,  but  only  ideal  brains.  The 
only  reality  in  their  composition  is  their 
stomachs,  which  appeared  to  be  rea- 
sonably active  machines  of  their  kind. 

On  entering  this  beatific,  or  trans- 
sublinary  state  of  society,  the  circum- 
stance that  amazed  and  delighted  me 
most  was  that  all  the  white  people  were 
either  wholly  transformed,  or  being  ra- 
pidly transformed  into  negroes.  (Up- 
rorious  and  long-continued  applause.) 
The  only  social  inequality  I  noticed 
was  the  contempt  with  which  the 
wholly  transformed  looked  upon  those 
who  were  only  in  the  process  of  being 
transformed  into  negroes.  To  be  a  ne- 
gro is  the  highest  attainable  peak  of 
glory  in  this  Ideal  Republic.  (Deafen- 
ing applause.)  I  saw  one  young  white 
woman,  who  could  not  have  been  long 
there,  from  the  pure  whiteness  of  her 
skin,  fondling  and  kissing  a  negro  ba- 
by in  the  most  ecstatic  manner — call- 
ing it  "  my  darling,"  "my  own  sweet 
cherub/'"  my  beautiful  lilly"  (tremen- 
dous, applause  and  waving  of  white 
handkerchiefs  by  the  ladies,)    "my  an- 


gel," "  my  joj  and  delight/'  T  saw  an 
immense  procession  of  women,  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  merchants,  I 
waskrformed,  crowding  a  public  square 
for  the  purpose  of  presenting  some  ne- 
groes with  various  tokens  of  their  love 
and  honor,  (great  applause,)  and  not 
the  least  cheering  and  beautiful  por- 
tion of  this  ceremony  was  the  evident 
delight  which  these  womens'  husbands 
experienced  in  seeing  their  wives  en- 
gaged in  so  ennobling  a  demonstra- 
tion. I  was  told  that  those  who  were 
so  unfortunate  as  to  be  born  white,  did 
the  best  they  conld  to  atone  for  the  dis- 
grace, by  supporting  the  negroes  with- 
out work,  keeping  them  for  the  amuse- 
ment and  pleasure  of  their  wives  and 
daughters.  Beautiful  thought !  Beau- 
tiful  Ideal  Eepublic  !  in  which  the  un- 
reasonable, the  vulgar  prejudices  of 
the  old  material  Republic,  formed  by 
such  sense-encumbered  laggards  and 
bigots  as  Washington,  are  unknown  ! 
(Thundering  applause.)  Yes,  Wash- 
ington, ladies  and  gentlemen,  whose 
fatal  precepts  and  example  cursed  this 
material,  sense-bound  Republic,  with  a 
superstitious  arid  degrading  reverence 
for  such  entangling,  spirit-cramping-, 
and  love-restraining  abominations  as 
constitutions  and  laws.  (Terrific  ap- 
plause.) In  the  grand  Ideal  Republic 
there  are  no  such  hinderments  to  hap- 
piness. There,  every  man  is  free  from 
all  weight  of  laws,  and  has  nothing  to 
do  but  to  cheerfully  obey  the  will  of 
the  President,  or  take  the  consequences. 
(Ear-splitting  applause.)  Everything 
is  delightfully  simple.  Even  the  ro;>ds 
and  paths  offer  to  man's  ideal  footsteps 
the  most  plain  and  delightful  passage. 
They  are  not  long  and  straight,  and 
encumbered  with  guide-posts,  as  in 
this    sense-oppressed    Republic ;    but 


1865.] 


THE    IDEAL    REPUBLIC. 


85 


charmingly  involved,  spreading  into 
infinite  subdivisions,  running  out  every 
way  at  delicious  random,  and  often  in- 
terfering and  twining  among  them* 
selves,  so  that,  as  the  very  ingenious 
and  learned  Doctor  Lincoln  would  say, 
they  resemble  pig-tracks  in  a  wilder- 
ness ;  or  the  veins  in  an  animal  ;  or 
rather  the  branches  of  a  tree,  which 
issue  from  the  trunk  at  different  heights, 
until  they  run  together,  and  confound 
themselves  with  one  another,  or  to 
epcak  plainly  : 

2s  am  scepe  allerius  ramos  impune  videmus 

Eleclre  in  allerius ; 

(prolonged  applause,)  so  that  the  in- 
habitants are  freed  from  all  such  de- 
basing slavery  as  that  of  following 
"  old  land-marks."  Indeed  "  old  land- 
marks are  "  disloyal"  words  in  the  new 
Ideal  Republic,  and  subject  the  traitor 
who  uses  them  to  instant  incarceration 
in  some  one  of  the  numerous  bastiles  of 
freedom.  (Applause.)  The  charm  of 
these  singular  roads  is,  that  no  one 
knows  where  he  is  going,  nor  how  soon 
he  will  come  to  an  end  ;  nor  what  shall 
be  his  next  step.     His  delight  is  to  feel 


that  he  is  treading  in  paths  entirely 
new — that  nobody  ever  trod  in  life  be- 
fore, and  which  he  himself  could  not 
possibly  retrace.  What  happiness  ! 
to  be  journeying  on  roads  where  one 
knows  he  can  never  find  his  way  back 
again.  Such  is  the  perpetual  inspira- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Ideal 
Republic. 

The  learned  Professor  sat  down  amid 
the  most  tremendous  applause,  nine 
times  repeated.  He  spoke  just  an  hour 
but  we  have  given  all  his  lecture  ver- 
batim, considerably  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  time  being  occupied  in 
applause  by  the  audience.  The  vener- 
able Mr.  Bryant,  President  of  the  Loy- 
al Philosophical  Society,  gave  notice 
that  Professor  Hugh  Falutin's  second 
lecture  would  be  delivered  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  sixth  of  next  month,  which 
announcement  caused  such  an  outbreak 
of  applause  from  the  highly  intelli- 
gent and  elite  audience,  that  it  seemed 
the  whole  building  would  tumble.  We 
shall  favor  our  readers  with  reports  of 
all  these  very  learned  and  useful  lec- 
tures* 


'Qr- 


FOURTEEN. 


A  thousand  smiles  are  dancing  on  tliy  lip, 
Hope,  like  an  angel,  sleeps  upon  thy  breast, 

And  pleasures  from  their  native  fountain  sip, 
While  virtue  slumbers  in  its  virgin  nest. 

O,  God !   guard  thou  this  holy  Eden  spot! 

With  thine  own  hand  throw  back  the  blighting  harms  ? 
Say  to  the  tempter,  "hence  !  for  thou  shalt  not 

Despoil  the  earth  of  its  divinest  charms!" 


86 


THE   DOWNFALL    OF   THF.    REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO. 


|Feb, 


THE  DOWNFALL  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  MEXICO. 


The  late  news  from  Mexico  indicates 
tie  virtual  cessation  of  resistance  to 
the  Empire  of  Maxamilian,  and  indeed 
the  constitutional  term  of  Juarez  being 
about  to  terminate,  there  is  no  longer 
any  legal  opposition  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  new  Empire.  This  over- 
throw of  a  great  American  Republic, 
comprising  some  seven  millions  of  peo- 
ple, is,  on  the  surface,  and  according 
to  the  received  opinions  of  the  world 
one  of  the  most  startling  and  extraor- 
dinary events  ever  witnessed  in  his" 
tory,  and  were  it  real,  or  were  the  cir. 
cumstances  really  what  they  seem  to 
be,  one  might  readily  doubt  the  per- 
manence of  Democratic  institutions  on 
this  continent.  And  we  doubt  not  that 
the  believers  in,  and  upholders  of,  the 
old  European  order,  and  especially  in 
view  of  our  own  troubles,  are  exceed- 
ingly jubilant  over  this  spectacle  of 
republican  miscarriage,  and  entirely 
confident  that  men  are  incapable  of 
self-government,  and  that  we,  too,  as 
well  as  the  hapless  Mexicans,  must, 
after  years  of  civil  war,  finally  find 
peace  and  shelter  in  the  protecting 
arms  of  monarchy.  Indeed  we  fear 
not  a  few  among  self-styled  Democrats, 
having  failed  to  vote  down  the  Aboli- 
tionists in  the  late  election,  without 
any  serious  attempt  to  convince  the 
people  that  the  Abolitionists  were 
wrong,  are  also  despairing  of  the  po- 
pular capacity  for  self-government,  and 
some,  it  is  said,  are  even  turning  their 
eyes  to  Mexico,  as  a  country  likely  to 
be  blessed  with  a  stable  government,and 
therefore  a  desirable  country  in  which 


to  embark  their  fortunes.  But  though 
there  is  a  downfall  of  a  republic,  there 
is  no  downfall  of  republicanism,  for 
there  never  was  any,  nor  can  there  be 
any  republicanism  among  mongrel  po- 
pulations like  those  of  Mexico,  and  Cen- 
tral America.  Some  three  and  a  half 
centuries  ago  Hernandez  Cortez,  at  the 
head  of  fifteen  hundred  Spaniards,  in- 
vaded and  conquered  Mexico.  They 
were  the  most  enterprising,  daring,  and 
hardy  men  of  the  time,  but  their  con- 
quest of  Mexfc:o  was  achieved  without 
any  very  remarkable  display  of  these 
qualities.  The  Mexican,  Aztec,  Tolteo, 
&c,  are  simply  Indians,  for  the  abori- 
ginal race  of  this  continent  is  the  same 
from  Cape  Horn  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  River,  and  the  differences  be- 
tween the  northern  Hurons  and  Chip" 
pewas,  the  tribes  of  the  Chickahominy 
and  the  Cherokees  of  Georgia,  the  chil- 
dren of  Anuhac,  and  Aztecs  of  Mexico, 
and  Peruvians,  Chilians,  &c,  are  only 
those  resulting  from  climate  and  other 
external  circumstances,  just  as  Saxons, 
Celts,  Sclavonians,  &c,  of  the  great  Cau- 
casian family  differ  from  these  causes. 

The  Six  Nations  were  a  slight  ad- 
vance from  the  wild  tribes  of  the  nor- 
thern lakes.  Powhatan's  empire  on 
the  Chickahominy  was  an  advance  on 
the  Six  Nations — the  Cherokees, 
in  a  still  more  genial  climate,  was  an- 
other advance,  and  finally  the  empire 
of  Montezuma,  in  the  Valley  of  Mexi- 
co, with  its  delicious  climate  and  ex- 
uberant soil,  no  doubt  developed  the 
utmost  capacity  of  the  native  mind, 
and  probably  the   Aztecs,    had   been 


1865.] 


THE    DOWNFALL    OF    THE    REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO. 


stationary  for  thousands  of  years  prior 
to  the  Spanish  invasion.  The  Cauca- 
sian, or  white  race,  is  capable  of  un- 
limited progress  and  indefinite  perfect- 
ability,  not,  of  course,  of  any  change 
in  its  organic  nature,  nor  anv  increase 
in  its  actual  mental  power,  but  in  its 
experience  and  accumulation  of  knowl- 
edge. All  other  races  are  limited  with- 
in  certain  boundaries — the  Mongol,  or 
Chinese,  nearest  to  us,  are  probably 
now  much  as  they  have  been  for  many 
thousand  years,  and  the  negro,  lowest 
in  the  scale,  when  isolated,  is  incapa- 
ble of  any  advance  beyond  simple  and 
useless  savagery. 

The  Indian,  or  aboriginal  of  this  con- 
tinent, therefore,  with  his  limited  pow- 
ers, doubtless,  reached  many  centuries 
before  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  condi- 
tion in  which  the  latter  found  him  in 
the  Valley  of  Mexico.  The  instinct  of 
self-preservation  which  impelled  the 
northern  tribes  to  almost  continual  war, 
had  modified,  and  though  they  could 
not  be  said  to  have  made  any  progress 
towards  manufacturing,  the  Aztecs, 
Toltecs,  &c.,  had  reached  the  grade  of 
cultivators,  especially  in  the  great  Val- 
ley of  Mexico.  It  has  been  the-fashion 
of  ignorant  and  distant  writers,  like 
Prescott,  Helps,  and  others,  to  repre- 
sent the  empire  of  Montezuma  as  a 
great,  organized,  semi-civilized  power, 
but  in  fact  it  differed  only  in  degree, 
and  not  much  in  that,  from  Powhat- 
an's empire  in  Virginia.  Like  the 
northern  tribes,  they  used  Hint  and 
stone  for  their  spear-heads  and  other 
weapons,  and  made  no  advance  what- 
ever in  the  discovery  or  working  of  me- 
tals. How  unlike  this  from  the  fancied 
barbarism  of  the  ancient  Britons,  who, 
when  invaded  by  Ciesar,  drew  vast 
chains  across  the  mouths    of   their  riv- 


ers. The  Spanish  historians.  Bornal, 
Diaz,  and  others,  including  Cortcz  him- 
self, very  naturally  exaggerated  their 
exploits,  by  representing  Montezuma  as 
a  great  emperor,  and  his  empire,  a 
mighty  power,  but  in  truth  the  former 
was  simnly  the  most  impotent  Indian 
chief  in  the  country,  and  the  latter  was 
composed  of  Indian  villages,  few  of 
which  contained  ten  thousand  people. 
The  Pyramid  of  Cholula — a  natural 
ccrro,  or  conical  hill,  common  to  the 
country,  was  crowned  with  a  temple 
to  the  sun  on  its  summit,  and  standing 
on  which  Cortez,  writing  to  the  Empe- 
ror Charles  V.,  declared  that  from  that 
point  he  could  see  and  count  twelve 
hundred  mosques  and  five  hundred  tem- 
ples in  the  city  of  Cholula,  lying  at  the 
base  of  the  pyramid.  The  writer  of 
this,  standing  on  the  same  spot,  has 
looked  down  on  where  this  magnificent 
city  with  its  two  hundred  thousand 
people  and  twelve  hundred  mosques 
was  said  to  have  been,  and  the  green 
sward  is  now  as  level  as  a  marble  floor, 
without  even  an  undulation  to  mark 
the  site  of  such  suppositious  city.  The 
truth  is,  the  city  of  Cholula  was  an  In- 
dian village,  built  of  adobe  or  unburn! 
brick,  with  probably  not  a  cabin  or 
house  in  it  of  more  than  a  single  story, 
and  these  bricks  have  long  since  crum- 
bled into  their  native  earth,  and  left 
not  even  a  wreck  behind.  The  Spanish 
adventurers,  not  to  put  too  line  a  point 
on  it,  were  stupendous  liars  as  well  as 
braggarts,  and  the  European  world, 
having  no  means  at  hand  to  expose 
their  absurd  statements,  nor  indeed  any 
motive  or  interest  in  doing  so,  they 
have  passed  down  the  current  of  hisot 
ry  as  real    events    and    actual    things, 

and  respectable  writers,  like    Prescott 
and  Others,  in  our  day,  have    accepted 


88 


THE  'DOWNFALL   OF   THE    REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO. 


[Feb., 


these  nonsensical  stories   as  bona  fide  adapted  his  teachings  to  the  actual  ca- 
occurrences,    and    gravely  represented  pabilities  of  the  native  mind,  and  if  he 
them  as  important  matters  of  history.  did  not  bring   his    convert  to    his  own 
Such  then,  we  repeat,  was  Mexico  at  level,  he  civilized  and  saved  him.     The 
the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  Am-  Protestant     missionaries     have    made 
erican  Indians,    and    differing  only  in  Christians  of  the  Sandwich  Island  peo- 
degree  from  our  own  northern    tribes,  pie,  but  the  process  killed  them,  while 
The    conquerors    were    rewarded,    not  the  Jesuit   missionaries  of    this    conti- 
only    by  their  vast   discoveries  of  the  nent  have  domesticated  and  Christian- 
precious  metals,  but  the  home  govern-  ized  millions  of  natives,  and   rendered 
merit  portioned   out   the  conquered  na-  them    useful    and    civilized    beings  as 
fives    among     the     Spanish    'soldiery,  well  as  Christians.     It  is  probable  that 
Large   populations    and    immense  dis-  the    Spanish    conquerors    would    have 
tricts  of  country  often    passed  into  the  failed,  as  the  Anglo-colonists  failed,  to 
bunds  of   a  single  owner,  and  thus,  in  save  the  natives,  had   it  not    been   for 
the  densely  populated   regions,  thing's  the  admirable  domesticating  processes 
substantially   remained    till  the    over-  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  the  earnest 
throw  of  the  Spanish  dominion  and  the  and    untiring    devotion    of    the   Jesuit 
cstablisiiment   of  the   republic.      The  missionaries,    who,   adapting-    the    ma- 
"Church,"  however,    more    even    than  chinery  of  the  Church  to   the   inferior 
Cortez  and  his  companions,  really  con-  nature  and  speciiie  wants  of  these  peo- 
quered  the  natives,  for  while  the  latter  pie,  saved  as   well   as    subdued  them, 
subdued  them   by   physical  forces,  the  But    while    the    native  Spaniard,  with 
priests  conquered  by  moral  forces,  and  the  aid  of  the   Cnurch,    thus    subdued 
domesticated  and    civilized,  and    made  and  governed  the  native,  and  for  some 
them  useful  as  well  as  Christian  beings,  two  hundred   years    there   was  peace, 
It  is  the  boast,  and  indeed  the  merit  of  order  and   prosperity   in  Mexico,  ano- 
the  Catholic  Church,  that   it   is   in  the  ther   element  was   gradually  evolved, 
highest  sense  truly  Catholic,  and  adapt-  which  was  finally   destined    to    be  the 
ed  to  all  phases  of  human  existence —  ruin  of  the  country,  and    is  at  this  mo 
to  not  only  all  degrees  of  intelligence,  ment  the  real  and  only  cause  of  its  so- 
and  all  phases  of  mind  in  our  own  race,  cial  anarchy,  confusion  and  misery.   The 
but  to  the  specific  wants    and   necessi-  native,  docile  and  obedient,  is  easily  go- 
ties  of  the    lower   races    of   mankind,  verned  by  the  white  man,  and  might  be 
Thus,  while   the    earnest   and  devoted  in  Oregon  or  the  North-West,  were  the 
Protestant  missionary  in  the  North  de-  proper  agencies  employed,  asindeeel,  we 
manded  that  the  wild   Huron,  or  Chip-  now  witness  in  the  case  of  the  Pueblo 
pewa,   should   believe  as  he  believed,  in  Indians   in    New    Mexico.       But   the 
the  doctrine  of  the  atonement,  justifica-  Spanish  conquerors,  unlike  the  Anglo- 
tion  by  faith,  and    other    abstractions,  colonists,  brought  few  females  or  wives 
simply  impossible    to   the  native  intel-  with   them   from   the  Old  World,  and, 
loot,  or  lie  would    have    nothing   to  do  therefore,  formed  alliances  with  the  na- 
with    thorn,   the    equally    devoted    but  five  women.    The  captain-general-ships 
vastly  more  sensible  Jesuit  missionary  adapted  their  rules  and  regulations  to 


1865.] 


THE    DOWNFALL   OF   THE   REPUBLIC    OF   MEXICO. 


89 


the  specific  wants  of  the  native  popu- 
lation, but  following'  the  old  Roman 
law'  where  the  offspring  takes  the 
status  of  the  father,  the  children  of  the 
Spanish  fathers  and  native  mothers  be- 
came Spanish,  or  what  our  Abolition- 
ists would  call  "  free"  people.  In  our 
own  southern  States  this  law  is  re- 
versed, and  the  offspring  follows  the 
statits  of  the  mother,  thus  preserving 
the  purity  of  the  blood  and  the  integri- 
ty of  our  own  race,  whatever  may 
seem  the  hardship  of  compelling  the 
hybrid  offspring  or  mulatto  to  fill  the 
role  of  the  negro.  But  in  Mexico, 
where  there  were  few  Spanish  females, 
this  hybrid  and  mongrel  element  was 
rapidly  developed,  of  course,  and  fol- 
lowing the  condition  of  the  father  they 
were  classed  in  the  governing'  element 
and  thus,  finally,  became  the  disturb- 
ing force  in  the  country. 

Mongrelism  is  an  abnormalism,  or 
diseased  condition,  and  when  this 
monstrous  element  expanded  into  some- 
thing like  a  million  and  a  half  at  the 
beginning  of  this  century,  the  troubles 
of  Mexico  began,  and  of  course  these 
troubles  will  continue  until  mongrel- 
ism measurably  becomes  extinct,  and  the 
cause  thus  removed.  The  Creole,  or 
native,  whether  pure  white  or  mongrel, 
was  excluded  from  office,  but  other- 
wise free  and  legally  separate  from 
the  native  or  Indian,  as  well  as  from 
the  European  white  man. 

There  being  about  half  a  million  of 
native  whites,  and  a  million  and  a  half 
of  'mongrels,  they  began  to  revolt 
against  the  Spanish  dominion  as  early 
as  1810,  and  finally  the  mongrels,  hav- 
ing a  strong  natural  affinity  with  the 
Indian  element,  and  thus  appealing  to 
the  instinct  of  race,  the  Spanish  power 
was  overthrown,  and  the  so-called  Re- 


public established  on  its  basis.  The 
revolt  was  a  mongrel  movement,  though 
the  Creole  whites  went  with,  and  in" 
deed  generally  led  it.  There  were, 
perhaps,  half  a  million  led  by  Bravo, 
Bustenatc,  Santa  Anna,  and  others,  who 
really  believed  they  were  fighting  for 
the  same  cause  as  Washington  and 
Adams,  and  having  control  of  the  re- 
volution, they  set  up  a  confederate  re- 
public, or  "  United  States  of  Mexico," 
modeled- after  our  own.  Ours  is  not 
only  the  best,  but  the  only  natural,  le- 
gitimate, and  permanent  government 
in  Christendom,  so  long  as  it  is  pre- 
served as  a  government  of  white  men  ; 
and  so  with  the  Mexican  Republic,  it 
was  perfect,  and  if  it  had  been  confined 
to  the  half  million  of  white  people,  it 
would  exist  now  and  forever.  But  it 
included  not  only  a  million  and  a  half 
of  mongrels,  but  five  millions  of  In- 
dians, and  even  the  few  negroes  of  the 
coast  regions  were  distorted  into  "  free" 
citizens.  The  result  was  that  it  broke 
down  before  it  actually  went  into  ope- 
ration, and  there  has  been  no  peace, 
order  or  prosperity  since.  The  vast 
mongrel  populations  of  the  cities  are 
always  ready  for  a  pronunciamento 
whenever  any  leader  offers  them  a 
chance  to  gratify  their  natural  turbu- 
lence and  tendency  to  disorder.  The 
Spaniard  and  Mexican,  or  white  man 
and  Indian,  under  well  defined  social 
relations,  in  harmony  with  their  natu- 
ral instincts,  got  on  well  together,  but 
when  a  mighty  horde  of  mongrels,  com- 
posed of  all  degrees,  from  nearly  Indian 
to  almost  white,  were  added,  and  then 
a  sprinkling  of  negroes  even  were 
thrust  into  the  amalgam,  of  course  re- 
publicanism, or,  in  other  words,  the 
same  rules  and  regulations  luvanio  im- 
practicable.      If,     in    Europe,     wlior0 


90 


THE    DOWNFALL    OF    THE    REPUBLIC    OF    MEXICO. 


[Feb., 


though  all  are  whites,  and  naturally 
the  same  men,  artificial  causes,  for  cen- 
turies past,  render  republicanism  diffi- 
cult, how  obvious  it  becomes  that 
whites,  Indians,  and  negroes,  with  vast 
hordes  of  mongrels,  must,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  be  incapable  of  supporting  a 
republican  system. 

But  if  the  mongrels  of  Mexico  can- 
not  sustain  republican  institutions,  can 
monarchy  do  anything  for  them  ?  Yes, 
it  can,  as  a  temporary  matter,  though, 
of  course,  there  is  no  hope  ior  Mexico 
until  the  disease  is  removed,  or,  in  other 
words,  until  mongrelism  is  measurably 
extinct,  and  the  old  relation  between 
the  Spaniards  and  Indians  is  restored. 
Monarchy,  in  our  day,  is  simply  ab- 
surd, but  just  such  an  absurdity  as  is 
proper  and  in  keeping  with  mongrels. 
It  is  stupid,  and  indeed  criminal,  for 
white  men  to  set  up  one  of  their  num- 
ber as  having  a  "  Divine  right"  to  rule 
over  them,  for  God  having  given  them 
the  same  capacities  and  the  same  wants, 
of  course  imposes  on  them  the  same 
rights  and  the  same  duties.  But  there 
are  now  very  few  white  men  in  Mexi- 
co, and  Maxamilian,  though  doubtless 
naturally  considered,  like  all  those  ef- 
fete families  in  Europe,  styled  royal, 
below  the  average  standard  of  the 
race,  is  naturally  above  Mexican  mong- 
rels and  native  Indians,  and  therefore 
may  rule  them  for  a  time  to  their  ad- 
vantage. Monarchy  supports  itself  by 
any  amount  of  fiction  and  tomfoolery  ^ 
but  all  this  is  suited  to  mongrels  and 
•inferior  races,  and  if  he  can  only  man- 
age to  keep  a  standing  and  compact 
European  force  in  the  field,  the  Em- 
peror may  restrain  the  disturbing 
forces,  and  even  secure  a  certain  kind 
of  prosperity  in  Mexico.  Of  course  he 
can  do  nothing  towards  removing  the 
evils  of  tli at  country,  but  he   may  res- 


train the  anarchical  element,  and  as  it 
is  rapidly  tending  to  extinction  aid 
considerably  in  the  final  solution  -T  that 
is,  the  utter  extinction  of  the  mongrel 
element,  and  the  restoration  of  the  old 
normal  relations  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Indians. 

The  mongrel  population  of  the  cities, 
with  its  sterility  and  low  grade  of  vi- 
tality, is  rapidly  dying  out,  as  well  as 
the  few  white  people,  and  isolated 
from  the  rest  of  the  world,  no  number 
of  emperors,  or  Maxamilians,  can  pre- 
vent the  restoration  of  the  natives  to 
the  precise  condition  in  which  the  Spa- 
niards found  them  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. But  we  cannot  permit  this  col- 
lapse into  Indianism  any  more  than  we 
can  afford  to  permit  the  negroes  of  San 
Domingo  to  return  to  their  native  Afri- 
canism. 

It  is  the  policy  of  European  govern- 
ments to  thus  build  up  an  impassable 
wall  against  the  march  of  American 
Democracy,  and  indeed,  by  penning  up 
our  negro  population  within  existing 
limits,  to  bring  the  blight  and  savage- 
ry of  the  tropics  to  the  line  of  the  Po- 
tomac. And,  wonderful  indeed,  a  gi- 
gantic war  has  been  carried  on,  and  a 
million  of  human  lives  have  been  sacri- 
ficed to  complete  the  European  policy  ; 
but  it  will  fail.  The  horrible  madness 
of  the  day  cannot  last  much  longer, 
and  instead  of  being  penned  up  in  front 
by  the  useless  negroes  of  the  Islands, 
and  the  miserable  mongrels  of  the 
Main  Land,  Texas  will  extend  her  bor- 
der to  the  Sierra  Madra,  and  the  Demo- 
cracy of  the  Mississippi  Valley  will 
overflow  the  Islands  south  of  them, 
and  restore  industry,  production,  and 
civilization  to  the  whole  tropical  cen- 
ter of  our  great  continent. 


1865/1 


CONSPIRACY    IN    CONGRESS. 


91 


Meantime  both  Davis  and  Lincoln 
(should  recognize  the  empire  in  Mexi- 
co at  once,  for  it  will  serve  to  preserve 
order}  and,  to  some  extent,  prosperity, 
while  mongrelism  is  dying*  out,  and 
events  are  ripening"  for  the  progressive 
march  of  Democracy  over  the  whole 
boundless  continent. 

Nothing  can  prevent  this  march — ■ 
this  grand  future  of  American  civiliza- 
tion, unless,  indeed,  the  Abolitionists 
"conquer  the  rebels,"  and  amalgamate 
with  their  negroes,  and  thus  bring  upon 


themselves  the  fate  of  the  Spaniards  in 
Mexico.  But  that  cannot  be.  Aboli- 
tionism is  the  twin  sister,  or  rather 
would  be  the  mother  of  even  meaner 
progeny  than  Mexican  mongrels,  and 
such  a  social  cataclysis  as  twenty-five 
millions  of  whites  destroying  their  pos- 
terity by  amalgamation  with  four  mil- 
lions of  negroes  is  not  possible,  for 
whatever  the  sin  and  besotted ness  of 
His  creatures,  God  himself  would  not 
permit  such  a  disfigurement  of  the  fair 
face  of  creation. 


CONSPIRACY  IN  CONGRESS. 


The  mountain  has  conceived  and 
brought  forth  a  mouse — a  contemptible, 
laughable,  abortion  of  a  mouse.  The 
abolitionizcd  Congress,  after  terrible 
labor,  has  brought  forth  a  resolution 
paving  the  way  for  the  alteration  of  the 
Constitution,  for  abolishing  slavery- 
No  w.  all  the  company  of  fools  or 
knaves  who  voted  for  this  resolu- 
tion have  recorded  themselves  as  being 
in  favor  of  both  of  the  following  pro- 
positions : 

1.  The  perpetual  dissolution  of  this 
Union,  by  barring  the  last  avenue  left 
open  for  the  return  of  the  southern 
States. 

2.  The  destruction  of  the  govern- 
ment formed  by  our  fathers,  by  blot- 
ting out  the  sovereignty  of  the  States 
on  which  alone  it  was  founded. 

Stripped  of  all  shams  and  lying  dis- 
guises, it  is  simply  a  proposition  to  re- 
volutionize, overthrow,  and  destroy 
this  government.     It  is  a  hundred-fold 

\vo:sr    than    all   tin;   (bllica  of  secession 


combined.  If  the  secessionist  is  a 
traitor,  those  who  voted  for  this  resolu- 
tion are  double  traitors,  because  they 
go  for  destroying  the  organic  princi- 
ple on  which  our  government  is  based. 
The  original,  inherent,  and  undelegated 
powers  of  a  single  State  cai*not  be  le- 
gally torn  from  it,  not  even  by  the  ac- 
tion of  all  the  other  States  through  the 
form  of  altering  the  Constitution.  That 
clause  of  the  Constitution  ffivinjr  a  cer- 
tain  number  of  States  the  power  of 
altering  the  instrument,  docs  not,  by 
any  means,  give  the  majority  the  right 
to  overthrow  the  vested  rights  or  to 
destroy  the  organic  being  of  a  State 
The  vote  of  the  majority  to  alter  the 
Constitution  cannot  touch  the  minor- 
ity in  any  matters  that  were  not  dele- 
gated in  the  instrument  under  which 
the  alteration  claims  to  be  made.  The 
reserved,  or  undelegated,  rights  of  the 
States  are  not  subject  to  any  jurisdic- 
tion which  the  States  do  not  themselves 
sanction.        Suppose     that,    under     the 


92 


CONSPIRACY    IN    CONGRESS, 


[Feb.,  I865J 


plea  of  altering  the  Constitution  three- 
quarters  of  the  States  should  vote  to 
reduce  all  the  people  of  the  other  quar- 
ter to  a  state  of  vassalage — would  that 
be  Ian  !  Suppose  that,  under  the  style 
and  title  of  altering  the  Constitution, 
three-quarters  should  vote  that  they 
would  appropriate  to  themselves  all 
the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  other 
quarter,  would  not  the  quarter  say  to 
the  three  quarters,  "  Show  us  your 
authority  !  Where  in  that  instrument 
did  we  delegate  to  anybody  those  sacred 
matters  ?  They  were  never  subjects  of 
Federal  legislation,  and  they  can  never 
be  subjects  of  constitutional  amendments. 
For  this  purpose  you  may  amend  the 
Constitution  until  your  bodies  are  rotten 
and  your  souls  damned;  we  shall  despise 
and  defy  you!  What  State,  what 
husband,  what  brother,  would  not  talk 


after  this  strong  fashion  ?  No,  we  will 
not  believe  that  there  can  be  such  a 
fool  in  Congress  as  one  who  really 
thinks  that,  under  the  plea  of  altering 
the  Constitution,  the  organic  and  un- 
transferable rights  of  States  can  be  le- 
gally overthrown.  We  can  no  more 
alter  the  Constitution  to  rob  States  of 
their  "  slaves,"  than  we  can  to  kidnap 
their  wives  and  daughters.  We  find  it 
much  easier  to  believe  that  those  who 
propose  this  kind  of  thing  are  knaves} 
than  to  let  them  off  under  the  more 
charitable  conclusion  that  they  are 
idiots.  We  leave  it  to  those  apostate 
Democrats  who  advocated  this  resolu- 
tion to  settle  it  with  their  constituents 
as  best  they  can,  whether  they  have 
been  bribed  outright  or  lost  their 
senses. 


WE  NE'ER  SHALL  MEET. 


Dearest  no,  wc  ne'er  snail  meet, 
'Tis  well  that  we  should  sever  ; 

Eyes  so  bright  and  lips  so  sweet 
Are  not  for  me — ah,  never ! 


EDITOR'S    TABLE. 


—We  notice,  in  two  of  our  Democratic  ex- 
changes, reference  to  the  New  York  World  a3 
a  "  Democratic  paper."  When  did  an  article 
ever  appear  in  that  paper  which  advocated 
the  distinctive  doctrines  of  Democracy  ?  It 
13  but  a  few  weeks  since  it  editorially  de- 
nounced Madison  and  Jefferson,  the  fathers  of 
the  Democratic  party,  as  having  inoculated 
the  American  mind  with  incipient  treason  in 
relation  to  the  theory  of  our  government.— 
We  have  yet  to  see  the  first  article  in  the  edi- 
torials of  the  World  giving  evidence  of  hav- 
ing been  written  by  a  Democrat.  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain, the  only  man  editorially  connected 
with  that  paper,  so  far  as  we  know,  who  writes 
at  all  respectably  on  political  subjects,  is  a 
good  scholar  and  a  fine  writer,  one  of  the 
ablest  connected  with  the  press  of  this  city. 
But  he  is  not  a  Democrat,  and  never  pretend- 
ed to  be.  It  is  but  just  to  say  that  there  is 
hardly  a  newspaper  in  the  country  which 
publishes  more  articles  in  direct  conflict  with 
the  principles  of  Democracy  than  the  World. 
It  has  a  certain  amount  of  pungent  opposi 
tion  to  the  Administration.  But  Democracy 
dcea  not  consist  in  mere  opposition  to  the 
Administration.  It  is  a  grand  philosophy  of 
government  which  has  never  been  deviated 
from  by  the  party  bearing  its  name,  from  the 
establishment  of  the  Union  down  to  the  be- 
ginning of  this  war.  The  only  Democratic 
daily  published  in  this  city  is  the  News, 
which  is  truly  and  thoroughly  Dsmocratic,  and 
is  really  one  of  the  very  ablest  and  most  en- 
terprising dailies  published  in  the  United 
States.  It  13  not  only  published  with  remark- 
able energy,  bat  it  is  edited  with  a  dignity 
and  a  camion  in  its  assertion  of  facts,  which 
render  it  quite  a  model  newspaper.  And, 
besides,  it  has  the  merit  of  having  bravely 
battled  for  Democracy  when  almost  every 
Other  daily  in  the  country  struck  its  colors, 
and  surrendered  under  the  thr.  ats  of  despot- 
ism, or  to  the  solicitations  of  a  shallow  and 
treacherous  policy. 

— A  Frenchman  and  an  Kalian  are  disput- 
ing In  London  about  the  merits  ot  their  res- 


pective languages  in  poetical  composition. — 
We  cannot  imagine  how  the  Frenchman  can 
make  out  his  case.  .  In  the  first  place,  the 
Italian  language  tolerates  the  hiatus,  a  great 
facility  in  writing  poetry,  which  is  entirely 
proscribed  by  the  French.  Then  all  the  Italian 
words  terminating  in  a,  e,  i,  o,  give  it  twenty 
times  the  stock  of  rhymes  to  the  French.  And 
the  Italian  may  dispense  wit  i  rhyme  alto- 
gether. The  Muse  of  Italy  dances  at  liberty,  that 
of  France  in  chains.  It  takes  a  great  genius 
to  write  good  poetry  in  French.  Lesser  tal- 
lent  may  succeed  respectably  in  Italian.  Vol- 
taire used  to  say  it  was  easier  to  compose  a 
hundred  verses  in  Italian  than  ten  in  French. 

— A  cotemporary  thinks  "the  clergy  have 
been  growing  more  and  more  impudent  for  a 
hundred  years."  Taey  were  pretty  impudent 
in  ancient  times.  We  remember  that  Vol- 
taire, in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  De  La  Valiere, 
makes  the  following  quotation  from  apib- 
lished  sermon  by  a  clergyman  of  the  name 
'of  Maillard — he  was  addressing  his  lan- 
guage to  the  counsellcrs  wives  who  wore  *  m- 
broidery  : — "You  say  that  you  are  clad  ac- 
cording to  your  conditions  ;  all  the  deviis  in 
hell  fly  away  with  your  conditions,  and  you, 
too,  my  ladies.  You  will  say  to  me  perhaps, 
"our  husbands  do  not  give  us  this  gorgeous 
apparel,  we  earn  it  by  the  labor  of  our  bodies ; 
thirty  thousand  devils  fly  away  with  the  la- 
bor of  your  bodies,  my  ladies.''  This,  we 
should  say,  wras  necrly  a  match  for  the  im- 
pudence of  such  modern  belligerents  in  the 
pulpit  as  Beccher,  and  Bellows,  and  Tyng, 
and  a  host  of  other  Jack-pudding  preachers 
of  the  times. 

The  New  York  Daily  Times  labors,  through 
a  column  and  a  quarter  of  painful  inanity,  to 
satisfy  itself  that,  under  no  circumstances 
would  any  European  government  accept  an 
alliance  with  the  South.  The  idea  is,  that  the 
world,  and  all  the  governments  there  >f,  are 
trembling  in  their  boots  at  the  t<  rror  o(  our 
name.  If  our  strength  wero  equal  to  our  in- 
solent vanity, the  world mhjjht well  tremble;  but 


94 


EDITOR  S    TABLE. 


[Feb, 


as  it  is  not,  is  it  worth  while  to  make  asses  of 
ourselves  by  any  longer  boasting,  after  every 
respectable  nation  in  Europe  has  learned  to 
laugh  at  us  or  despise  us  ?  This  Administra- 
tion has  plunged  a  once  feared  and  honored 
name  down  to  the  very  bottom  of  contempt 
and  shame.  That  name  will  be  brought  up 
again  ;  but  it  will  be  after  the  party  now  in 
power  is  laid  low  in  the  dust. 

— We  are  on  the  receipt  of  numbers  of  anx- 
ious letters  asking  our  "  real  opinion"  as  to 
when  the  war  will  end  ?  We  have  no  idea — 
because  we  do  not  know  how  long  the  people 
will  sutler  themselves  to  be  duped  by  a  cabal 
of  de-igning  rascals.  We  cannot  tell  when 
the  voice  of  wisdom  and  patriotism  will  be 
able  to  overcome  the  bellowings  of  perverse 
fanatics..  We  do  not  know  how  long  a  scoun- 
drelly gambler's  check  of  I.  0.  U.  will  pass 
for  money.  We  have  no  idea  how  strong  the 
ass'  back  is.  We  have  ceased  to  guess  about 
it.  We  art  clear  only  on  one  point,  and  that 
is,  that,  when  the  end  does  come,  the  party 
which  has  carried  on  this  war  will  want  the 
mountains  to  fall  upon  them  to  hide  them 
from  the  wrath  of  the  people. 

— Nero  burnt  Rome  and  laid  the  blame  to 
the  Christians,  and  had  them  punished  for* 
bis  crime — so  Tacitus  tells  us.  Some  he 
dressed  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  then 
set  ferocious  dogs  upon  them  to  tear  them  to 
pieces.  Ochers  he  crucified.  Others  he  dressed 
in  the  tunica  molesta,  a  garment  saturated 
with  pitch,-  and  placing  them  at  different 
points,  set  fire  to  them  to  light  the  city  by  night. 
The  Loyal  Leaguer.-*,  it  is  said,  attempted 
to  set  fire  to  New  York,  that  they  might  lay 
the  blame  to  the  southerners  residing  in  the 
city,  but  being  poor  chemists  they  failed  in 
everything,  except  in  making  a  great  phos- 
phorescent smoke.  So  far  as  they  went,  they 
imitated  Nero  to  the  best  of  their  capacity. 

—The  Abbe  Tilladet  once  wrote  to  a  friend: 
"As  soon  as  any  thing  is  printed,  though 
you  have  not  read  it,  lay  a  wager  it  is  not 
true  ;  I  will  go  you  halves,  and  it  will  make 
my  fortune."  In  the  same  way  we  have 
learned  to  treat  all  "  the  government"  tele- 
graphic despatches.  To  economize  time  we 
pronounce  them  all  lies,  and  give  ours*  If  no 
further  trouble  about  them.  If  anybody  will 
w.  ger  they  are  truths,  take  them  as  ihey  run, 


we  should  like  to  enter  into  the  business  of 
betting  against  him  as  a  speculation. 

—The  papers  announce  that  "several  of 
our  painters  are  engaged  on  pictures  illustra- 
ting the  war."  It  requires  little  sense,  and 
still  less  genius  to  do  that.  A  pyramid  of 
bones  and  sculls  will  do  it.  But  we  do  not 
believe  that  there  is  a  single  artist  of  genius 
in  our  country  who  is  such  a  fool  as  to  em- 
ploy his  pencil  on  a  subject  so  unclassicai, 
and  which  must  evidently,  in  a  very  short 
time,  be  hateful  to  everybody.  We  will,  how- 
ever, suggest  a  subject,  of  which  an  artist  of 
genius  might  make  a  great  picture,  viz.,  that 
of  the  brutal  god  Mars  cutting  the  throat  of 
Minerva,  the  goddess  of  peace,  literature  and 
art.  W e  are  not  aware  that  any  of  the  great 
masters  have  made  such  a  picture,  and  yet  we 
marvel  that  they  have  not.  It  is  a  splendid 
theme.  Minerva  should  be  surprised  in  the 
midst  of  the  beautiful  emblems  of  the  arts  of 
peace  ;  while  Mars,  in  the  act  of  committing 
the  murder,  should  be  attended  by  dogs, 
wolves,  vultures,  and  by  his  sister  JBell>,?ia, 
with  her  bloody  whip,  and  by  his  priests,  the 
horrible  Salii.  The  artist  will  find  excellent 
likenesses  of  the  latter  already  drawn  in  the 
faces  of  Beech er,  Tyng,  Cheever,  Bellows, 
Vinton  and  Bishop  Potter,  of  Pennsylvania, 
If  any  artist  will  produce  a  picture  doing  jus- 
tice to  this  subject,  we  will  engage  he  shall 
sell  it  for  $3,000.  This  offer  is  made  in  ear- 
nest.    Thank  our  exchanges  to  copy. 

— Beecher,  in  one  of  his  flights,  declares 
that  he  "carries  the  church  in  his  own 
breast."  The  rattler  probably  thinks  his  head 
is  the  steeple,  and  his  tongue  the  clapper  of 
a  bell  designed  to  wear  out  the  ears  of  the 
people  witu  its  senseless  ding-dong. 

— A  rich  idiot,  a  possessor  of  enormous 
gains,  plundered  from  the  public  treasury, 
pronounces  this  "the  golden  age  of  Ameri- 
ca." How,  pray,  can  it  be  the  golden  age, 
when  gold  is  as  scarce  as  white  crows  ?  This, 
my  poor  idiot,  is  the  age  of  shmjjlasters  and 
rascals.  E  *ery  age  which  becomes  inordi- 
nately devoted  to  the  pursuits  of  gain,  is  an. 
age  of  rascals.  Horace  imputes  the  decay  of 
Roman  poetry  to  the  love  of  gain.  Longinus 
atfd  Quintiliaa  account  in  the  same  way  for 
the  decay  of  eloquence,  Galen  of  physic,  Te- 
tronius  of  pointing,  and  Pliny  of  the  whole 


1865.] 


editor's  table. 


95 


circle  of  liberal  arts.  This  wild  spirit  of  gain 
was  always  the  foe  of  both  public  and  private 
morale,  and  of  every  department  of  the  re- 
fined arts.  It  has  everywhere  been  the  at- 
tendant of  rascality  ai  d  foolishness.  The 
"  Golden  Age"  was  an  age  of  great  men,  of 
poets,  philosophers,  historians,  orators,  and 
men  of  genius.  It  bore  no  likeness  to  this 
age  of  shoddy,  negro-worshippers,  shinplas- 
ters  and  fools. 

— A  cotemporary  thinks  we  are  a  little  hard 
upon  the  clergy  ?  Upon  what  clergy  ?  Not 
uj  on  the  true  ministry  of  Christ — not  upon 
the  preachers  of  the  blessed  gospel  of  peace 
and  good  will  among  men — but  upon  the  in- 
solent and  brazen  counterfeits  of  that  holy 
office.  Clerical  wretches,  who  represent  the 
most  merciful  God  to  be  of  the  same  charac- 
ter as  the  heathen  deities,  whose  altars  were 
gorged  with  blood,  and  who,  being  images  of 
devils  themselves,  delighted  in  the  destruction 
r  f  men.  It  is  because  these  blaspheming  im- 
postors are  false  to  the  holy  religion  they  pro- 
fess, that  we  despise  and  denounce  them. 

— "It  smells  of  phosphorus,"  is  anew  say- 
ing in  our  language,  which  signifies  anything 
that  is  a  bald,  impudent  and  shallow  cheat. 
For  instance,  if  some  notorious  gasser  and 
liar  is  belching  his  wares  at  the  corners  of  tie 
street,  the  spectator  gives  him  the  go-by, 
with  an  indifferent,  "  0  he  smells  of  phospho- 
rus." We  have  a  friend  who  has  ceased  to 
speak  of  the  Administration,  except  to  declare 
that  "it  smells  of  phosphorus."  Poor  phos- 
phorus has  been  brought  to  a  most  disgrace- 
ful end. 

— It  is  said  that  among  the  reasons  for  Ben. 
Butler's  disgrace  is  that  of  disobeying  the 
commands  of  his  superiors.  That  should 
hardly  be  deemed  an  olfence,  because,  it  is  in 
perfect  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  times. 
Every  body  i3  disobeying  orders,  and  none 
more  so  thah  the  President  himself.  The 
Constitution*  is  his  superior,  his  commander 
in-chief,  and  yet  in  how  many  hundreds  of 
instances  has  he  disobeyed  it!  On  the  whole 
we  rather  think  Ben.  Butler  wag  right  in  doing 
just  about  as  he  had  a  mind  to,  as  that  is  the 
rule  of  the  President,  Congress,  the  judge.:, 
provost  marshals,  and  Generals.    All  are  go- 


*  Constitution— an  obsolete  wonl,  once  used  In  tins 
country. 


ing  it  on  their  own  hook,  in  utter  contempt 
of  law,  and  disregard  of  the  great  Comman- 
der-in  Chief,  the  Constitution.  Poor  Ben. 
Butler  is,  we  think,  a  victim. 

— Gen.  Banks  has  laid  a  document  before 
the  Senate,  in  which  he  speaks  of  "the  ap- 
palling mortality"  among  the  negroes  in 
Louisiana.  His  figures  show  that  about 
300,000  of  them  have  fallen  victims  to 
Northern  philanthropy.  Think  of  that  ye 
Puritan  wretches !  In  a  single  State,  Lincoln 
has  freed  three  hundred  thousand  poor  ne- 
groes to  death  1  We  suppose  it  to  be  safe  to 
say  that  this  administration  has,  in  If  ss  than 
four  years,  slaughtered  a  million  of  white 
men,  and  a  million  of  blacks.  Neither  God 
nor  men  can  show  mercy  to  the  Puritan 
scoundrels  who  have  done  this  deed!  Do 
they  not  deserve  to  be  execrated  here,  and 
damned  hereafter?  For  our  own  part,  we 
have  taught  our  soul  to  abhor  them,  and  we 
mean  to  teach  our  children  to  do  the  same. 

— Mr.  Lincoln's  Senate  (no  longer  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  States)  has  passed  a  resolution 
freeing  the  wives  and  children  of  slaves  en- 
listed or  conscripted  into  the  army.  This 
treats  Kentucky,  Delaware,  and  Missouri  very 
handsomely.  The  Federal  Government  first 
seizes  the  slaves  for  the  army,  and  then  frees 
their  wives  and  children.  Is  there  such  an 
arrant  fool  in  the  country  as  to  believe  that 
the  Federal  Government  has  any  right  to  pass 
such  an  act.  If  it  can  do  that,  there  is  no 
property  in  a  State  which  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment may  not  take  from  its  owners.  The 
State  that  submits  to  such  a  wrong  is  simply 
"  wiped  out."  That  is  just  about  the  position 
of  all  the  northern  States,  where  provost 
marshals  sit  in  the  seats  of  judges,  and  limi- 
tary commissioners  in  the  place  of  jurors. 
Poor  humiliated,  cowardly,  wiped  out  States! 

—The  World  treats  its  "intelligent"  read- 
ers to  such  delicious  tit  bits  of  news  as  the 
following  :  "  Residents  of  Mobile  desirous  of 
its  capture  by  our  forces."  Such  paragraphs 
are  a  great  compliment  to  the  patrons  of  a 
paper,  showing  that  a  very  exalted  idea  is 
entertained  of  their  intelligence. 

A  deluded  mortal  writes  us  :  "I  am  still  a 
Democrat,  but  I  believe  the  war  must  l>o 
carried  on  to  restore  the  Union.*'  We  look 
upon    Democrats   who    believe    that  lighting 


96 


EDITORS    TABLE. 


[Feb.,  13G5.J 


can  save  the  Union  with  just  about  the  eom- 
misseration  that  we  should  witness  the  fruit- 
less toil  of  the  hapless  Danaides,  who  were 
condemned  by  Jupiter  to  till  a  tub,  full  of 
holes,  with  water,  in  the  infernal  regions. 

— A  divine  poet  once  asked  the  Almighty 
"  What  is  man  ?"  We  have  often  attempted 
to  a  nswer  this  question  to  ourself,  but  al- 
ways differently,  according  to  the  varying 
philosophical  mood  of  our  own  mind.  At 
this  disheartened  moment,  we  see  him  as  a 
statue  of  dust  kneaded  with  tears,  moved  by 
art  engine  of  restless  passions,  he  knows  not 
.whither. 

— A  religious  exchange  attributes  all  the 
cruelties  of  this  war  to  Adam's  fall.  We  are 
prepared  to  believe  that  human  nature  got  a 
terrible  bruise  in  Adam's  fall,  but  to  lay  all 
the  abominations  of  this  war  to  poor  old  Fur- 
ther Adam,  it  strikes  us,  is  laying  it  a  little 
too  thick  upon  him.  We  are  more  inclined 
to  sadd'e  Father  Abraham  with  the  whole 
thing. 

— An  organ  of  "War  Democracy"  cries  out 
to  Mr.  Lincoln  against  an  unjust  quota  in 
the  conscription.  Even  so  did  another  ass, 
in  ancient  times,  cry  out  against  the  loads  of 
his  master,  saying,  "am  I  not  thine  own 
ass?"  If  our  "War  Democrat",  boldly  put 
this  question  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  his  excellency, 
unless  he  is  an  awful  liar,  will  frankly  an- 
swer "yes." 

— At  last  we  have  a  genuine  voice  from 
Philadelphia — a  true  Democratic  voice  from 
that  city  where  Democracy  has  been,  through 
sheer  cowardice,  playing  fiddle  to  the  big 
base  of  Lincoln's  war.  Edward  Ingersoll, 
Esq.,  delivered  a  speech  at  the  Key  Stone 
Club  dinner,  which  for  ability  and  manhood 
has  hardly  been  equalled  in  this  country  in 
modern  days.  It  rings  out  clear,  loud  and 
startling  as  a  fire-bell  at  midnight.  It  ou  lit 
to  rouse  the  sluggish  Democracy,  not  only  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  of  the  whole  country.  The 
following  lines  are  a  specimen  of  the  spirit 
of  the  whole  address  :  "Sir,  the  blood  of  Abo- 
litionism will  cement  the  Union  of  the  States,  and 
il  is  the  only  earthly  remedy  for  our  present  ill-;.''' 

— An  "indignant  female,"  or  crazy  one,  or 
one  of  whom  less  merciful  things  may  be 
said,  who  inflicts  upon  the  public  an  uncom- 
putable  amount  of  fustian  and  nonsense  un- 


der and  OAer  the  name  of  Gail  flamilinn,  is 
one  of  the  luminaries  of  the  Atlantic  Monthly. 
In  one  of  her  late  performances  in  that;  ma- 
gazine, she  tells  \he  ought-to-be  astounded 
world  that  "  turbulence  and  violence,  awed 
by  the  suprume  majesty  of  a  resolute  nation, 
shrunk  away  and  hid  their  shame  from  the 
indignant  day."  It  was,  no  doubt,  a  good 
thing  for  turbulence  that  it  got  out  of  the 
way  of  the  "indignant  day"  in  time  to  save 
its  bacon  ;  but  it  would  be  a  still  better  thing 
for  American  literature  if  an  indignant  pub- 
lic opinion  would  drive  the  magazines  which 
send  forth  such  insufferable  twaddle,  out  of 
existence. 

—  Speaking  of  the  propriety  of  introducing 
a  resolution  in  Congress  to  raise  the  salary 
of  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  Mr.  Seward 
isrepoitedas  saying:  "We  must  somehow 
live."  We  confess  that  we  do  not  see  any  ne- 
cessity for  it. 

— One  of  Gen.  Butler's  lackey  letter-writ- 
ers, a  rascally  toady  who  follows  his  fortunes 
to  bespatter  him  with  undeserved  praise, 
says  that  "the  general  often  confesses  that 
he  lies  under  great  obligations  to  the  candid 
portion  of  the  press."  Of  course  he  lies, 
wherever  he  is,  whether  he  is  under  obliga- 
tions or  under  something  else. 

— William  Lloyd  Garrison,  who,  according 
to  some  honest  Abolitionists,  has  been  feed 
in  the  interest  oi  the  Administration,  says  : 
"Mr.  L  ncoln's  name  will  be  illustrious  with 
posterity."  We  think  so  too  ;  that  the  lustre 
of  his  name  will  be  very  ill  with  posterity. 

—Sumner  has  a  great  eulogist  in  a  certain 
wandering  female  scold  and  lecturer  ;  she 
says  :  "  his  name  ought  to  be  engraved  in 
living  stone."  Would  it  not  be  better  for  his 
country  that  it  were  engraved  on  a  dead  one  ? 

— A  Washington  letter-writer  thinks  that 
the  next  Congress  ought  to  confer  some  new 
title  on  Gen.  Grant.  How  will  the  D>,p2  of 
Richmond  do '?  ■ 

—The  best  and  cheapest  pen  iii  the  world 
is  a  good,  gold  pen.  It  costs  more  at  first 
than  a  steel  pen,  but  it  will  last  for  years  and 
years.  It  does  not  corrode  ;  is  always  in  or- 
der, and  writes  with  equal  ease  and  facility. 
The  American  Gold  Company  is  now  furnish- 
ing pens  of  this  kind  which  are  fully  war- 
ranted. 


A  MONTHLY   JOURNAL,   DEVOTED   TO   THE   PRINCIPLES   OF    177G   AND    1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — MARCH,    1865.  — No.    III. 


OUR  COLONIAL  AND  STATE  UNIONS. 


A  brief  review  of  the  several  Unions 
which  have  been  formed  between  these 
States  at  different  times,  might,  per- 
haps, help  the  now  completely  befog- 
ged and  deluded  people  to  a  little 
better  understanding"  of  the  nature  of 
the  present  Federal  Government.  If 
is  a  painful  thing  to  say,  but  it  is  ap- 
parently true,  that  a  great  majority  of 
even  the  Members  of  Congress  are 
totally  ignorant  of  the  character  of 
the  Federal  Union.  If  their  ignorance 
may  not  be  put  in  in  abatement  of  cen- 
sure, they  deserve  hanging  as  traitors 
of  the  deepest  dye.  A  sketch  of  the 
various  Unions  which  have  existed, 
between  these  colonial  and  State  sov- 
eignties,  will  lay  bare  the  principle  of 
confederation  on  which  all  have  been 
based. 

1.  The  earTies't  colonial  Union  was 
formed  between  the  New  England  co- 
lonies, in  1643.  It  was  called,  "  The 
United  Colonics  of  New  England,"  and 
a  "Perpetual  league  of  friendship  and 
amity?    It  was  designed  as  a  general 


was  called.  The  Puritans  held  the 
Dutch  in  the  greatest  contempt,,  as  an 
infidel  and  ungodly  people  ;  the  simple 
ground  of  such  a  feeling  being:,  that 
the  Dutch  were  not  of  the  Puritan 
faith.  This  New  England  Union  had 
provisions  for  enlargement,  by  receiv- 
ing- other  English  colonics  into  its  em- 
brace. But  it  was  never  enlarged. 
Limited  as  its  members  were,  it  still 
took  five  years  to  perfect  it  ;  such  was 
the  jealousy  of  each  in  relation  to  its 
perfect  independence  of  the  other  colo- 
nies. The  Union  was  what  its  name 
declared,  a  league,  a  purely  federative 
organization,  in  which  each  colony  re- 
tained unimpaired  its  internal  sepa- 
rateness,  and  independence  of  the  rest. 
The  Rhoed  Island  colony  was  never 
permitted  to  join  this  New  England 
Union.  It  was  kept  out  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Massachusetts,  because  those 
people  were  dissenters  from  the  Puri- 
tan religion.  This  Union  acknowledg- 
ed  no  general  government,  except 
" Commissioners/'  who  regulated  the 
defense  against  1  lit;   Indians  of   their      affairs   of    the    common    organization. 


own  section,   and    the    Dutch    of    New 
Amsterdam,  as  the  New  York  colony 


But  under  the  leading  spirit  of  Massa- 
chusetts, even  these  "Commissioners" 


98 


OUR    COLONIAL   AND    STATE    UNIONS. 


[March. 


soon  began  to  assume  powers  not  be- 
longing to  them  by  the  articles  of  the 
compact ;  until,  at  last,  their  usurpa- 
tions were  so  great  that  a  majority  of 
the  colonies  caused  the   explosion  of 
the  Union  in  1673.     Thus  ended  the 
first    "perpetual    Union,"    established 
among  the  American  colonies,  after  a 
short  and  feverish  life  of  thirty  years. 
2.  The    next    trial    for     a     Unipn 
between    the    colonies   was   made  in 
IG90  ;  when  Massachusetts  addressed 
a  poposition  to  all  the  colonies,  as  far 
South  as  Maryland,  to  meet  in  conven- 
tion at  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of 
affecting  some  combination,  or  union, 
for  the  general  safety  and  defense.  No 
delegates,  however,  attended  this  con-, 
vention,  except  from  New  York,  Con- 
necticut, and  Massachusetts.    The  only 
progress    towards    a    Union,    was    an 
agreement  between  the  colonies  repre- 
sented  to   furnish    each   its    share   of 
troops  for  the  invasion  of  Canada.   Six 
years   later,  viz.,  in   1696,  New  York 
and  Massachusetts  made  a  more  de- 
cided   effort    to    effect   some    kind    of 
Union  by  which  all  the  colonies  might 
be   induced  to   contribute  their  share 
towards    the    general  safety    and    de- 
fense.   No  closer  Union  was  proposed, 
because  it   was   known  that  it  could 
not    succeed.     This    convention    sug- 
gested that  a  Captain-General  should 
be  appointed  by  the  king,  with  power 
to  call  out  the  colonial  militia  in  any 
emergency  which  the  common  defense 
might  demand.    But  the  colonies  were 
not  prepared  to  accept  such  a  proposi- 
tion.   Gov.  Peim,  of  Pennsylvania,  sug- 
gested a  colonial  Congress  of  twenty 
members,   to   be  elected   annually  by 
the  colonial  assemblies,  with  a  presi- 
dent, who  should  be  appointed  by  the 
.king,  with   power,  in   time  of  war,  to 


provide  for  the  general  defense,  and, 
in  time  of  peace,  to  regulate  commerce, 
and  superintend  all  such  matters  as 
concerned  the  general  interests  of  the 
colonies.  But  the  prejudice  against  any 
sort  of  colonial  Union  was  too  strong, 
and  nothing  came  of  all  this  prolonged 
effort,  except  the  establishment  of 
Courts  of  Admiralty  among  the  colo- 
nial Governments.  Even  this  slight 
approximation  to  colonial  Union  was 
bitterly  opposed  by  some  of  the  colo- 
nies. 

3.  In  1*153,  when  the  French  were 
making  raids  upon  the  soil  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Virginia,  and  all  along  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio  River,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  devise  some  plan  to  repel 
the   invaders.      Lord   Holderness    ad- 
dressed a  letter   to  all  the   colonies, 
proposing    a    meeting    at    Albany    of 
delegates  from  the  several  assemblies, 
for  the  purpose  of  renewing  the  treaty 
with  the  Indians,  so  as  to  obtain  their 
assistance  in  the  conflict  which  was 
too  evidently  approaching.     The  meet- 
ing took  place  in  June,  H54,  at  which, 
however,  there  were  no  delegates  ex- 
cept  from   New  York,   Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  the  four  New  England 
colonies.     At    this    convention,   after 
the  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations  had 
been  discussed,  a  proposition  was  in- 
troduced for  a  Union  of  all  the  colonies 
for  self  defense.     A  committee  of  one 
from   each    colony  was    appointed    to 
draft  a  plan  for  such   a   Union.     Dr. 
Franklin  suggested  a  Grand  Council 
of  forty-eight  members — six  from  Penn- 
sylvania, seven   from   Massachusetts, 
seven  from  Virginia,  five  from  Connec- 
ticut, four  from  New  York,  four  from 
Maryland,  two  from  each  of  the  Caro- 
linas,    three    from    New    Jersey,    two 
from  New  Hampshire,  and   two  from 


1865.] 


OUR   COLONIAL    AND    STATE   UNIONS. 


99 


■Rhode  Island.  This  Council  was  to 
,  have  power  to  arrange  colonial  de- 
fenses, apportion  between  the  colonies 
the  quotas  of  men  and  money,  &c,  &c  ; 
the  head  of  the  Council  to  be  appoint- 
ed by  the  king,  under  the  title  of  Pre- 
sident-General, with  a  veto  power.  The 
colonial  assemblies  promptly  rejected 
this  plan,  on  the  ground  that  it  gave 
two  much  power  to  the  crown.  The 
following  year,  1165,  a  convention  was 
called  at  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of 
organizing  some  united  action  against 
the  Stamp  Act.  This  convention  did 
nothing  but  to  make  a  "  Declaration  of 
Rights  and  Grievances,"  and  after  a 
session  of  three  weeks  adjourned. 

Thus  matters  dragged  on  for  ten 
years  longer,  the  colonies  evincing  an 
almost  unconquerable  repugnance  to 
any  sort  of  political  Union  with  each 
other,  until  the  increasing  exactions  of 
the  crown  caused  a  grand  convention 
of  all  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  of 
May  IT 75,  which  effected  a  Union  of 
all  the  colonics  under  the  following 
style  and  title  : 

"  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual 
Union,  hntered  into  by  the  Delegates 
of  the  several  colonies,  &c ,  in  general 
Congress  met  at  Philadelphia,  May  10th 
177o. 

Article  1st.  The  name  of  this  Confede- 
racy shall  henceforth  be  the  United  Colonies 
of  North  America. 

Art.  2d.  The  United  Colonies  hereby  sev- 
erally enter  into  a  firm  league  of  friendship 
with  each  other,  binding  themselves  and 
their  posterity,  for  their  common  defense 
against  their  enemies,  for  the  securities  of 
their  liberties  and  properties,  the  safety  of 
their  persona  and  families,  and  their  mutual 
general  welfare. 

Art.  3d.  That  each  colony  shall  enjoy  and 
retain  as  much  as  it  may  think  lit  of  it  own 
present  laws,  customs,  rights,  privileges,  ami 
peculiar  jurisdiction,  within  its  own  limits  ; 
uud  may  amend  its  own  Constitution  as  shall 


seem  best  to  its  own  Assembly  or  Conten- 
tion. 

*  *  •.  *  *  * 

Art.  13th.  These   artic!es   shall    be    pro- 
posed to  the  several  Provincial  Conventions 
or  Assemblies,  to  be  by  them  considered ; 
and  if  approved  they  are  advised  to  empower 
their  delegates  to  ratify  the  same  in  the  en- 
suing Congress  ;  after  which  the  union  there- 
by established  is  to   continue  firm  till  the 
terms  of  reconciliation  proposed  by  the  last 
Congress  to  the  lung  are  agreed  to  ;  'till  re- 
paration is  made  for  the  injury  done  to  Bos- 
ton, by  shutting  up  its  port ;   for  burning 
Charleston  ;  and  for  the  expense  of  this  un- 
just war  ;  and  until  the  British  troops  are 
withdrawn  from  America.     On  the  arrival  of 
these    events    the    Colonies    are    \o    return 
to    their    former'    connection    and    friend- 
ship with    Great    Britain ;    but   on    failure 
thereof,    this    Confederation  is    to   be   per- 
petual." 

This  Confederacy  of  1775,  though 
the  second  Colonial  Union.,  reckoning' 
the  early  Union  of  the  New  England 
colonies,  was  the  first  accomplished 
Union  embracing  all  the  American 
colonies.  That  of  1766  hardly  amount- 
ing- to  a  Union.  Like  the  "  perpetual 
Union"  of  the  New  England  colonies, 
it  was  of  short  duration,  lasting  only 
three  years.  It  was  under  tin's  Union 
that  Gen.  Washington  was  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  States.  The  name  of  the 
Confederacy  was  changed  from  "  6yo/o- 
nies"  to  "States"  by  resolution  of  Con- 
gress, on  the  2d  of  July,  1776.  The 
Congress  of  this  Union,  owing  to  the 
fortunes  of  war  and  other  causes,  was 
of  a  somewhat  migratory  character. 
In  August  1770  it  met  at  Philadelphia, 
It  adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on 
the  20th  of  December.  From  Balti- 
more it  adjourned  to  meet  at  Philadel- 
phia on  the  12th  of  March.  From 
Philadelphia  it  withdrew  to  Lancaster, 
thence  to  Yorktown,  then  back  to  f'hi- 


i 


100 


OUR    COLONIAL   AND    STATE    UNIONS. 


March, 


ladelphia,  thence  to  Princeton,  New 
Jersey. 

The  nature  of  this  Union  is  seen  in 
its  title.  It  is  called  a  "  Confederacy 
of  United  Colonies"  and  a  " Firm 
League  of  Friendship P  The  word  con- 
federacy, or  federal,  (from  the  Latin 
foedus,)  signifies  a  league  or  covenant, 
and  is  commonly  applied  to  contracts 
between  sovereigns.  In  this  instance 
it  was  a  simple  compact  between  sover- 
eign colonies  ;  for  by  this  very  act  of 
federation  the  colonies  asserted  their 
sovereignty  or  right  over  the  things 
agreed  upon.  Before  they  established 
the  confederacy  or  Union,  they  were 
entirely  independent  of  each  other,  and 
they  were  no  less  so  afterwards,  ex- 
cept in  the  few  matters  of  external  de- 
fense and  common  interests,  in  which 
the  articles  of  Union  bound  them  to 
act  in  concert.  It  was  "  a  league  of 
friendship  f  and  it  was  no  more. 

4.  Notwithstanding  the  Union  of 
1775  was  declared  "perpetual,"  it  was 
broken  up  by  the  parties  which  formed 
it  in  the  second  year  of  Independence, 
or  in  about  three  years  after  its  estab- 
lishment. On  the  15th  of  November, 
1777,  the  Congress  formed  new  arti- 
cles of  confederation  ;  and,  by  adopt- 
ing these  new  articles,  the  several 
colonies  seceded  from  the  general  Go- 
vernment they  had  formed  less  than 
three  years  before,  in  the  following 
order  :  "  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  New 
York,  Pennsysvania,  Virginia  and 
South  Carolina,  on  July  9th,  1773  ; 
North  Carolina  on  July  21st,  Georgia 
on  July  24th,  New  Jersey  on  Novem- 
ber 26th,  Delaware  on  May  5th,  1779 : 
and  Maryland  on  March  1st,  1781." 
The  progress  of  secession  from  this 
confederation,  from  the  time  when  the 


first  State  ratified  the  new  articles  of 
Union,  until  the  last  ratified,  embraced 
a  period  of  nearly  three  years.  In  the 
first  place,  eight  States  seceded  from 
the  old  into  the  new  compact,  and  left 
five  remaining.  Then  one  went  out. 
Then  another.  In  four  months  another. 
In  six  months  another.  In  two  years 
afterwards  the  last.  That  was  the  end 
of  the  "  Perpetual  Union,7'  established 
in  1775. 

The  title  of  the  new  Union,  and  the 
three  first  articles  of  the  instrument  of 
re-confederation,  leave  no  doubts  as  to 
its  objects  and  character : 

"  Articles  op  Confederation  and  Pekpetual 
Union  between  the  States  op  New  Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts  Bay,  Ehode  Is- 
land AND  PROVIDENCE  PLANTATIONS,  CON- 
NECTICUT, New  Yoek,  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
Nobth  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia. 
Article  I.  The  style  of  this  Confederacy 
shall  be  The  United  States  of  America. 

Art.  II.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty, 
freedom  and  independence,  and  every  power, 
jurisdiction  and  rights,  which  is  not  by  this 
confederation  expressly  delegated  to  the 
Uuited  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

Art.  III.  The  said  States  hereby  severally 
enter  into  a  firm  league  of  friendship  with 
each  other  for  their  common  defense,  the 
security  of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual 
and  general  welfare,  binding  themselves  to 
assist  each  other  against  ad  force  offered  to, 
or  attacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them, 
on  account  of  religion,  soverignty,  trade,  or 
any  other  pretence  whatever. ''. 

The  articles  of  this  new  Union  differ 
from  those  of  the  former  only  in  their 
minuteness  and  completeness.  They 
were  only  designed  to  make  the  Union 
between  these  American  sovereignties 
more  complete.  The  preserved  or  per- 
petual sovereignty  of  each  State  is 
affirmed  in  terms.  Sovereign  is  a 
French  word,  (souverain,)  which  signi- 


1865.] 


OUR    COLONIAL    AND    STATE    UNIONS. 


101 


fies  the  first  or  supreme  power  of  an 
independent  state  or  kingdom. 

But  it  was  soon  apparent  that  even 
these  second  articles  of  confederation 
were  defective  in  some  points  of  vital 
importance  to  the  common  interests. 


is  in  no  manner  changed — they  are 
still  "delegated"  or  "granted"  powers. 
The  source  of  sovereignty  is  not  in 
the  smallest  particular  altered,  but  the 
agency  of  that  sovereignty  is  enlarg- 
ed ;    not   for    the   acrandizement  and 


There  was  a  heavy  debt,  incurred  by  glory  of  the  Federal  Government,  but 
the  war  of  Independence,  which  the  for  the  better  security  of  the  State  sover- 
articles  of  confederation  gave  the  Con-  eigntics.  The  preamble  to  the  Consti- 
gress  no  adequate  power  of  providing  tution  states  its  object  to  be  "to  form 
for.  The  next  year  after  peace  with  a  more  perfect  union,"  "ensure  do- 
England,  viz.,  in  '1784,  the  army  of  the  mestic  tranquility,"  and  to  "secure 
United  States  was  reduced  to  80  sol-  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 


dicrs,  and  the  federal  Congress  had  no 
means  of  paying  even  these.  Speak- 
ing of  these  embarrassments,  Mr. 
Madison  says,  "  The  frail  and  tottering 
edifice  was  ready  to  fall  upon  our 
heads,  and  crush  us  beneath  its  ruins." 
In  order  to  relieve  the  country  from 
these  difficulties",  Virginia  proposed  a 
convension  of  all  the  States,  to  devise 
some  plan  of  more  effective  co-opera- 
tion. Such  a  convention  was  called  to 
meet  at  Annapolis,  September,  1786. 
Only  five  States  attended.  But  this 
small  number  made  a  strong  appeal 
for  a  general  convention  which  should 
try  to  so  alter  and  amend  the  articles 
of  compact  as  to  give  the  general  Go- 
vernment the  power  to  raise  means, 
and  to  become  a  more  efficient  aircnt 
of  the  general  good.  Finally  this  call 
was  responded  to  by  all  the  States,  ex- 
cept Rhode  Island,  and  the  convention 
met  at  Philadelphia,  May  25th,  1787, 
and  closed  its  labors  by  framing  our 
present  Constitution,  on  the  17th  of 
September,  having  been  in  session  a 
little  less  than  four  months. 

Tin's  Constitution  differs  from  the 
two  previous  constitutions  between  the 
Stales  only  in  the  number  and  extent 
of  powers  intrusted  (<>  the  Federal  Go- 
vernment. The  character  of  the  powers 


and  our  posterity."  The  object  of  this 
third  constitution  is  precisely  the  same 
as  the  two  former.  The  relations  of 
the  States  to  each  other,  and  to  the 
Federal  Government,  were  exactly 
what  they  were  under  the  constitu- 
tions of  1775  and  of  1777. 

It  is  true  that  there  was  a  small 
minority,  of  the  members  of  the  con- 
vention that  framed  the  constitution 
who,  in  the  lanGrua^e  of  Luther  Mar- 
tin's  report  of  the  Secret  Debates, 
"wished  to  abolish  and  annihilate  all 
State  Governments,  and  to  bring  for- 
ward one  general  Government  of  a 
monarchical  nature."  Mr.  Martin's  re- 
port proceeds  to  say,  that  these  ene- 
mies of  State  governments  and  friends 
of  monarchy,  "knowing  that  they  were 
too  weak  in  numbers  openly  to  bring- 
forward  their  system,  and  conscious 
also  that  the  people  of  America  would 
reject  it  if  proposed/'  &c,  as  every 
one  knows  they  would  have  done. 
Had  the  new  constitution  impaired,  or 
in  the  least  degree  endangered  the 
sovereignly  -of  the  States,  it  never 
would  have  been  ratified  by  a  single 
Stat.'. 

This  last  constitution  was.  in  one 
respect,  a  clear  violation  el'  the  most 
solemn  agreement  entered    into   l>y  all 


102 


OUR    COLONIAL    AND    STATE    UNIONS. 


[March, 


the  States  in  the  articles  of  the  second 
confederation,  in  1777.  The  last  arti- 
cle of  that  compact  is  as  follows  : 

Aet.  13.  *  *  *  The  articles  of  this  con- 
federation shall  be  inviolably  observed  by 
every  State,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpet- 
ual :  nor  shall  any  alteration  be  made  in  any 
of  them,  unless  such  alteration  be  agreed  to 
in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  after- 
wards confirmed  by  the  legislature  of  every 
Slate." 

Counting;  the  early  New  England 
confederacy,  there  have  been  two  colo- 
nial Unions,  and  two  independent 
State  Unions,  to  sa}'  nothing"  of  the 
colonial  combinations  of  1698  and 
1*154,  and  three  of  these  Unions  were 
designed  and  declared  to  be  "  per- 
petual." 

That  of  New  England,  in  1643,  was 
designated  in  the  articles  of  the  Union, 
"  a  perpetual  league."  It  lasted  30 
years.  That  of  1778,  or  if  we  reckon 
from  the  time  of  its  adoption  by  all 
the  States,  of  1781,  declared  that, 
"The  union  shall  be  perpetual."  It 
lasted  3  years.  Cut,  it  is  a  remark- 
able fact,  that  the  constitution  of  the 
Fourth,  or  the  present  Federal  Union, 
formed  in  1787,  does  not  claim,  in 
terms,  to  be  "  perpetual."  The  pre- 
amble simply  calls  it  "  a  more  perfect 
Union."  The  framers  of  this  Constitu- 
tion had  witnessed  the  dissolution  of 
two  "perpetual  Unions"  in  less  than 
twelve  years,  and  they  were  familiar 
with  the  dissolution  of  a  third  "  per- 
petual Union"  of  an  earlier  date — facts 
which  may  have  influenced  them  to 
leave  this  word  "perpetual"  out  of  the 


instrument  they  were  forming.  And, 
besides,  the  debates  in  the  Federal 
Convention  clearly  prove  that,  how- 
ever earnestly  all  wished  the  Union  to 
be  perpetual,  there  was  a  wide  spread 
fear  that  it  wTould  not  be  so.  It  is 
known  that  Washington  had  very 
grave  doubts  on  the  subject.  So  had 
Hamilton.  So  had  Randolph,  Madison, 
and  a  great  number  of  the  leading 
statesmen  of  that  time.  So  strong 
were  the  doubts  of, Luther  Martin,  that 
in  his  report  of  the  Convention,  he 
said,  "  By  the  principles  of  the  Ameri- 
can revolution,  arbitrary  power  may 
and  ought  to  be  resisted,  even  by  arms 
if  necessary.  The  time  may  come, 
when  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  a  State, 
in  order  to  preserve  itself  from  the 
oppression  of  the  general  Government, 
to  have  recourse  to  the  sword."  If 
there  was  one  thing  more  fixed  in  the 
determination  of  all  the  States  than 
any  other,  it  was  that,  under  no  cir- 
cumstances, would  they  ever  surrender 
the  least  fraction  of  their  sovereign 
and  independent  rights.  It  is  a  most 
fortunate  thing  for  the  head  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  and  his  band  of  conspira- 
tors, that  the  men  of  this  generation 
are  made  of  less  resolute  and  virtuous 
stuff.  Had  the  deeds  done  by  this  ad- 
ministration been  committed  under  the 
administration  of  Washington,  John 
Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
John  Quincy  Adams  or  Jackson,  the 
perpetrators  would  have  expiated  their 
crimes  upon  the  gallows. 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


10: 


THE  PEER  AND  THE  PRINTER. 
A  NOVEL. 


BY   THOMAS   DUNN   ENGLISII. 


CHAPTER  V.— (Continued.) 


"  But,"  I  said,  "  I  have  only  the  pri- 
vilege of  the  library,  and  doubt  if  that 
permission  extends  to  any  other  part  of 
the  castle." 

"Oh,  the  north  gallery  is  a  show- 
room ?" 

"But  the  Countess  may  want  you." 

"  No,  she  always  keeps  herself  alone 
for  an  hour  or  so  after  she  meets  a 
stranger." 

I  was  curious  to  see  the  portrait, 
and  so,  without  farther  objections,  I 
accompanied  the  woman,  who  told  me 
that  her  name  was  Gifford.  She  led 
me  to  the  north  gallery,  and  there 
pointed  out  the  portrait. 

Certainly  the  features  on  the  canvass 
and  my  own  were  strikingly  alike — at 
least  as  far  as  the  upper  part  of  the 
face  went ;  but  the  mouth  in  the  por- 
trait was  broader,  and  the  chin  heavier 
and  squarer  than  mine. 

The  portrait  was  a  full  length  like- 
ness of  a  man  apparently  about  twen- 
ty-five. The  costume  was  oriental,  but 
of  what  particular  country  in  the  east 
I  could  not  say. 

"You  say  this  was  a  pirate,"  I  ask- 
ed, after  I  had  looked  at  it  well. 

"The  butler,  who  served  the  former 
earl,  says  so,"  answered  she.  "Fur 
my  part,  I  know  nothing  about  it.  He 
was  a  foreigner  of  some  kind.  My 
lord  sent  it  home  from  abroad,  when 
he  was  a  young  man.  Before  ho  wont 
away  for  the  last  time  he  would  stand 


before  the  picture  for  hours,  or  rather 
he  would  walk  the  gallery  for  hours, 
and  stop  every  now  and  then  before 
the  picture,  and  look  at  it.  He  did  not 
appear  to  be  fond  of  the  man  it  was 
like,  either.  He  would  scowl  at  it  in 
a  way  that  was  fearful.  The  servants 
say" — and  here  she  looked  around  cau- 
tiously— "  that  every  year,  on  the  day 
my  lord  was  born — that  is  the  late 
earl — the  picture  walks." 

I  laughed. 

"It  is  silly,  I  know,"  she  said,  "  but 
there  is  one  thing  quite  certain  ;  I  saw 
that  fall  once — whether  a  ghost  or  alive, 
I  don't  know.  It  was  the  year  before 
my  lord  came  back  the  last  time.  [ 
had  to  cross  the  gallery  late  at  night. 
I  h  id  a  candle  in  my  hand,  and  stopped 
to  look  at  the  picture  as  I  passed.  I 
went  on,  after  I  had  taken  a  look,  and 
just  as  I  reached  yonder  door,  which 
was  my  lord's  chamber,  it  opened.  As 
the  door  was  kept  locked  always  dur- 
ing my  lord's  absence,  it  startled  mo  a 
deal.  I  turned  to  look,  and  saw  a  fig- 
ure wrapped  in  a  dark  cloak.  My  light 
fell  on  the  face." 

"  Well  ?"  said  I,  for  she  paused. 

"It  was  the  face  of  the  pirturo," 
said  she.  "I  could  not  be  mistaken. 
I  dropped  the  light  and  ran.  The  house 
was  alarmed,  and  when  all  gathered 
there,  the  door  was    found    locked.      It 

was  opened,  and  as  no  trace  could   bo 
found  of  any  one,  they  all  said  1  dream 


104 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[March, 


ed  the  matter." 

"  What  did  the  earl  say  to  it  when 
lie  came  back  ?" 

"  He  never  knew  it.  My  lady,  his 
mother,  forbade  any  of  us  to  tell  him. 
But  I  must  go,  lest  my  lady  want  me. 
You  do  look  like  the  picture — very 
much — especially  that  look  from  the 
eyes." 

And  Gilford  left  me  alone. 

I  looked  a  little  while  longer  at  the 
portrait,  and  then  returned  to  the  ii" 
brary,  where  I  sat  down,  and  began 
to  think.  According  to  Guttenberg, 
the  man  who  gave  me  in  his  charge 
was  a  foreigner.  Could  this  be  he  ? 
His  likeness  to  me,  too  !  Could  he 
have  been  my  father  ?  How  was  I  to 
learn  more  of  this  strange  portrait, 
and  the  name  of  the  original  ?  While 
I  was  engaged  in  these  reflections,  the 
steward  came  in  to  replace  the  .book  he 
had  taken  away. 

"Has  the  Countess  Dowager  been 
here  since  V 

"  No,"  I  replied,  "  but  her  attendant 
has." 

"Ah!"  he  ejaculated.  "  A  strange 
creature  is  Gilford — a  woman  of  strong 
prejudices.  I  have  had  to  talk  sharply 
to  GifTord,  once  or  twice,  and  she  don't 
like  me  much." 

"  Mr.  Osborne,"  I  said,  looking  him 
full  in  the  face,  "  there  is  a  portrait  in 
the  gallery  yonder,  which  is  said  to  be 
that  of  a  pirate.  May  I  ask  who  he 
was  ?" 

"Did  you  see  it  ?" 


picked  up  abroad  by  the  late  earl,  I 
believe,  at  a  sale  somewhere  on  the 
continent.  It  is  a  very  odd  picture, 
but  is  said  to  be  a  very  good  piece  of 
painting." 

"  The  likeness  to  me,  then,  would  ap- 
pear to  be  accidental,  after  all  ?" 

"Entirely  so." 

I  did  not  believe  him,  and  for  a  plain 
reason.  The  gay  cloak  or  robe  on  the 
picture  was  fastened  by  a  belt,  clasped 
by  turquoises  ;  the  striped  jacket  was 
buttoned  at  the  neck,  with  a  brooch 
exactly  like  that  found  in  the  old  house 
in  the  Ram's  Horn  ;  there  was  a  crook- 
ed dagger  in  the  sash  around  the 
waist ;  and  on  the  dagger's  handle 
were  several  characters  similar  to 
those  on  the  inside  of  the  ring  which 
had  been  found  suspended  from  my 
neck 


Ye 


is. 


'"  Well,  it  is  nobody  ;  a   mere  fancy 

piece.  The  servants  have  an  absurd 
notion  that  it  represents  a  pirate." 

"Does  it  not,  then?" 

"No  mere  than  it  does  his  lordship, 
or  his    lordship's    son,    or  me.  •  It  was 


CHAPTER  VI., 

Wherein  another  Chip  is  thrown  into  the  current 

of  my  Life,  and  I  hear  from  Zara. 

All  these  events  began  to  shape 
themselves  into  a  problem.  "Who  am 
I?  What  am  I?"  were  the  questions 
to  be  solved.  Thus  it  was  that  I  fre- 
quently reviewed  the  incidents  con- 
nected with  my  life,  and  wondered 
whether  the  missing  links  in  the  chain 
would  be  supplied.  The  facts  might 
be  connected  with  a  common-place  ori- 
gin— perhaps  a  base  one,  after  all  j 
still  there  was  an  air  of  romance  about 
them,  and  I  was  at  an  age  when  ro- 
mance had  full  control  over  the  mind. 

There  was  first  a  child  with  certain 
tokens,  delivered  to  a  printer  in  the 
town  of  Puttenham.  One  of  thes*e  to- 
kens was  a  wedding-ring,  with  a  sin- 
gular posy  ;  the  other,  a  packet.  The 
packet,  which  I  conjectured  to  contain 
the  proofs    of  a  marriage,  was   gone, 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


105 


but  the  ring'  remained.  Then  in  the 
house  that  would  seem  to  be  the  one 
where  the  child  had  been  entrusted  to 
the  printer's  care,  certain  relics  were 
found,  one  of  which  contained  letters 
similar  to  those  in  the  ring*. 

Then  the  portrait  in  the  gallery, 
.'with  its  strange  resemblance  to  me, 
and  with  the  same  sort  of  mysterious 
letters  on  the  dagger-blade  ;  and  the 
singular  appearance  of  the  original  to 
Gifford. 

The  bones  in  Sharp's  house — were 
they  those  of  the  woman  ?  Was  she 
my  mother  ?  Had  she  been  murdered? 
Admitting  the  packet  to  contain  evi- 
dences of  marriage — a  conjecture — and 
that  it  were  ever  recovered — a  remote 
possibility — how  to  identify  me? 

These  questions,  and  others  as  use- 
less, frequently  occurred  to  me,  To 
what  end  ?  The  packet  was  gone  ir- 
recoverably— trampled  in  the  snow  of 
that  night — utterly  defaced  ;  the  mo- 
ther dead  ;  the  mysterious  stranger 
dead  too,  perhaps,  or  interested  in  keep- 
ing silence. 

Suppose  all  elucidated.  I  might 
prove  after  all  to  be  a — my  face  red- 
dened then.  Better  to  be  a  child  of 
mystery  than  of.  shame.  And  yet  the 
questions  would  come  again — "Who 
am  I?     What  am  1?" 

Time  went  on  in  the  meanwhile.  I 
studied  hard  at  the  earl's  books,  and 
each  step  made  the  next  easier.  The 
people  of  the  town  thought  me  a  pro- 
digy of  learning,  and  I  was  not  dis- 
pleased with  the  vulgar  admiration.  I 
had  vanity — who  has  not  ?  and  it  was 
tickled.  No  foreigner,  high  or  low, 
ever  entered  the  town,  but  my  name 
was  mentioned  to  him,  and  we  were 
Speedily  brought  in  contact.  I  was, 
beyond    dispute,  the    great   linguist  of 


Puttenham.  This  was  of  service  to 
me.  I  acquired  greater  colloquial  in- 
tercourse with  several  modern  lan- 
guages, and  ease  of  manner.  The  mu- 
nicipal dignitaries  honored  me  with 
their  nod  ;  and  even  the  proud  Earl  of 
Landys  condescended  to  speak  cf  me 
as  a  remarkable  boy.  With  the  mili- 
tary officers,  and  the  patrons  of  the 
library,  I  still  continued  to  be  a  favor- 
ite. As  I  was  tall  for  my  age,  well- 
knit,  and  with  handsome  features,  the 
young  ladies  of  the  place  looked  on  me 
pleasantly,  and  the  matrons  with  a  for- 
bidding air.  For  you  see  I  was  no- 
body ;  my  very  name  was  not  my  own; 
and,  though  Mr.  Guttenberg  had  adopt- 
ed me,  I  might  not  be  co-heir  with  his 
daughter  after  all.  I  was  not  a  desira- 
ble match  in  the  eyes  of  prudent  mo- 
thers, among .  the  trades-folk  of  the 
town. 

A  strange  kind  of  friendship  sprang 
up  between  me  and  Gifford.  She 
would  often  slip  into  the  library  when 
I  was  there,  and  interrupt  my  reading 
with  reminiscences  of  the  Landys  fa- 
mily, of  whose  history  she  was  a  walk- 
ing chronicle.  I  asked  her  but  few 
questions,  contenting  myself  with  play- 
ing the  part  of  a  listener  ;  but  there 
were  two  points  on  which  I  wished  to 
be  enlightened.  One  was  about  the 
portrait  that  Bagby  mentioned  as  re- 
sembling Espinel ;  the  other  what  the 
dowager  countess  meant,  if  there  was 
any  meaning  to  the  words,  by  saying  : 
"  The  dead  has  not  come,  and  the  liv- 
ing will " 

Gifford  readily  answered  both  ques- 
tions. 

"I  know  nothing  about  the  picture.  I 
recollect  there  was  one  in  my  lord's 
chamber,  such  as  you  describe,  but  it 
has  been  removed,  I  think.    As  for  her 


106 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


(March, 


ladyship's  words,  they  refer  to  a  pro- 
mise of  her  son.  The  old  lady  believes 
in  spirits  coming  back  to  this  world 
and  appearing  to  their  friends,  if  they 
want  to.  Why  shouldn't  she  ?  You 
do,  don't  you  V1 

As  Gifford  evidently  did,  and  I  had 
no  desire  to  discuss  the  point,  I  said 
evasively  : 

"  Oh,  that  point  is  settled  among  all 
sensible  people  ;  but  I  don't  see  what 
that  has  to  do  with  the  words." 

"  Why,  you  see,  the  late  earl  was 
very  fond  of  his  mother,  and  she  of 
him.  Somehow  he  never  believed  in 
ghosts  and  such  things — though  there 
was  a  spirit  in  the  family  once — I'll 
tell  you  about  that  some  other  time  ; 
and  they  used  to  dispute  about  it  a 
good  deal,  only  in  a  good-natured  way. 
I  was  busy  doing  something  one  day 
in  the  countess's  chamber,  and  her  son 
was  there,  and  they'd  been  talking  over 
the  matter.    Said  his  lordship,  said  he: 

"  '  We'll  settle  the  matter  practical- 
ly, mother.  If  I  die  before  you,  and 
am  able  to  do  so,  I  will  come  to  see 
you  after  death,  and  let  you  know  how 
I  like  the  other  world  ;  and  you  shall 
do  the  same  with  me.' 

"The  countess  she  spoke  up  and  said, 
says  she  : 

"  '  That  I  solemnly  promise  to  do, 
George.' 

"  Now  as  he  has  never  made  his  ap- 
pearance to  her,  and  she  knows  he 
would  keep  his  word,"  that's  what  she 
means  by  saying  that  the  dead  hadn't 
come,  and  the  living  would." 

"  But,"  said  I,  "  there  can  be  no  doubt 
of  the  earl's  death." 

"  It  seems  not,  but  her  ladyship  don't 
believe  it." 

One  thing  Gifford  was  not  communi- 
cative upon — her   own  history  ;    but  I 


learned  that  from  others.  She  was  an 
orphan  child,  reared  by  the  dowager 
countess's  direction,  and  in  due  time 
promoted  to  be  her  maid.  Despite  her 
apparent  love  of  tattling,  she  was  close 
in  regard  to  some  things,  and  was,  be- 
yond doubt,  the  confidante  of  her  noble 
mistress  What  she  said  to  me,  there- 
fore, I  at  once  divined  was  not  meant 
to  be  a  secret,  at  least  from  me. 

Beside  Gifford,  I  made  another  friend, 
and  a  very  singular  one,  abont  this 
time.  The  reader  will  remember  that 
the  old  house  in  the  Ram's  Horn  be- 
longed to  one  Sharp.  This  Sharp, 
whose  Christian  name  was  Abner,  was 
a  singular  character.  No  man  was 
more  generally  execrated  and  abhorred 
by  his  townsmen.  He  was  a  thin, 
pinched,  cadaverous  old  man,  appa- 
rently about  sixty,  with  a  high  and 
narrow  forehead,  a  thin  nose,  orna- 
mented with  a  knob,  like  a  mighty 
pimple,  at  the  tip,  and  a  round,  long 
chin.  His  eyes  were  small,  keen  and 
restless,  keeping  up  an  uneasy  motion 
all  the  while  ;  and  he  had  a  remarka- 
ble and  noted  habit  of  casting  alarmed 
glances  from  time  to  time  over  his 
shoulder.  He  was  said  to  be  enor- 
mously rich,  owning  houses  upon 
houses,  holding  bonds  and  mortgages 
innumerable,  and  loaning  money  at 
usurious  interest.  Yet  he  was  so  par- 
simonious that  he  denied  himself  ne- 
cessary food  and  proper  clothing  ;  and 
he  lived  in  the  garret  of  one  of  his  own 
houses,  the  other  floors  being  let  to 
the  poorest  class  of  people.  This  Sharp 
I  knew  by  sight  very  well,  as  did  every 
one  else  in  town,  and  I  had  had  at 
times  some  conversation  with  him.  He 
owned  the  house  and  premises  which 
Mr.  Guttenberg  occupied,  and  used  to 
come  on  quarter  day,    exactly   on   the 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


107 


stroke  of  twelve,  to   receive   his  rent. 
He  was  also  the  proprietor  of  the  Mu- 
seum of  the  town,  a  place  got  up  by  a 
Yankee  speculator,  as  a  resort  for  the 
people  of  the  surrounding  country,  on 
holidays  ;  but  which   proved    to    be  a 
failure.     However  such  a  thing  might 
do  in  America,  it faile  1  here  ;  but  Sharp 
had  taken  it  in  lieu  of  a  debt,  and  it  be- 
came his  only   apparent  delight.     He 
used  to  gloat  over  its  quaint  treasures, 
its    mummies,   stuffed    beasts,    stones 
and  butterflies  ;  its    pickled   heads    of 
New  Zealanders,  birds  and  wax  figures. 
Nay,  he    even  expended    money  on  it, 
not   only   buying    any    double-headed 
calf,  or  four-legged  chicken  that   came 
along,  but   absolutely   going   to  some 
expense    by  advertising  each  new  pos- 
session  in    the   Puttenham   Chronicle, 
and   having   placards  printed  to  post 
upon  dead  walls    and    pumps,    and    to 
place  in   the    tap-rooms.     Through  his 
visits  to  the  printing-room,  I   came   to 
know  Sharp  tolerably   well,  and    as   I 
treated  him  with  a  sort  of  patronizing 
deference,  we    became    quite   familiar. 
The    truth   is    that    I    pitied    the  poor 
wretch   in   spite   of  his    large  posses- 
sions, and  felt  comrnisseration  for  the 
miserable    being  who,  in  the    midst  of 
wealth,  felt  the  pangs  of  poverty.     He 
returned  this  by  a  number  of  parsimo- 
nious proverbs,  and  much  good  money- 
making  advice.     There  was  no  obliga- 
tion    incurred    on    either    side.     Each 
could  well  spare  what    he  parted  with, 
and    the    gills    given  were    not  of  the 
least  use  to  the  recipients. 

A  striking  incident  made  us  quite  in- 
timate. 

One  day  in  winter,  the  quarter-day, 
Sharp  came  to  collect  his  rent.  The 
weather  was  more  damp  than  cold ; 
the  snow    which    had  fallen   the  niirlit 


before  had  melted,  and  when  Sharp  en- 
tered he  presented  a  pitiable  sight. 
His  face  looked  blue,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  his  nose,  which  glowed  like  the 
tip  of  a  carbuncle,  and  he  trembled 
with  weakness  and  cold.  He  was  thin- 
ly clad,  as  usual,  without  a  great-coat, 
and  his  patched  shoes  had  evidently 
not  kept  out  the  snow-wrater.  I  offered 
him  the  loan  of  my  great-coat,  but  he 
declined  it,  saying  that  he  had  a  very 
excellent  wrapper  of  his  own,  which 
he  had  forgotten  to  put  on  in  the  morn- 
ing. Toward  night-fall  he  came  to  the 
printing-room  again,  on  his  way  home, 
and  stood  by  the  grate  to  dry  his  feet 
and  warm  himself.  He  looked  even 
more  ill  than  before,  and  I  renewed  the 
offer  of  the  great  coat. 

"  No  !"  he  answered  sharply,  "  I've 
one  of  my  own,  I  tell  you.  "  Besides," 
he  added,  more  pleasantly,  "you  might 
want  to  go  out  to-night ;  and  1  might 
injure  your  coat  too." 

"  Nonsense  !"  I  said,  "  I  know  you'll 
take  care  of  it  ;  you  never  injure  any 
thing  that  costs  money,  and  as  I'm  not 
going  out- tonight,  I  shan't  want  it. 
You'll  be  ill  if  you  don't  take  it ;  and 
if  you  do  wear  it  out  a  little,  that's  no 
matter.  As  I'm  not  quite  so  rich  as 
you,  I'm  not  so  close." 

"Ah  !"  he  muttered,  "wilful  waste 
makes  woeful  want.  If  I  were  to  be 
as  extravagant  as  you  I'd  soon  be  a 
beggar.  It's  very  comfortable  though," 
he  continued,  as  he  put  it  on,  "  and 
wadded,  too.  A  printer's  apprentice 
with  such  a  coat  as  this.  Dear  me  ! 
West  of  England  cloth,  at  that.  Why 
don't  you  wear  shoddy?  Your  master 
allows  you  this,  eh?  He'll  never  bo 
rich — never  I" 

And  off  he  went,  grumbling. 

That  night    at    supper    I  mentioned 


108 


THE    PEER    AXD    THE    PRINTER. 


[March, 


the  occurrence  laughingly  to  the  fa- 
mily. 

"  Dear  me  !"  exclaimed  Mrs.  Gutten- 
berg, "  what  a  mean  man  he  is  ;  and 
so  rich.  To  be  sure,  he  was  poor 
enough  once — a  wild  spendthrift." 

"  He  a  spendthrift,  mother  !  That's 
the  last  I  should  expect  to  hear  of  him. 
Why  he  might  stand  to  a  sculptor  for 
a  model  of  Avarice.  It  seems  to  have 
been  born  with  him." 

"  It  was  in  the  blood,  that's  a  fact," 
said  the  old  woman,  "  but  he  was  a 
spendthrift  at  first ;  and  his  father 
threatened  to  disinherit  him.  The  old 
man  would  have  done  it,  too,  everybod3>" 
said  ;  but  he  died  suddenly,  and  there 
was  no  will  found,  so,  as  Abner  was  an 
only  son,  he  fell  heir  to  about  ten  thou- 
sand pounds." 

"  Which  he  has  screwed  and  scraped, 
and  swelled  into  a  hundred  thousand 
at  least,"  said  Mr.  Guttenberg.  "When 
his  father  died  he  cut  loose  from  his 
riotous  companions,  and  for  forty  years 
he  has  been  a  miserable,  sordid,  grip- 
ing miser,  without  a  friend  in  the 
world." 

"  He  is  much  to  be  pitied  then,"  I 
said. 

"I  do  not  pity  him,"  said  Mary. 
"  He  is  a  mean  old  hunks  ;  and  I  don't 
believe  you'll  get  your  coat  again,  Am- 
brose." 

"  He  was  wiser  in  one  thing  than 
you,  my  boy,"  said  Mr.  Guttenberg, 
"for  you  really  will  want  your  coat  to- 
night. He  signed  the  receipt  I  wrote 
for  the  rent,  and  by  mistake  I  have 
made  it  up  to  the  end  of  the  coming 
quarter.  It  is  very  odd  that  he  did 
not  notice  the  blunder.  I  wish  you 
would  go  to  his  lodgings  and  have  the 
error  corrected  at  once.  Here  is  the 
old  receipt,  and   a   new   one  stamped. 


You  can  run  along  fastly,  so  you  wont 
need  any  overcoat  while  you're  going  ; 
and  you  can  get  your  own  to  return 
in." 

"Won't  the  morning  do  as  well?" 
inquired  his  wife. 

"  Oh,  no  !  As  the  old  fellow  would 
say  himself,  '  never  put  off  till  to-mor- 
row what  you  can  do  to-day.'  Ambrose 
rather  likes  the  errand,  I  dare  say." 

"  Of  course  I  do,"  I  answered.  "  I 
want  to  see  how  the  old  miser  lives  at 
home."  And  without  further  words  I 
took  the  receipt  and  started. 

I  cantered  along  briskly  through  the 
sloppy,  half-melted  snow,  to  the  house 
where  old  Sharp  had  his  den.  Like 
many  other  of  his  buildings,  it  w7as  in 
a  dilapidated  condition.  I  knocked  at 
the  door,  and  after  considerable  delay 
it  was  opened  by  a  half-grown  girl, 
who  held  a  flaring  tallow  candle  over 
her  head  with  one  hand,  while  she  kept 
the  door  half  closed  with  the  other. 

"  What  do  you  want  V  she  inquired. 

"  I  wish  to  see  Mr.  Sharp  on  parti- 
cular business,"  I  answered. 

"  I  don't  know  that  he'll  want  to  see 
you.  He  never  does  business  after 
dark.     Who  are  you  ?" 

"  My  name  is  Fecit,  and  I  come  from 
Mr.  Guttenberg." 

'•  Oh,"  said  the  girl,  after  scrutiniz- 
ing me  closely,  "  I  know  you.  You 
can  go  up  to  his  room,  but  I  don't 
think  you'll  get  in.  He  bolts  up  at 
dark,  and  won't  speak  to  any  one.  It's 
the  topmost  room  of  the  house.  You 
can't  miss  it.  You  can  take  this  light, 
and  leave  it  on  the  stair-head." 

I  took  the  candle,  and  made  my  way 
up  the  creaking  staircase  to  the  gar- 
ret. I  knocked  at  the  door,  but  there 
was  no  reply  made.  I  tried  the  knob, 
and  to  my  surprise  the  door  opened. 


1865.J 


THE    PEER    AXD    THE    PRINTER. 


109 


I  entered. 

I  had  never  seen  a  room    so  meanly 
furnished  containing"    so    many  tokens 
of  wealth      There  was    a    heavy   iron 
box,  a  wooden  chest  of  drawers,  a  ta- 
ble covered  with  papers,   jewelry  and 
money,    and    a   pallet.     The  windows 
were    furnished    with    iron   bars,    and 
there  wore  three  bolts  to  the  door,  and 
a  chain.     Around  the   room   in   a  con- 
fused litter  were  articles  of  vertu,  piles 
of  handsomely  bound  books,    beautiful 
pictures,    and    an    old   suit   of  armor. 
Hanging  on   hooks   in  the  walls  were 
several  curious  swords  and   two  pairs 
of  pistols,    richly   mounted.     Upon   a 
large  silver  salver,  which   lay    on  the 
chest  of  drawers,  were    a   number   of 
pieces  of  plate,  and    on   the  corner    of 
the  table  lay  a  diamond-studded  snuff- 
box.    As  a  sort  of  mockery  of  the   va- 
luables, there  was  a  wooden  platter  in 
the  midst   of  the    table,  containing    a 
crust  of  bread  and  a  red  herring.    The 
supper  had  been  untouched. 

I  turned  toward  the  pallet.  Sharp, 
still  wrapped  in  my  great-coat,  lay 
upon  it,  breathing  heavily.  I  shook 
him,  but  there  was  no  answer.  He  did 
not  recognize  me.  I  felt  his  pulse — it 
scarcely  beat.  His*  head  was  hot,  but 
his  feet  were  cold  as  ice.  'I  ran  to  the 
door  and  called  down  the  stairs.  Some 
of  the  inmates  of  the  rooms  put  their 
heads  out  from  their  doors,  among  the 
rest  the  girl  who  had  admitted  me. 

"  Send  some  one  for  the  nearest  doc- 
tor," 1  said,  "Mr.  Sharp  i'j  quite  un- 
well. Ami  bring  me  some  hot  water, 
somebody.  I'd  be  obliged  to  any  one 
who'd  go  for  Mr.  Gutteuberg."  They 
were  all  for  entering  the  room,  but  I 
kept  them  back.  As  soon  as  1  had 
pacified  them  1  threw  some  old  clothes 
over    the    money    and    valuables    that 


were  exposed  to  view,  so  that  when 
the  girl  came  with  the  hot  water  there 
was  nothing  in  sight  of  which  she 
could  babble  to  excite  the  .cupidity  of 
her  hearers. 

I  removed  Sharp's  shoes.  His  feet 
were  icity  cold.  I  propped  him  half 
upright  in  the  pallet,  and  placed  his 
feet  in  the  hot  water.  I  then  opened 
the  dormer  window,  and  obtaining 
some  snow  from  the  roof,  made  a  term- 
porary  bag  of  my  handkerchief,  and 
placing  the  snow  in  it,  applied  it  to 
his  head.  These  simple  measures  soon 
had  their  effect.  The  pulse  began  to 
beat  more  quickly  and  firmly  ;  the  tem- 
perature of  the  body  became  more  even, 
and  the  breathing  grew  natural.  At 
length  Sharp  recognised  me. 

"  What  arc  you  doing  here  ?"  he  ask- 
ed, endeavoring  to  rise.  He  was  too 
weak,  however,  and  fell  back  again. 

"You  can  let  him  lie  down  now,"  1 
said  to  the  girl  who  was  aiding  me. 
"  Go  down  stairs,  and  when  the  doctor 
and  Mr.  Gutteuberg  come,  show  them 
up  at  once." 

The  girl  left  the  rjom.  Sharp  looked 
at  me  in  wonder. 

"  What  do  you  mean  ?"  he  asked. 
11 1  don't  want  a  doctor.  He'll  ruin 
me." 

"  Pray  be  quiet,"  I  said.  "  You  are 
very  ill,  and  must  have  a  doctor.  He'll 
be  here  presently." 

"  I  won't  pay  him.  I  didn't  send  for 
him — mind  that." 

"  Very  well  ;  we  won't  quarrel  on 
that  score.  A  doctor  is  necessary,  and 
if  you  won't  pay  for  him  I  will." 

"  You  can't  ;  you  havn't  the  money  ; 

you're  only    a    prentice    boy.     What's 

your  business  here,  anyhow?      Do  you 

think  you'll  get  any  money  from  me  T 

I    was    thoroughly   provoked    but   I 


110 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[March, 


kept  my  temper,  as  there  was  no  use 
of  quarreling  with  such  a  madman* 
So  I  told  him  my  errand  there.  It 
seemed  to  calm  him  at  first,  but  at  the 
next  moment  he  glanced  uneasily  at 
the  table.  * 

"  All  right,"  I  said,  in  answer  to  his 
look.  "  I  threw  those  clothes  on  the 
table  and  chest,  that  the  girl's  prying 
eyes  might  not  fall  on  the  money  and 
plate  you  had  left  exposed." 

"It -was  thoughtful,"  he  said,  after  a 
moment's  pause.  "  I  must  trust  some 
one — why  not  you  ?  Take  those  keys 
from  under  my  pillow  ;  there,  pick  only 
the  second-sized  one  from  the  bunch  ; 
open  the  chest,  and  put  the  money  and 
jewelry  away." 

I  obeyed  him,  locked  the  chest,  and 
returned  the  key.  I  had  scarcely  done 
this  when  the  doctor  entered,  closely 
followed  by  Mr.  Guttenberg.  The  doc- 
tor wasn't  a  physician  ;  he  was  not  a 
regular  M.  D.,  but  what  in  Puttenham 
is  called  an  apothecary.  In  London 
he  would  have  styled  himself  a  gene- 
ral practitioner.  He  was  of  some  emi- 
nence in  his  profession,  and  bore  the 
reputation  of  being  a  very  worthy 
man. 

"  I  didn't  send  for  you,"  said  Sharp, 
when  he  saw  him.  "  Remember,  if  you 
prescribe  I  won't  pay  you.  I  call  Mr. 
Guttenberg  to  witness." 

Mr.  Gray,  the  doctor,  smiled,  and 
asked  me  the  history  of  the  case.  I 
told  him  how  I  had  found  the  old  man, 
and  what  I  had  done. 

"You  couldn't  have  done  better  if 
you  had  been  the  whole  Royal  College 
of  Surgeons,"  said  Mr.  Gray.  "  You 
have  probably  saved  his  life.  Without 
your  prompt  action,  the  congestion  of 
the  brain  might  have  been  fatal." 

"  Do  you  think  he   saved  my   life  V1 


inquired  Sharp,  leaning  on  his   elbow, 
and  peering  in  the  doctor's  face. 

"  I  think  it  very  probable." 

"  Well,  well  !"  exclaimed  the  miser, 
"  I  suppose  I  ought  to  ba  much  obliged 
to  him.  But  he  isn't  a  regular  prac- 
titioner ;  he  can't  make  me  pay." 

The  air  of  the  old  man  as  he  said 
this  was  so  absurdly  earnest,  that  we 
all  burst  into  a  simultaneous  peal  of 
laughter.  Sharp  looked  annoyed,  but 
the  next  instant  his  features  relaxed 
into  a  faint  smile. 

"  I  am  well  enough  now,  at  all 
events,"  said  he,  "  and  1  don't  want 
any  one  here  now." 

The  doctor  told  him  that  he  was  not 
well  enough  at  all,  and  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary some  one  should  remain  with 
him  during  the  night,  to  carry  out  the 
directions  left. 

"  I  won't  have  any  one  here,"  per- 
sisted Sharp. 

"  But  you  must,"  reiterated  the  doc- 
tor. • 

"  If  Ambrose  will  stay,  he  may  ;  but 
I'll  have  no  one  else,"  returned  the  mi- 
ser. 

I  looked  at  Mr.  Guttenberg  inqui- 
ringly.    He  nodded  his  head. 

"Very  well,"  I  safel,  "  I'll  stay." 

Mr.  Gray  told  me  what  medicines 
he  should  send,  how  to  administer 
them,  and  what  to  do  in  case  certain 
unfavorable  symptoms  came  on.  Then 
off  he  went,  and  Mr.  Guttenberg  with 
him.  Previous  to  the  departure  of  the 
latter,  he  handed  me  a  letter. 

"  This  came,"  said  he,  "  during  the 
afternoon.  I  forgot  to  hand  it  you  at 
supper.  We'll  keep  your  breakfast 
ready  for  you  in  the  morning." 

I  was  left  alone  with  my  strange 
charge.  I  turned  towards  him.  He 
was  fast  asleep.     I   found   a  couple  of 


1865.1 


TIIE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER 


111 


tallow  candles  in  a  tin  box,  and  laid 
them  in  readiness  by  the  candlestick  ; 
put  some  of  the  books  that  were  scat- 
tered about  on  the  table  to  read  during 
the  night ;  took  the  medicine  from  the 
doctor's  boy,  who  had  now  come,  awa- 
kened my  patient  and  gave  him  the 
powder  according  to  directions,  and 
then  sat  down  to  read  my  letter. 

Tt  was  from  Paul  Bagby,  and  read  as 
follows  : 

"  My  dear  Ambrose : — Read  this  letter  as 
carefully  as  you  like,  and  then—  burn  it. 

"Zara  is  in  my  cliarge — where  you  will 
learn  some  day  by  word  of  mouth.  I  dare 
not,  for  her  sake,  write  it,  lest  some  accident 
should  befall  this  letter. 

"  Espinel,  who  is  a  Spanish  nobleman,  and 
her  uncle,  has  disappeared.  He  has  been 
either  killed  or  abducted  ;  which  I  cannot 
say. 

1 '  Keep  ail  this  secret.  "What  I  desire  you 
to  do  for  me,  and  for  Zara's  sake,  is  to  ascer- 
tain, without  provoking  remark,  if  Mr.  Os- 
borne left  the  castle  recently.  If  so,  when, 
how  long  he  was  absent,  and  whether  he  has 
now  returned. 

"  The  blow  at  Zara  comes  from  that  quar- 
tsr.  I  would  like  to  tell  you  all  ;  but  this  is 
not  the  proper  place  nor  time.  I  shall  see 
you  shortly  if  I  can  leave  London. 

1 '  Make  some  excuse  for  examining  the  re- 
cords of  the  parish-church  of  St.  Stephen. 
See  the  inarriage-Kgister,  and  get  me  the 
exact  date  of  the  marriage  of  the  present 
Earl  of  Landys  with  Miss  Ansleigh.  I  wish 
to  see  if  it  corresponds  with  the  statement  in 
Burke's  peerage." 

I  read  the  letter  twice,  and  tearins: 
it  in  strips,  consumed  them  one  by  one 
in  the  flame  of  the  candle. 


CHAPTER  VII, 
Wldch  contains  singular  revelations,  and  tells 
of  the  growth  of  an  odd  friendship. 

I  was  musing  over  the  contents  of 
the  letter,  when  I  heard  Sharp  speak. 
I  went  to  the  pallet.  The  old  man's 
eyes  were  staring  wildly,  their  whites 


injected  with  blood,  and  his  face  deep- 
ly flushed.  The  fever,  as  the  doctor 
had  warned  me,  had  evidently  come 
on.  It  was  with  some  difficulty  I 
could  get  him  to  swallow  the  draught 
sent  for  such  an  exigency. 

He  lay  there,  restlessly  tossing  about, 
while  I  paced  up  and  down  the  room, 
striving  to  keep  myself  warm.  There 
was  a  grate,  indeed,  at  the  chimney- 
place,  but  it  was  quite  empty,  and  it 
was  too  late  in  the  night  to  order  coals. 
All  I  could  do  to  defend  myself  against 
the  cold  was  to  keep  myself  in  motion. 

The  rustling  noise  of  Sharp's  move- 
ments stopped.  I  turned  to  look  at 
him.  He  was  sitting  erect  on  the  bed, 
his  eyes  dilated  and  almost  starting 
from  their  sockets  with  terror. 

"  Ah  I"  he  cried,  in  a  tone  of  horror 
that  made  my  very  flesh  creep,  "  there 
he  is,  cold  and  stiff ;  and  he  is  my  fa- 
ther I  Have  I  murdered  him?  Take 
him  away  !     Take  him  away  !" 

Was  this,  then,  the  terrible  secret  of 
the  old  man's  life,  or  was  it  the  crea- 
tion of  the  fever  ? 

" There  !  there  !"  he  said,  "they  are 
coming — for  me  !  There  is  the  gallows! 
and  the  rope  —  how  it  dangles  and 
swings!  The  hangman — I  see  him! 
and  the  crowd  !  how  they  yell  and 
howl  !     Oh,  God  !  how  they  yell !" 

This,  then,  I  thought,  was  the  cause 
of  those  watchful  glances  which  he  cast 
over  his  shoulder  from  time  to  time  as 
he  walked — this  was  the  spectre  that 
haunted  him. 

I  hoisted  the  window  again,  obtain- 
ed some  snow,  and  applied  it  to  his 
head. 

"  Heavens  V*  I  said,  as  I  was  thus 
engaged,  "  is  this  miserable  old  man  a 
parricide  ?" 

lie  caught  at  the  word. 


112 


THE   PEER   AND   THE   PRINTER. 


[March, 


"Parricide  !"  he  exclaimed.  "No, 
my  lord,  and  you,  gentlemen  of  the 
jury,  I  did  not  mean  to  murder  him. 
No  ;  mean  and  cold  and  cruel  as  he  was 
to  me,  he  was  still  my  father.  Mur- 
der ! — me  !  Why  I  would  not  harm  a 
worm.  I  meant  to  rob  ;  yes,  I  meant 
to  help  myself  from  his  hoard  ; 
for  she — she  was  starving- — dying  of 
want — and  he  spurned  me  from  him — 
he  would  not  give  me  a  farthing  to 
save  her — her  !  my  poor  Margaret  ! 
Yes  !  I  was  a  spendthrift — a  reckless 
young  man  ;  but  I  was  a  husband  !  I 
thought  to  make  him  sleep  the  rounder 
that  1  might  get  the  keys,  lie  slept, 
and  he  never  awoke  again.  Ah  !  the 
money  came  too  late  !  too  late  !  my 
poor  Margaret  was  dead  !" 

I  still  applied  the  snow,  and  he  calm- 
ed under  it,  but  his  fancies  were  busy 
with  him. 

"  Yes  !  I  know — he  died  of  disease 
of  the  heart — they  said  his  death  was 
sudden  ;  but  did  not  the  laudanum  has- 
ten it  ?  He  comes  at  night,"  he  mur- 
mured, "  at  night,  when  all  is  still,  and 
sits  and  looks  at  me  with  his  cold  eyes 
and  pale  face  ;  he  tells  me  that  I  have 
his  money  ;  but  I  have  no  Margaret — 
and  then  he  goes  to  only  come  back 
again — again — again.  You  are  there 
now,  and  your  touch  is  cold  as  ice." 

"  It  is  I,  Ambrose  Fecit,"  I  said. 
"  Don't  you  know  me  ?" 

"  But  I  wonder  what  is  in  the  pack* 
et,"  he  continued.  "  Shall  I  open  it  ? 
I  think  not." 

I  renewed  the  snow  application  to 
his  head. 

"  My  poor  Margaret !"  he  said.  "  She 
is  dead,  and  I  have  nothing  to  love 
now  but  gold — gold — gold  !  I  am  rich 
— they  do  not  know  how  rich  I  am  ; 
but  I   atone  j   yes,  I  atone.     Men  hate 


and  despise  me  for  a  miser.  The3T'll 
never  know  me  better  ;  but  the  grave 
will  cover  me,  and  then  the  worms  will 
find  it  out— ha  !  ha  !  the  worms  will 
find  it  out !" 

It  was  a  trying  position  for  one  of 
my  age  to  fill — alone  in  a  cold  and 
cheerless  room,  in  the  dead  hours  of' 
the  night,  listening  to  the  ravings  of  a 
remorseful  man,  whose  sensitive  con- 
science, excited  by  disease,  exa^^cra- 
ted  his  crime,  and  unmasked  his  soul 
to  a  stranger.  What  he  meant  by  say- 
ing that  he  atoned,  I  could  not  even 
conceive.  His  sordid  life,  his  denial  of 
pity  and  kindness  to  others,  and  even 
to  himself,  was  a  worse  crime  than  the 
robbery  of  his  father.  The  one  was 
prompted  by  the  suffering  of  his  wife  ; 
the  other  had  no  palliation.  But  with 
.these  and  other  thoughts  within  me,  I 
still  sat  there  applying  the  cooling 
snow  to  his  head,  and  administering' 
his  hourly  draught.  Two  or  throe 
hours  more  of  raving  and  delirium 
passed,  and  then  he  sank  into  an  un- 
easy slumber.  I  gathered  what  spare 
clothes  I  could  find  around,  and  muf- 
fling myself  in  these  to  secure  a  portion 
of  warmth,  I  took  up  one  of  the  books 
on  the  table,  and  sal*  down  to  read. 
Willi  the  exception  of  once,  when  he 
awakened,  and  took  the  draught  ready 
for  him,  I  remained  thus  until  long  af- 
ter the  grey  streaks  of  dawn  had  sto- 
len through  the  dusty  window-panes. 

lie  did  not  wake  until  after  nine 
o'clock.  lie  was  evidently  much  bet- 
ter ;  his  skin  was  moist  and  his  mind 
clear,  though  his  body  was  weak.  He 
looked  at  me  curiously. 

"  I  have  been  very  sick,  have  I  not?" 
he  inquired  at  length. 

"  Yes,"  I  answered,  "  you  have  had 
a  high  fev€r  during  the  greater  part  of 


1865.] 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


11: 


the  night,  talking  all  sorts  of  nonsense, 
and  seeing  all  kinds  of  dead  people." 

He  looked  a  little  alarmed. 

"What  did  I  say?" 

"  Oh,  you  saw  your  father,  and  told 
mo  all  about  him." 

I  fixed  my  eyes  on  him  closely  and 
curiously  as  I  said  this.  He  did  not 
seem  so  discomposed  as  I  expected. 

"Tell  me  what  I  said." 

I  repeated  it  nearly  word  for  word. 

"Well,"  he  said,  when  I  had  done, 
"  do  you  think  me  a  murderer,  or  was 
it  the  fever  ?" 

"  1  am  willing  to  put  down  two- 
thirds,  at  least  to  the  fever." 

He  raised  himself  up. 

"  Is  it  possible,"  said  he,  "  that 
you've  keen  sitting  there  without  lire 
all  night,  and  your  great  coat  on  me  ? 
Why  didn't  you  get  it  ?"  ' 

"  I  couldn't  well  disturb  you  for  such 
a  purpose.     I  got  along  very  well." 

"Help  me  off  with  it  now.  There, 
there.  You  ought  to  whisk  it  well.  It 
is  full  of  lint.  The  brush  never  injures 
clothing  so  much  as  dust.  Remember 
that.  You  should  never  have  suffered 
me  to  lie  in  your  coat.  It  injures  a 
coat  very  much.  You'll  never  be  rich, 
if  you're  so  extravagant," 

"  Why,  you  miserable  old  man  !"  I 
exclaimed,  provoked  at  his  folly,  "do 
you  suppose  greatcoats  were  not  made 
to  be  of  service  ?  I  wouldn't  have 
your  feelings  for  ten  times  your  mo- 
ney." 

"And  the  doctor  said  you  saved  my 
life  ;  I  remember  that.  And  yet  you 
despise  me." 

"  You  despise  yourself.  As  for  me 
I  only  despise  your  parsimony.  Do 
you  think  people  can  respect  any  man 
who  walks  through  life  alone,  doing 
no  good  to  kin  or  kind?" 


"  I  have  no  kin,  and  men  are  not  of 
my  kind." 

"  God  forbid  they  were,"  I  said  to 
myself. 

lie  seemed  to  read  my  thoughts  by 
his  remark. 

"  Shall  I  tell  you  my  secret,  then  ?" 
"As  you  choose  about  that.  I  covet 
no  more  confidence  than  you  have  al- 
ready given  me  without  intending  it." 
"  I  will  tell  you.  I  have  watched 
you  before  this.  You  have  prudence 
and  discretion  beyond  your  years  ;  and 
I  would  sooner  trust  you  than  graver 
and  older  men.  Your  feelings  are 
fresh  yet — you  will  understand  me." 

The  old  man  evidently  could  not  re- 
press the  desire  to  pour  out  his  whole 
hii&ory,  and  I  sat  there  and  listened. 

Parsimony  ran  in  the  blood.  His 
father,  Jacob'  Sharp,  had  acquired  a 
fortune  of  twenty  thousand  pounds,  by 
saving  and  pinching.  Abner  was 
brought  up  to  his  father's  trade,  that 
of  a  silver-smith,  and  became  an  expert 
workman  ;  but  the  family  taste  for 
hoarding  did  not  at  first  betray  itself 
in  him.  On  the  contrary,  his  vice  ran 
the  other  way.  Young  Abner  spent  as 
fast,  and  faster  than  lie  earned,  to  the. 
great  disgust  of  the  father  ;  and  to  add 
to  the  chagrin  and  anger  of  the  latter, 
the  son  fell  in  love  and  married  a  pour 
orphan  girl.  The  elder  Sharp  grew 
furious  at  this  last  act  of  folly,  turned 
his  son  out  ot  doors,  and  swore  he  ne- 
ver would  see  his  daufrhter-in-law. 
Abner  grew  more  prudent  in  money 
matters,  but  an  accident  to  his  right 
hand  threw  him  out  of  work,  his  sur- 
plus means  were  soon  exhausted,  and 
he  and  his  wife  were  reduced  to  warn. 
She,  indeed,  obtained  a  pittance  b\ 
sewing,  but  fell  sick,  more  through 
hunger  than   disease,  and    languished. 


114 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[March, 


Abner  made  up  his  mind  to  rob  his  fa- 
ther of  a  sufficient  sum  tc  pay  the  pas- 
sage of  himself  and  wife  to  America, 
where  he  believed  he  could  get  employ- 
ment. Now,  old  Sharp,  in  spite  of  his 
avarice,  indulged  in  one  luxury,  name- 
ly, a  night-cap  of  old  ale  before  he  went 
to  bed.  Into  this  night  draught  Ab- 
ner managed  to  pour  some  laudanum, 
a  dose  of  which  he  had  in  the  house. 
It  was  not  an  overdose  by  any  means, 
but  it  set  the  miser  soundly  asleep. 
The  son  obtained  the  keys,  helped  him- 
self to  sufficient  money  from  a  spot 
where  he  knew  it  would  not  be  missed 
for  awhile,  and  left  the  house.  The 
next  morning,  while  he  was  preparing 
to  leave  for  Liverpool,  word  was 
brought  him  that  his  father  had  been 
found  dead  in  his  chair.  The  coroner's 
jury,  on  the  evidence  of  the  surgeons 
who  made  a  post-mortem  examination 
of  the  body,  rendered  a  verdict  of 
"  Death  from  disease  of  the  heart  f 
but  Abner  was  filled  with  the  belief 
that  the  dose  of  laudanum  had  hasten- 
ed his  father's  death.  Hence  the  re- 
morsel ul  feelings  which  embittered  his 
Lfe.  He  succeeded  to  the  father's  pro- 
perly as  heir-at-law,  but  all  the  money 
came  too  late  lor  his  wife,  who  died 
the  day  after  his  father.  From  that 
time  the  family  propensity  broke  out 
on  him  fiercely  ;  he  gave  himself  up 
totally  to  the  accumulation  of  money, 
and  for  forty  years  had  devoted  his 
energy,  backed  by  unmitigated  parsi- 
mony, to  gain. 

"  Young  man,"  said  he,  when  he  had 
closed  his  story,  "I  owe  yoti  my  life. 
I  am  not  ungratelul.  I  will  show  you 
more  of  myself  than  the  world  knows. 
You  shall  not  entirely  despise  me.  Hi- 
therto I  have  had  no  particular  care 
for  one  human  being  beyond  another, 


and  no  one   has   cared  for  me  ;  but  I. 
can  confide  in  you.     I  like  you.  If  you 
will  promise  not  to  reveal  it,  I  will  ac- 
quaint you  with  a  secret." 

"As  you  choose.  I  do  not  covet 
your  confidence,  as  I  told  you  before; 
but  if  your  secret  be  one  I  can  honor- 
ably keep,  I'll  hear  it." 

He  arose,  and  I  assisted  him  to  ar- 
range his  dress.  He  went  to  the  iron 
chest  where  I  had  placed  his  money 
and  jewelry,  and  took  out  a  book. 

"  No  one  but  myself,"  said  he,  "  has 
ever  looked  at  these  entries.  The  book 
will  be  destroyed  when  I  feel  death 
approaching.  Before  you  examine  it, 
let  me  tell  you  something.  You  re- 
member that  James  Meadows,  the  car- 
penter, was  burned  out  last  spring  ?" 

"  Yes." 

"  His  tools,  his  household  furniture, 
the  clothing  of  the  family,  everything 
he  had  was  destroyed.  He  and  his 
family  barely  escaped  with  their  lives. 
They  were  in  great  distress.  Every 
one  pitied  them,  and  the  pity  took  the 
substantial  shape  of  one  pound,  four- 
teen shillings  and  nine  pence." 

"  Y7ou  are  mistaken,"  I  said,  "  fifty 
pounds  were  sent  by  an  unknown  hand 
from  London.  On  this  Meadows  com- 
menced his  work  again,  and  is  doing 
well.  There  was  one  good  Samari- 
tan." 

"  No;  it  was  merely  the  payment  due 
from  discriminating  wealth  to  honest 
industry  crippled  by  misfortune.  Mea- 
dows was  an  honest  and  industrious 
man,  and  the  fire  came  through  no 
carelessness  of  his.  He  was  my  ten- 
ant, and  I  lost  a  house  by  it — a  loss 
only  partly  made  up  by  the  insurance. 
The  money  came  from  mo  through  my 
London  bankers." 

"  From  you  I" 


v  » 
3SG5.J  THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER.  115 

"  Yes,  from  mo      I    sent   it   with   a  I  was  much  astonished  at  the  state- 

written  charge  to   Meadows   that   he  ment,  but  more  so  when  I  glanced  over 

should. repay  the  unknown  lender,  by  the  book  which  he  placed  in  my  hand. 

pending    anonymously,    from    time    to  It  was  a  record  extending  over  many 

timOj  as  he  could  afford  it,  small  sums  years,  of  sums  secretly  sent   to   needy 

'){'  money  to  poor  and  honest  persons  persons,    running    from    hundreds    of 

in  distress.     I  hope    and   believe   that  pounds  down  to  a  few  shillings,  and 

he  will  be  honest   enough   to   pay  the  amounted  in  the  aggregate  to  a  heavy 

debt  in  that  way.';  sum. 

(To  be  continued.) 


-»^«_ 


MOON-LIGHT  MAYING. 

Dear  mother,  good  night — 

My  heart  is  light  I 

By  morning  bright, 
Til  be  back  from  the  moon-light  Maying ; 

In  forest  bower, 

At  midnight  hour, 

The  "  true-love  flower" 
Will  bloom,  if  true  lovers  are  straying. 

Ah,  maiden  young, 

With  thoughtless  tongue, 

What  dost  among 
The  dark  forest  trees  until  dawning  ? 

To  keep  thee  right, 

God  send  his  light! 

If  not,  good  night 
To  mother  and  fame  b  efore  morning ! 


C.    CHATJNCEX  BUEIt. 


UIILAND. 

My  hand  has  turned  the  last  fair  leaf, 

My  heart  has  drank  the  last  wild  lay, 
My  brain  in  transport,  ah  !  too  brief, 

Has  threaded  all  thy  ilowry  way. 

Dear  Poet,   unto  thee  I  turn, 

As  unto  days  too  bltst  to  linger, 
A  weary  heart  thou  hadst  to  burn, 

As  touched  by  sorno  bright  angel's  lingor. 

MRS.    HELEN    RIOI!. 


116 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


[March,  1865, 


THE  CELEBRATED  FEMALE  BEAUTIES  OF  'HAMPTON  COURT. 


Hampton  Court  Palace  stands  on 
the  bank  ot  the  Thames,  twelve  miles 
from  Loudon,  or  from  Hyde  Park,  in 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  spots  in 
England.  It  was  built  by  Cardinal 
Wolsey  in  1545,  when  that  great  Pre- 
late's income  was  even  greater  than 
the  revenues  of  the  Crown.  There 
is  a  legend  that  the  Cardinal  being 
sensitive  on  the  point  of  enjoying 
health  and  long  life,  employed  the  em- 
inent physicians  of  England,  and  also 
the  most  learned  of  the  faculty  from 
Padua,  to  determine  the  most  healthy 
spot  within  twenty  m^es  of  London. 
After  a  careful  inspection,  they  report- 
ed this  spot  in  the  parish  of  Hampton 
as  being  the  most  healthy,  from  its  soil 
and  its  pure  water.  When  the  mag- 
nificent structure  was  completed,  it  be- 
gan, as  the  old  chronicler  expresses  it, 
"  to  excite  great  envy  at  court,"  and 
the  king,  Henry  YIIL,  "  questioned  the  ' 
Cardinal  as  to  his  intentions  in  budd- 
ing a  palace  that  far  surpassed  any  of 
the  royal  palaces  in  England.'7  Wol- 
sey replied,  that  "he  was  only  trying 
to  form  a  residence  worthy  of  so  great 
a  monarch,"  and  actually  made  a  pre- 
sent of  the  whole  splendid  castle  and 
domain  to  the  king.  It  was  the  favor- 
ite residence  of  the  kings  and  queens 
of  England  from  the  reign  of  Henry 
VIII.  to  that  of  George  II.,  covering  a 
period  of  more  than  two  hundred  years. 
It  was  the  scene  of  all  the  revelries  of 
"  merry  king  Harry."  Here  he  dis- 
posed of  live  wives,  and  took  a  sixth  in 
Lady  Catharine  Parr.  As  we  walked 
through  the  halls  and  chambers  of  this 


old  castle,  in  1859,  our  heart  paid  an 
involuntary  tribute  to  the  memory  of 
such  immortal  fair  ones  as  the  unfor- 
tunate Anne  Boleyn,  and  the  Lady  ,j  ane 
Seymour,  whose  presence  had  orna- 
mented these  grand  saloons  more  than 
three  hundred  years  before.  The  walls 
of  the  state  apartment  of  the  Palace  are 
ornamented  with  a  vast  number  of 
pictures  of  all  descriptions,  among 
which  are  likenesses  of  the  chief  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  families  of  England, 
as  also  of  all  the  favorites  of  the 
different  kings.  There  they  hang',  side 
by  side,  the  wives  and  mistresses  of 
the  kings.  Time  has  leveled  all  dis- 
tinctions— even  those  between  virtue 
and  vice.  Of  the  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands who  visit  thcoc  grand  halls  every 
year,  not  one  throws  a  more  respectful 
and  admiring  glance  upon  the  face  of 
that  model  of  propriety  and  virtue, 
Queen  Catharine,  than  upon  that  of  her 
frail  and  fascinating  rival,  Nell  Gwynne, 
Such  a  grand  leveler  is  time.  Hood's 
charitable  lines  are  obeyed  by  history: 


"Make  no  deep  scrutiny, 
Into  her  mutiny, 

Rash  and  imdutiful ; — 
Past  all  dishonor, 
Death  has  left  on  her, 

Only  the  beautiful.7' 

The  visitor  to  Hampton  Court  Pal- 
ace, after  passing  up  what  is  called 
"  The  King's  Grand  Staircase,"  and 
through  "The  King's  Presence  Cham- 
ber," and  "Audience  Chamber,"  reaches 
what  is  known  as  "King  William  the 
Third's  Bed-room."  Here,  in  a  state  of 
remarkable  preservation,  is  the  state 


March,  1865.] 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


117 


bed  of  Queen  Charlotte.  The  furniture 
is  a  most  beautiful  specimen  of  em- 
broidered needle-work.  The  ceiling 
was  painted  by  Vezzio — is  in  perfect 
condition,  and  represents  Night  and 
Morning.  The  clock,  which  stands  at 
the  head  of  the  bed,  goes  twelve 
months  without  winding  up.  Looking 
up  to  the  walls,  the  spectator  finds  him- 
self in  the  presence  of  the  celebrated 
Beauties  of  Charles  the  Second's  Court. 

Anne  Hyde. — The  first  figure  that 
#ill  attract  his  eye  is  that  of  Anne 
Hyde,  Duchess  of  York.  She  was  one 
of  the  greatest  beauties  of  her  time, 
and  was  beside  a  lady  of  great  saga- 
city and  wit.  Her  fair  fame  unfortun- 
ately became  compromised  with  the 
libertine  Duke  of  York,  but  he  at 
last  gave  evidence  that  he  truly  loved 
her.  She  was  the  daughter  of  the 
Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon  ;  and  when 
rumors  of  her  elevation  to  a  union 
with  the  heir  to  the  English  crown  be- 
came known,  great  alarm  or  jealousy 
agitated  the  Court  of  Charles  II.  The 
nobles  and  other  courtiers  whispered 
to  the  Duke  many  scandalous  stories 
against  her  ;  but  the  Duke  cut  them 
short  by  immediately  introducing  them 
to  the  Duchess  as  his  wife  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  her  fa- 
ther. They  had  been  secretly  married. 
Her  portrait  is  full  length,  in  a  rich 
amber-colored  satin  dress,  by  Lely.  If 
this  picture  does  not  flatter  her,  she 
must  have  been  a  woman  of  surpass- 
ing beauty  and  gracefulness.  She  died 
before  the  Duke's  accession  to  the 
throne,  leaving  two  daughters,  Queen 
Mary  and  Queen  Anne. 

Catharine  of  Braganza — Casting  the 
eye  a  little  further  along  the  wall,  we 
come  to  the  portrait  of  Catharine,  the 
pious  and  devoted  Queen   of  Charles 


II.  Though  not  absolutely  ugly,  it 
must  be  confessed  that  there  was  little 
in  her  person  to  hold  the  attentions  of 
a  naturally  wayward  king  like  her 
husband.  At  first  she  was  extremely 
shocked,  if  not  quite  heart-broken  at 
the  licentious  conduct  of  Charles  ;  yet, 
when  the  first  emotions  of  her  grief 
subsided,  we  are  told  that  she  appeared 
to  have  cherished  a  sincere  passion  for 
him,  and  ever  after  loved  him  with  un- 
wavering tenderness.  The  historian 
says,  that  being  given  over  by  her 
physician,  and  at  the  point  of  death, 
she  was  visited  by  the  king,  and  sup- 
posing it  would  be  the  last  time  she 
would  ever  speak  to  him,  told  him,  that 
the  concern  he  showed  for  her  death 
was  enough  to  make  her  quit  life  with 
regret ;  but  that  not  possessing  charms 
sufficient  to  merit  his  tenderness,  she 
had  at  least  the  consolation  in  dying  to 
give  place  to  a  consort  who  might  be 
more  worthy  of  it,  and  to  whom  Hea- 
ven, perhaps,  might  grant  a  blessing 
that  had  been  refused  to  her.  At  these 
word's  she  bathed  his  hands  with  her 
tears.  He  mingled  iiis  own  with  hers, 
and,  without  supposing-  she  would  take 
him  at  his  word,  entreated  her  to  live 
for  his  sake.  The  sudden  impulse  pro- 
duced by  this  unexpected  tenderness 
gave  a  check  to  the  malady,  and  saved 
her  life.  She  outlived  the  king  nearly 
twenty  years. 

Duchess  of  Portsmouth. — Next  to  the 
portrait  of  Queen  Catharine,  is  that  of 
Louise  do  Queronaille,  who  was  sent 
over  to  England,  in  1G70,  by  Louis 
XIV.,  in  the  train  of  the  Duchess  of 
Orleans,  to  bind  Charles  II.  to  the  in- 
terests of  France.  The  device  was 
most  successful,  for  this  frail  fair  one 
obtained  siu'h  control  o{'  the  king  that 
the  affairs  of  the  English  Court  were 


118 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


[March,  1865, 


conducted  with  entire  subserviency  to 
to  those  of  France.  She  was  created 
Duchess  of  Portsmouth  three  years 
after  her  arrival  at  the  English  Court. 
She  had  one  son  by  King  Charles, 
Charles  Lenox,  whom  the  king  created 
Duke  of  Richmond.  If  this  French 
adventuress  were  not  more  beautiful 
than  her  portrait,  we  are  simply  aston- 
ished that  she  obtained  the  ascendancy 
she  did  over  the  heart  and  actions  of 
Charles.  To  say  that  she  was  short, 
dumpy,  and  ill  shaped,  is  not  all.  Her 
face,  in  the  picture,  is  both  lascivious 
and  stupid,  without  being  redeemed  by 
a  single  line  of  that  naivete,  or  bel-esprit, 
which  we  should  naturally  look  for  in 
a  celebrated  French  beauty. 

Eleanor  Gwynne — Or  Nell  Gwynne, 
as  she  is  universally  called,  is  the  next 
portrait  in  this  gallery  of  beauty.  We 
almost  marvel  that  she  sits  quiet,  so 
near  the  dumpy,  French  Duchess,  of 
whom  she  made  a  perpetual  butt  for  the 
sparkling  shafts  of  her  satire  and  wit 
while  living.  Charles  often  found  him- 
self  sandwiched  between  the  conten- 
tions of  these  rival  fair  ones.  <~Nell  be- 
gan life  as  an  orange  girl,  selling 
oranges  every  night  at  the  theatre. 
From  this  low  beginning,  she  rose  to 
be  a  celebrated  actress,  and  became 
for  a  time  the  theatrical  rage  of  Lon- 
don. From  this  rank  she  fell  to  be 
a  mistress  of  the  king,  and  was  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  wits  at  the  Court 
of  Charles  II.  She  had  a  son  by  the 
kin^r,  who  became  somewhat  cele- 
brated,  as  the  Duke  of  St.  Alban's.  It 
was  by  a  stroke  of  Nell's  wit  that  he 
obtained  his  title.  When  Charles  was 
one  day  coming  into  her  presence,  she 
said  to  her  child,  "  Sit  down,  you  little 
bastard."  "Why,  Nelly,"  said  the 
king,  "  is  that  the  name  you  give  our 


boy  !"  "  Alas  !  Sire,"  she  replied,  "  I 
have  no  other  name  for  him."  "  Ah  ! 
I  see,"  rejoined  Charles,  "  then  I  will 
make  one  for  him — he  shall  be  Duke 
of  St.  Alban's."  This  frail  wit  main- 
tained her  place  in  the  heart  of  King 
Charles  to  the  time  of  his  death.  She 
survived  him  seven  or  eight  years. 
She  was  very  popular  with  the  people, 
from  the  fact  that  she  was  always  the 
friend  of  the  poor  and  deserving  a\ 
Court.  She  enjoyed  as  good  a  charac- 
ter for  amiability  as  for  wit  Time 
has  not  robbed  her  of  this  reputation. 
Of  all  the  faces  in  that  great  hall,  we" 
saw  none  that  attracted  more  atten- 
tion from  the  visitors  than  that  of  Nell 
Gwynne.  All  paused  to  look  at  her 
portrait,  and  from  more  than  one  we 
heard  some  such  involuntary  exclama- 
tion as,  "Poor  Nell  Gwynne."  Her  per- 
son, though  rather  under  size,  was  of 
an  exquisite  mould.  There  is  not, 
perhaps,  a  finer  bust  among  the  seve- 
ral hundred  female  portraits  of  Hamp- 
ton Court.  Her  face  did  not  strike  us 
as  being  as  beautiful  as  many  others 
adorning  those  walls,  but  it  possesses 
a  sweetness  and  vivacity  altogether 
worthy  of  a  better  fate  than  hers. 
This  portrait  was  painted  by  Lely, 
and  is  considered  one  of  the  best  of 
that  ercat  artist. 

Duchess  of  Cleveland.  —  We  next 
come  to  the  portrait  of  this  celebrated 
beauty.  Her  character  was  as  far  the 
reverse  of  Nell  Gwynne's  as  possible. 
Bishop  Burnet  describes  her  Grace  in 
no  flattering  terms.  He  says,  "She 
was  a  woman  of  great  beauty,  but 
enormously  wicked,  ravenous,  foolish, 
and  imperious."  We  have  sometimes 
heard  the  expression,  "  beautiful  as  the 
devil."  If  the  devil  were  ever  to  as- 
sume the  shape  of  a  beautiful  woman, 


March,  1865. 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


110 


we  can  well  conceive  that  he  might 
take  the  face  of  her  Grace  as  it  appears 
in  this  portrait.  Though  what  a  shal- 
low observer  might  pronounce  very 
beautiful,  it  is  all  full  of  the  subtle  lines 
of  treachery  and  sin.  She  was  Coun- 
tess of  Castlemain,  in  right  of  her  hus- 
band ;  and  she  was  created  Duchess  of 
Cleveland  as  a  peace-offering  after  one 
of  the  violent  quarrels  which  fre- 
quently occurred  between  her  and  her 
ro}Tal  lover. 

Queen  Elizabeth.  —  Leaving  this 
chamber  appropriated  to  the  frail 
beauties  of  the  Court  of  Charles  II., 
we  pass  through  several  rooms  with 
pictures  of  merit,  on  all  subjects,  until 
we  come  to  what  is  called  "  Her  Ma- 
jesty's Gallery,"  in  which  we  find  a 
portrait  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  painted 
by  Mark  Garrard,  and  said  to  be  the 
last  picture  taken  of  her  Majesty. 
The  reputation  of  the  painter  ought  to 
be  a  guarantee  that  it  is  life-like.  But 
we  must  confess  that  we  rarely  if  ever 
looked  upon  a  less  attractive,  or  a 
more  sinister  face.  We  instinctively 
asked  ourself,  can  this  be  a  correct 
likeness  of  the  greatest  Queen,  if  not, 
indeed,  the  greatest  monarch  that  ever 
sat  on  the  British  throne  ?  There  are 
in  this  gallery  four  other  portraits  of 
this  great  Queen,  all  painted  when  she 
was  young,  and  evidently  fancy  pic- 
tures hi  everything,  except  the  red 
hair. 

Mary  of  Lorraine. — Passing  along 
this  gallery,  we  come  to  a  face  which 
arrests  the  attention,  not  only  from  its 
beauty,  but  from  a  certain  peculiar 
and  sweet  sadness  of  expression,  which 
imparts  to  it  an  indescribable  charm. 
When  we  read  the  name  of  " Mary  of 
Lorraine,*1  we  at  one*.1  feel  a  new  inter- 

<     t,  for  we  remember  that  she  was  the 


mother  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  She 
was  the  wife  of  James  V.,  king  of  Scot- 
land. This  portrait  was  painted  by 
her  grandson,  King  James  I.  of  Eng- 
land. # 

Mary  Queen  of  Scots. —  Leaving  this 
gallery,  and   passing  through   sever;!  1 
grand  chambers,   filled  with    pictures 
and  portraits  which  we  have  not  space 
to  refer  to,  we  come  to  the  chamber, 
called  the  Prince  of  Wales'  Bed-room." 
It  is  full  of  pictures  of  great  interest 
and  rare  merit ;  but  the  eye  is  at  once 
attracted  to  a  full-length  portrait  of  a 
very  beautiful  woman  at  the  far  end  of 
the  room.     There  is  always  a  crowd 
before  it.     If  the  reader  is  ever  so  for- 
tunate as  to  visit  this  chamber,  he  will 
probably  pass  by  all  the  other  pictures 
in  the  room  to  see  what  has  attracted 
the  crowd  to  this  spot.     It  is  the  cele- 
brated portrait  of  the  fair  and  unfor- 
tunate Mary  Queen  of  Scots,   by  Zuc- 
chei'o.     This    beautiful    Princess    was 
married  when  a  mere  child  to  her  cou- 
sin, Francis  II.  of  France,  on  which 
occasion    she    assumed    the    title    of 
Quee/i  of  England,  on  the  ground  that 
Elizabeth  was  an  illegitimate  daugh- 
ter of  Henry  VIII.,  and  not  therefore 
entitled  to  the  throne.     On  the  death 
of  Francis  II.,  in  15C0,  Mary  returned 
to  Scotland,  ot  which  kingdom  she  was 
Queen,  and  married  Lord  Darnley     lie 
soon   became  jealous   of  her   and   the 
famous    musician    David    Rizzio,    and 
caused    him    to    be    assassinated    one 
night  in   the  presence   of  the  Queen. 
Subsequently   Darnley    was   killed  by 
the    Earl    of    Dothwell,    who    shortly 
afterwards  married  the  Queen.    Pretty 
soon  upon  the  heels  of  these  events,  ;i 
revolution,  inspired  to  a   great  extent 
by  the  intolerant   fanaticism  of  John 
Knox,  caused  Mary  to   ll v  to   England 


120 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


[March. 


for  protection.     No  sooner  was  she  on 
Englislrsoil,  than  the. implacable  Eliza- 
beth threw  her  into  prison,  where  she 
detained  her   in   solitary  confinement 
eighteen  years,  and  then  caused  her  to 
be  executed  on  the  18th  of  February, 
1587,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  her  age. 
After  the  death  of  Francis  II.,  Queen 
Elizabeth  tried  to  induce  Mary  to  marry 
her  para mour,  (Elizabeth's,)  the  Earl  of 
Leicester,  but  Mary  chose  Lord  Darn- 
ley,  who  also   hud   the   reputation  of 
being    a  favorite   of  Elizabeth.     This 
lovely  Princess  exhibited  great  forti- 
tude at  her  execution.     When  prepar- 
ing- for  the  block,  by  taking   off  her 
veil  and  upper  garments,  she  remark- 
ed, with  a  smile,  that  she   "had  not 
been  accustomed  to  undress  before  so 
many  spectators,  nor  to  be  served  by 
such   valets."     The   Earls   of   Shrews- 
bury and  Kent  were  present,  as  Eliza- 
beth's commissioners,  to  attend  to  the 
execution.     Without  the  least  terror, 
Mary  laid  her  head  upon  the  block — ■ 
the  executioner  did  his  work,  and  seiz- 
ing the  head  streaming  with  blood,  he 
cried  out,  "So  perish  all  Queen  Eliza- 
beth's  enemies."     The   Earl   of   Kent 
alone     brutally    responded    "Amen," 
while   all  the  rest  of    the   spectators 
bowed  their  heads  in  silence  and  tears. 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots  was  as  gifted 
in   her  intellect  as  she  was  beautiful 
and  accomplished  in  her  person.     As 
compared  with  Elizabeth,   she  was   a 
model    of  every   womanly   excellence 
and  virtue,  and  she  occupies  a  place 
in  the  respect  and  affections  of  man- 
kind   which    her   haughty   and    inex- 
horable  cousin  and  persecutor,  Eliza- 
beth,  can  never  reach.     Hundreds  of 
thousands  of  eyes  have  paid  the  tribute 
of  their  tears  to  this  almost  speaking" 
portrait  of  the  beautiful  original. 


Jane   Shore. — Passing   out   of    this 
gallery,  and  through  the  great  hall  de- 
voted to  the   Cartoons  of  Raphael,  we 
come  to  another  portrait  gallery,  which 
contains  the  likenesses  of  many  cele- 
brated   beauties,    but   none   of    them 
rival,  if  indeed  any  equal,  that  of  the 
beautiful  and  unfortunate  Jane  Shore, 
the  favorite  of  King  Edward  IV.    After 
the  death  of  the  king,  she  became  at- 
tached to  Lord  Hastings.     When  Hast- 
ings fell  under  the  displeasure  of  Rich- 
ard III.,  both  were  accused  of  witch- 
craft,  and    after   undergoing  a   mock 
trial,  she  was  made  to  do  penance  at 
St.  Paul's  in  a  white  sheet,  her  property 
confiscated,  and  she    was  reduced  to 
the  greatest  distress.    Thus  closed  the 
career    of   the   beautiful    Jane    Shore. 
There  was  a  time  when  no  woman  in 
England  could  boast  of  more  admirers 
than  she.     The  face  of  this  portrait  is 
exceedingly  beautiful,  without  a  single 
line  or  expression  to  indicate  the  frail- 
ties of  the  original. 

"Fair  Rosamond." — Passing  along", 
we  come  to  the  portrait  of  the  famous 
"Fair  Rosamond,"  the  favorite  mis- 
tress of  King  Henry  II.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Walter  de  Clifford,  Baron 
of  Hereford,  and  was  the  most  cele- 
brated beauty  in  her  time.  The  wife 
of  the  king,  Queen  Eleanor,  became  so 
jealous  of  "  Fair  Rosamond,"  that  the 
king-  secreted  her  in  a  labyrinth  at  the 
Palace  of  Woodstock,  where  she  was 
discovered  and  poisoned  by  the  Queen. 
She  had  two  sons  by  the  king — Wil- 
liam, famed  as  Longsword,  and  Jeffery, 
who  became  Archbishop  of  York. 

Marchioness  de  Pompadour. — In  pass- 
ing, the  visitor  is  quite  sure  to  be  at- 
tracted by  a  portrait  of  this  celebrated 
beauty,  the  mistress  of  Louis  XV., 
who  was  the  originator  of  a   style  oi 


March.] 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


121 


dress,  called  the  "  Pompadour  neck," 
which  is  fashionable  to  this  day.  She 
was  a  woman  of  intellect,  as  well  as  of 
great  beauty,  and  obtained  such  an 
ascendency  over  the  heart  and  mind  of 
the  king*  as  to  make  her  influence  felt, 
and  seen  in  nearly  all  his  public  acts. 
This  influence  she  retained  to  the  period 
of  her  death,  in  1764.  She  was  a  libe- 
ral encourager  of  the  arts,  and  a  patron 
of  men  and  women  of  genius. 

Anne  Boleyn. — We  have  only  time 
left  to  refer  to  one  more  of  the  por- 
traits of  celebrated  beauties  of  Hamp- 
ton Court,  and  that  shall  be  the  charm- 
ing but  unfortunate  Anne  Bole3*n.  We 
shall  almost  always  find  a  crowd  of 
men  and  women  sadly  contemplating 
her  sweet  but  melancholy  face.  She 
was  the  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Wilt- 
shire, and  was  maid  of  honor  to  Queen 
Catharine.  The  king,  Henry  VIII., 
being  smitten  with  her  beauty,  divorc- 
ed his  queen  to  marry  her ;  but  the 
king  soon  after  falling  in  love  with 
Jane  Seymour,  caused  her  to  be  be- 
headed in  order  that  he  might 
elevate  the  object  of  his  new  passion 
to  the  throne.  Anne  Boleyn  was  the 
mother  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Critically 
speaking,  there  are  many  portraits  in 
Hampton  Court  more  beautiful  than 
that  of  this  celebrated  beauty,  but 
none,  we  think,  which  will  leave  a 
more  tender  impression  upon  the  me- 
mory of  the  visitor.  Nothing  can  ex- 
cel the  delicacy  and  sweetness  of  her 
mouth,  which  looks  as  though  it  were 
made  of  pearl  and  cherries,  exquisitely 
chiseled  by  the  order  of  Cupid  himself. 

We  have  in  this  article  touched  only 
a  few,  far  separated  points  of  history  ; 
but  the  space  between  each  of  these 
points  might  be  filled  up  with  tacts 
and  scenes  equally  derogatory  to  hu- 


man nature.     What  we  have  written 
will  not  fail  to  leave  a  lasting  impres- 
sion of  the  frailty,  vice,  and  even  brut- 
ality of  royalty  in  England.    But  we 
shall  deceive  ourselves  if  we  imagine 
this  character  to  be  peculiar  to  royalty 
in    England.     It   has  been   the   same 
with  royalty  in  every  nation,  and  in 
almost  every  age  of  the  world.     The 
happy  individual  exceptions   are  only 
the  exceptions  to  a  general  rule.     Ab- 
solute power,  power  emancipated  from, 
and  lifted  above,  the  restraints  of  law, 
has  always  been  a  mighty  engenderer  of 
every  vice.     The  most  cruel  and  brutal 
of  the  Roman  emperors — such  as  Cal- 
ligula,  Nero,  and  Tiberius — were  men 
of  ordinary  virtue  and  humanity  before 
elevated    to  royalty;    but   no    sooner 
were    they   set  free  from    the    social 
pressure  of  society,  and  elevated  to  a 
post  where  their  will,  or  caprice,  be- 
came the  only  law,  than  they  began  to 
exhibit  the  most  disgusting,  as  well  as 
the  most  vicious  and  cruel  attributes 
of  human  nature.    Lust,  and  every  un- 
natural vice,  followed  in  the  train  of  their 
cruelty.     Our  own  country,  at  the  pre- 
sent moment,  is  an  appalling  illustra- 
tion  of  the    same   tendency  of  unre- 
strained power  to  corode   the   whole 
moral    fabric   of    society.     Since    the 
election  of  Lincoln,  what,  in  mockery 
and  satire,  is  called  "  the  Government, n 
has  been  allowed  to  exercise  powers 
as  absolute  as  any  that  were  ever  held 
by  a  Tiberius  or  a  Nero.  The  people  have 
permitted  the  President's  will,  and  even 
the  caprice  of  his  numerous  spurred  and 
buttoned    subalterns,   to    stand   above 
the  laws.     In  the  whole  circle  oi'  this 
degrading   power,  the   honor  of  men 
and   the  virtue  of   women   have  been 
treated    as   marketable    commodities. 
Washington,  which  used  to  be  the  seat 


122 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


[March, 


of  social  refinement,  and  of  respect  for, 
at  least,  the  public  decencies  of  life, 
has  fallen  into  a  Sodom  and  Gomorrah, 
where  not  a  trace  of  former  respecta- 
bility and  manners  is  left  as  a  remem- 
brancer of  departed  civilization.  It  is 
a  brothel.  Even  Senators  have  not 
blushed  to  quarter  their  female  "  favor- 
ites" upon  the  Treasury  of  the  Federal 
Government.  The  White  House  has 
become  a  theatre  of  obscene  jests,  and 
lascivious  laughter.  The  society  of 
"  Government"  circles  is  distinguished 
for  nothing  so  much  as  its  vulgarity, 
obscenity,  and  utter  want  of  manners. 
A  respectable  Member  of  Congress  (our 
readers  will  rejoice  to  learn  that  there 
is  such  a  man)  told  the  writer  that  he 
did  not  think  any  gentleman,  who  pro- 
perly respected  his  family,  would  take 
his  wife  and  daughters  to  live  in  Wash- 
ington, in  the  present  state  of  society, 
unless  he  intended  to  isolate  them  as 
recluses.  Society  at  the  Capital,  at  the 
present  moment,  has  all  the  vice  of  the 
Court  of  Charles  II.  without  one  re- 
deeming atom  of  its  culture  and  man- 
ners.  A  clergyman,  who,  in  point  of 
decency,  is  an  exception  lo  his  class  at 
the  present  time,  after  a  recent  visit 
to  the  Capital,  was  asked  if  there  was 
any  such  thing  as  morality  left  in 
Washington,  and  replied,  "  There  may 
be ;  but,  if  so,  it  probably  has  the 
scurvy  terribly."  It  was  a  shrewd  hit. 
Every  thing  in  Washington,  from  one 
end  to  the  other,  has  the  scurvy.  Poli- 
tics, religion,  law,  morality  and  man- 
ners, all  have  the  scurvy.  All  are 
sick  with  a  fatal  disease  that  ever 
comes  of  powers  and  passions  elevated 
above  laws  and  compacts.  Official 
circles  there,  especially,  are  composed 
of  suddenly-grown  rich  fanatics,  pimps 
and    courtezans,   who,    until    recently, 


were  as  poor  as  Lazarus,  both  in 
money  and  social  position.  Profes- 
sional colporteurs,  tract-distributors, 
made  unexpectedly  rich  through  Go- 
vernment favors  and  contracts,  or 
through  enlarged  facilities  for  stealing, 
become  so  suddenly  emancipated  from 
the  restraints  of  poverty  that  they 
rush  off  into  the  most  indecent  ex- 
tremes of  luxury  and  vice.  Not  only 
in  Washington,  but  all  over  the  coun- 
try, the  atmosphere  is  foetid  with  a 
moral  pestilence.  The  foundations  of 
society  seem  broken  up.  The  lawless- 
ness and  the  vice  of  the  camp  have 
penetrated  the  churches,  and  all  the 
avenues  of  social  life  are  poisoned 
with  every  lust  that  feeds  on  luxury 
and  power.  It  is  not  enough  to  say 
that  the  community  is  losing  its  civi- 
lization— it  is  losing  its  human  heart, 
and  human  decency.  The  example  of 
the  Members  of  Congress*  who  quarter 
their  "  female  friends"  in  the  Treasury 
building  at  Washington,  is  followed,  in 
various  ways,  by  the  Provost-Mar- 
shals, and  all  other  vagabonds  who 
feed  at  the  public  crib,  throughout  the 
country,  until  we  are  reminded  of  the 
words  of  Lucian,  in  describing  the 
most  lascivious  period  of  Pome  when 
he  says,  "Chastity  is  so  rare,  that 
only  the  name  of  it  is  to  be  found  ; 
and  many  maintain  that  this  virtue  as 
well  as  justice,  has  long  since  taken 
her  flight  to  heaven,  leaving  nothing 
below  but  some  few  ill-drawn  resem- 
blances of  herself." 

Before  we  close  this  article,  let  us 
return  a  moment  to  Hampton  Court, 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  famous 
"Maze"  or  "Labyrinth,"  which  was 
formed  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign 
of  William  III.  It  is  located  in  the 
"  Wilderness,"  a   short  distance  from 


1805.] 


CELEBRATED    BEAUTIES    OF    HAMPTON    COURT. 


123 


the  Castle,  and  formed  of  hedge  trees, 
growing  so  close  and  matted  together 
as  to  make  it  impossible  to  see  through 
the  hedge  at  any  point.  It  is  simply 
a  puzzle,  the  object  being  to  get  into 
the  centre  of  the  labyrinth,  or,  being 
in,  to  find  ones  way  out  again.  A  gen- 
tleman or  lady  may  be  hours,  or  per- 
haps days  in  accomplishing  this  feat. 
At  the  present  time  there  is  an  obser- 
vatory, overlooking  the  maze,  in  which 
a  man  is  stationed  to  direct  visitors 
the  way  in  and  out ;  which  he  does  by 
giving  the  word  of  command  in  the 
following  fashion — "Gentleman  with 
the  white  hat  will  turn  to  the  right/7 
"  Lady  in  the  blue  dress  to  the  left," 
and  so  on,  until  the  party  has  learned 
the   secret   of    the   mazy  path.     This 


guide,  of  course,  is  only  for  the  benefit 
of  visitors  who  have  not  the  time  to 
accomplish  the,  by  no  means,  easy 
task  of  finding1  it  out  themselves. 

We  give  a  correct  drawing  of  this 
celebrated  Maze,  the  paths  of  which 
have  so  often,  in  the  years  that  have 
fled  since  it  was  formed,  been  pressed 
by  the  feet  of  the  celebrated  beauties 
of  the  Courts  of  the  British  kings. 

The  black  lines  represent  the  hedge 
trees,  which  are  as  fresh  and  thrifty 
as  though  they  were  planted  but  five 
years  ago.  The  reader  will,  probably, 
have  to  make  many  attempts  before  he 
will  be  able  to  trace  with  the  point  of 
a  pencil  the  way  to  the  centre  of  the 
Maze. 


-*■&■• 


EPIGRAM  ON  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


O  full  of  woes,  and  moral  flaws, 

Of  broken  faith  and  ruined  laws, 

Of  factious  folks,  and  noisy  fools, 

Of  despotism's  guilty  tools  ; 

Of  secret  crimes  and  public  hates, 

Of  every  sign  of  sinking  States  ; 

()  this !  my  country,  dear,  of  thee ! 

Of  thee  !  — no  longer  great,  no  longer  free ! 


124 


THE     'DAMNABLE    HERESY    OF 


[March, 


THE  "DAMNABLE  HERESY  OP  STATE  SOVEREIGNTY" 


A  "  Loyal  League  Club"  of  New 
York  has  held  a  meeting  on  the  death 
of  Edward  Everett,  at  which  John  Jay 
made  a  speech,  in  which  he  said  it  was 
not  for  what  Everett  had  done  in  all  the 
past  career  of  his  life  that  he  was  to 
be  most  honored.  "It  is  rather  for 
what  he  has  said  and  done  during  the 
stern  trials  of  the  last  four  years  in 
the  simple  capacity  of  a  private  citi- 
zen, to  arouse  the  feeling  of  American 
nationality  against  the  damnable  here- 
sy of  State  sovereignty,"  &c. 

We  have  not  quoted  this  sentence  of 
impudence  and  folly  for  tlfle  purpose  of 
commenting   upon  the  Everett  meeting 
of  a  "Loyal  League  Club."   Whatever 
disgrace  such  a   meeting  could    bring 
upon  the   name  or   memory  of  a  dead 
man,  was    abundantly  earned  by  the 
unhappy   conclusion    of  Mr.  Everett's 
career.     Perhaps  he   merited   the  dis- 
grace  heaped  upon  him   by  Mr.  Jay's 
declaration,  that  he  was  not   so  much 
to  be  honored  for  all  he  had  done  pre- 
vious to  his  joining   the  Abolitionists 
in  their  crusade  against  "  the  damnable 
heresy  of  State  sovereignty."     This    is 
given  as  the    crowning    glory  of  Ed- 
ward Everett's   career — he    "  aroused 
the  feeling,  &c,  against  the  damnable 
heresy  of  State   sovereignty."     State 
sovereignty  a  "  damnable  heresy  /"  That 
is 'the  new-born    slang   of   the  present 
hour  of  ignorance,  crime   and  despot- 
ism.    It  is  not  yet  four  years  old,    Ne- 
ver, until  the  middle   of  the  first  year 
of  Mr.    Lincoln's    administration    was 
there  found  a  man  in    this    country  so 
ignorant,  impudent,  so    foolish,    as    to 


call  State  sovereignty  "  a  damnable 
heresy."  We  believe  that  the  infamy 
of  this  discovery  rests  with  Mr.  Sum- 
ner. Does  the  wretched  demagogue 
not  know  what  he  pronounces  "  dam- 
nable" the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
his  own  State  of  Massachusetts  ?  That 
Constitution  starts  out  with  the  decla- 
ration that  "  the  people  of  this  Com- 
monwealth have  the  sole  and  exclu- 
sive right  of  governing  themselves  as 
a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  Staled 
They  must  be  "  damnable"  wretches, 
according  to  their  own  Senator's  doc- 
trine, in  his  famous  oration  entitled 
"  Our  Domestic  Relations."  The  same 
"  damnable  pretension  of  State  sove- 
reignty" has  been  affirmed  at  every 
revision  of  the  statutes  of  Massachu- 
setts, since  the  foundation  of  the  q-c-t- 
eminent,  in  the  following  style  :  "  The 
sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Com- 
monwealth extend  to  all  places,"  &c. 
So  that  not  only  the  Constitution  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, but  the  title  and  style  of 
all  its  statutes  are  based  upon  the 
claim  of  the  ll  sovereignty  of  the  State. 
A  "  damnable"  set  they  must  be,  peo- 
ple, Constitution,  statutes,  and  all,  ac- 
cording to  their  own  Senator. 

Nor  is  Mr.  John  Jay  any  better  off 
with  his  own  State  of  New  York, 
whose  Constitution  declares  that  "The 
people  of  this  State,  in  their  right  of 
sovereignty,  are  deemed  to  possess  the 
original  and  ultimate  property  in  or  to 
all  lands,"  &c.  So  also  the  statutes  of 
New  York  begin  thus  :  "  Sovereignty, 
jurisdiction"  &c.  Then  Mr.  John  Jay 
must  hold  the  Constitution  and  statutes 


1865.1                                                                STATE    SOVEEEIGNTY."  125 

of  the  State  of  New  York  to  bo  "  dam-  nied  to  the  Slates  ?"     Who  had  a  right 

nable  heresies,"     And  the  good  people  to  deny  them  any  pow&rs  ?     The  Fede- 

of  said  State  may,  with  the  greatest  ral  Government  was  the  creature  of 
propriety,  return  the  delicate  eompli-  the  State  sovereignties.  They  made  it 
merit,. by  pronouncing  Mr.  John  Jay. a  just  what  they  pleased.  It  was  the 
"  damnable"  traitor,  or  fool.  We  have  State  sovereignties  which  granted  or 
no  milder  term  for  such  men.  Either  denied  whatever  powers  they  chose  to 
they  know  themselves  to  be  rank  trait"  the  Federal  Government.  The  powers 
ors  or  impostors,  or  they  are  lunatics,  of  the  Federal  Government  are  notde- 
To  assail  State  sovereignty  as  "  a  dam-  nied  to  the  States,  but  they  are  granted 
nable  heresy,''  is  to  direct  a  blow  at  by  the  States.  The  States  are  the  so- 
the  very  heart  of  both  the  State  and  vereign  grantors  of  all  power,  and  the 
Federal  Governments.  The  Federal  Federal  Government  is  the  dependent 
Government  is  based  upon  the  sove-  grantee,  or  recipient,  of  certain  defined 
reignty  of  the  States.  Destroy  the  and  limited  powers,  to  be  held  and  ex- 
one,  and  the  other  falls.  Destroy  State  ercised  in  trust  for  the  "general  wel- 
sovereignty,  and  the  authority  of  the  fare"  of  the  "several  States."  Logi- 
Federal  Government  vanishes  like  a  cally  speaking,  therefore,  sovereignty 
shadow.  There  is  but  one  theory  on  does  not  belong  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
which  this  crusade  upon  the  doctrine  eminent  at  all.  Its  powers  are  only 
of  State  sovereignty  can  be  explain-  derived,  or  secondary,  and  therefore 
ed  ;  and  that  is,  the  determination  of  cannot  be  first,  or  sovereign.  But  the 
the  party  in  power  to  overthrow  the  author  of  the  phrase  "heresy  of  State 
State   Governments,  and    establish  an  sovereignty,"  says  : 

entirely  new  and  foreign  system  upon  ttT> '        ,_     _,      ...  ,. 

J                                o         .                i.  u  jtjeiore  the  Constitution,  such  sovereign- 

their    ruins.      To    an    intelligent    man  ty  may  ha^ve  existed  ;  it  was  declai-ed  in  the 

there  ought  no  longer  to  be  any  doubt  Articles  #f  Confederation  ;  but  since  that  it 

that  such  is    really  the   paramount  ob-  has  ceased  to  exist.     It  has  disappeared  and 

ject  Of  the  present  war.      It  is  to  strip  been  ,ost  in   tUe   supremacy  of  the  national 

,1      cu  *         e  ±\     '                      t           i  „:    u  government,  so  that  it  can  no  longer  be   re- 

the  States  of  their  sovereignty,  and  sinJi  .    , ., 

1  cognized. 

them  in  an  abyss  of  centralized  despot- 
ism. The  ingenuity  and  craft,  and  we  The  extreme  foolishness  of  this  as- 
might  add,  impudence,  employed  in  sumption  is  exposed  by  simply  consi- 
this  treasonable  undertaking,  are  truly  dering  that  the  very  act  of  ratifying 
surprising.  The  whole  style  of  public  the  Constitution,  by  the  .several  States, 
debate  is  designed  to  gradually  blind,  was  the  highest  act  of  sovereignty. 
and  to  lead  the  people  away  from  the  And  when  rati  lied,  it  was  merely  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  govern-  creature  and  the  agent  of  their  sove- 
inent  founded  by  our  fathers.     For  in-  reignty. 

stance,  Mr.  Sumner  discourses    about  But  let  us  sec    where  Mr.  Sumner  lo- 

"  the  [towers  denied,  to  the  States."     Is  gieally  lands,  when  he  admits  thaf.uu- 

this  the  language  of  a  statesman  and  der  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation, 

a  patriot?     Is  it  not  rather  the  jargon  the  States  were   sovereign.     Now  we 

of  a  cunning    conspirator   and    dema-  challenge  him,  or  any  other  person,  [o 

gogue?     By  whom  were  "  powers  dti-  point  out  a  single    power   granted  the 


126 


THE        DAMNABLE    HERESY    OF 


[March, 


Federal    Go\  eminent   in   the    present 
Constitution,  which  possesses  a  single 
element   of  sovereignty   that   did  not 
belong  to  the  Federal  Government  un- 
der the  Articles  of  Confederation,  when 
Sumner  admits  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States.     The  power  to  declare  war,  to 
make  peace,  to  enter   into  treaties,  to 
maintain  the  army  and  navy,  belonged 
to  the  Federal  Government  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation.     These  were 
powers   which  the   several   States  de- 
clared they   possessed  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,   in  the  following 
language  :  "  That    as   free    and   inde- 
pendent States  they  have  full  power  to 
levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  al* 
liances,  establish  commerce,  and  do  all 
other  things  which  independent  States 
may  of  right  do.   Now  these  sovereign 
powers,  which  the  States   declared  to 
be   in   their   right,  were  delegated  to 
the  Federal  Government  in  the  Articles 
of  Confederation.     That  is,  each  State 
agreed  to  exercise   its    sovereignty  in 
these  matters,  jointly  with   the  other 
States,  through  the  general  ag'ent,  the 
Federal    Government,  for   the  common 
benefit.     In  the  new   grant  of  powers 
to  Congress,  in  the   present   Constitu- 
tion, there  is  nothing  to    be  compared, 
in  dignity,  or  in  the  attributes  of  sove- 
.  reignty,  with   these  which  were  dele- 
gated under  the  old  Articles  of  Confe- 
deration. 

"The  "Federalist,"  a  work  written 
by  Madison  and  Hamilton,  and  pub- 
lished at  a  period  cotemporaneous  with 
the  Constitution,  says  : 

"If  the  new  Constitution  be  examined 
with  accuracy  and  candor,  it  will  be  found 
that  the  change  which  it  proposes  consists 
much  less  in  the  addition  of  new  powers  to 
tha  Union  than  in  the  invigoration  of  its  ori- 
ginal powers.  The  regulation  of  commerce, 
it  is  true,  is  a  new  power,  but  that  seems  to 


be  an  addition  which  few  oppose,  and  from 
which  no  apprehensions  are  entertained. 
These  powers  relating  to  war  and  peace,  ar- 
mies  and  fleets,  treaties  and  finance,  with 
the  other  more  considerable  powers,  are  all 
invested  with  the  existing  Congress  by  the 
Articles  of  Confederation.  The  proposed 
change  does  not  enlarge  these  powers  ;  it 
only  substitutes  a  more  effectual  mode  of  ad- 
ministering them." 

This  declaration  of  the  men  who 
framed  the  Constitution,  effectually 
disposes  of  Mr.  Sumner's  assumption 
that  by  adopting  the  present  Consti- 
tution the  States  surrendered  their  so- 
vereignty. But  the  following  passages 
f  om  the  "  Federalist"  are  still  more 
explicit  on  this  point : 

"We  have  seen  that  in  the  new  govern- 
ment, as  in  the  old,  the  general  powers  are 
limited,  and  that  the  States,  in  all  unenume- 
rated  cases,  are  left  in  the  full  enjoyment  of 
their  sovereign  and  independent  jurisdiction. r' 
No.  49.  "  But  if  the  government  be  nation- 
al with  regard  to  the  operation  of  its  powers, 
it  changes  its  aspect  when  we  contemplate  it 
in  relation  to  the  extent  of  its  powers.  The 
idea  of  a  national  government  involves  in  it 
not  only  an  authority  over  the  individual  ci- 
tizens, but  an  indefinite  supremacy  over  all 
persons  and  things,  so  far  as  they  are  objects 
of  lawful  government.  *  *  In  this  relation, 
then,  the  proposed  government  cannot  he 
deemed  a  national  onn,  since  its  jurisdiction 
extends  to  certain  enumerated  objects  only, 
and  leaves  to  the  several  States  a  residuary 
and  inviolable  sovereignty  over  all  other  ob- 
jects."    No.  39. 

How  will  Mr.  Sumner,  John  Jay, 
and  the  other  conspirators  against  the 
sovereignty  of  States,  dispose  of  this 
language  of  the  man  who  framed  and 
fashioned  the  Constitution  ?  They  will 
be  as  silent  before  it,  as  the  culprit  be- 
fore the  bar  'of  offended  justice.  They 
may  attempt  to  evade  and  to  lie  ;  but 
they  will  not  venture  into  an  argument 
against  it.  They  know  that  the  pages 
of  this  magazine  are  open  to  anything 


1865.] 


STATE    SOVEREIGNTY. 


127 


they  dare  attempt  to  offer  in  defense 
of  their  monstrous  assertions  of  "  the 
damnable  heresies  of  State  sovereign- 
ty." They  know  that  through  this 
medium  they  could  reach  a  class  of  in- 
telligent and  honest  men,  who,  if  con- 
verted to  their  side,  would  add  an  ele- 
ment of  dignity  and  respectability, 
which,  without  falsehood,  they  cannot 
now  claim.  A  class  of  men  who  can 
neither  be  bought  nor  frightened.  But 
they  dare  not  accept  our  offer.  They 
know  that  they  are  the  real  rebels 
against  the  Government  of  these  States. 
They  are  the  conspirators  most  to  be 
dreaded — most  to  be  abhorred.  Se- 
cession is  an  evil  not  without  remedy. 
It  simply  denies  the  jurisdiction,  with- 
out waging  any  war  upon  the  organic 
principles  of  the  Federal  Government. 
It  leaves  the  life  of  the  States  unim- 
paired, with  sovereign  power  to  re- 
unite, or  reconstruct  the  Union  again. 
But  these  Abolition  conspirators  would 
assassinate  the  States,  and  overthrow 
the  very  foundations  on  which  the 
Union  was  built.  Secession  is  &  pro- 
digal, who  wanders  away  from  the  fa- 
mily mansion.  Abolitionism  is  &  felon, 
who  stays  at  home  only  to  murder  the 
family,  and  raze  the  common  edifice  to 
its  foundations.  The  whole  burden  of 
Abolition   or   "  Republican"    declama- 


tion, in  the  newspapers,  in  the  pulpit, 
in  the  streets,  everywhere,  is  against 
Slate  sovereignty.  The  mass  of  fools 
who  echo  this  stuff,  we  suppose  may 
be  sincere  ;  but  the  leaders — such  men 
as  Sumner  and  John  Jay — know  bet- 
ter. They  deliberately  seek  to  delude 
and  mislead  the  people.  In  the  core 
of  their  hearts  they  are  "  rebels"  to  the 
government  of  our  fathers,  a  thousand 
times  more  to  be  feared  and  despised 
than  the  most  violent  secessionist  in 
the  land.  What  is  the  duty  of  the  real 
friend  of  the  Union,  when  he  hears 
these  conspirators  haranguing  the 
people  on  the  "  damnable  heresy  of 
State  sovereignty  V  Why,  to  denounce 
them  to  their  teeth  as  traitors,  before 
the  very  people  they  are  laboring  to 
deceive.  Unmask  their  ignorance,  or 
their  hypocrisy,  in  every  place  where 
they  are  vending  their  seditious  wares. 
So  much  sacrifice  of  a  man's  ease  he 
owes  to  his  country  in  these  degene- 
rate times.  Hold  the  denouncer  of 
State  sovereignty  up  to  the  people  every- 
where, as  a  conspirator,  and  a  foe  to 
the  Government,  who  is  seeking  to  un- 
dermine that  which  we  have  inherited 
from  the  great  men  of  the  Revolution, 
to  substitute  in  its  place  a  narrow,  a 
selfish,  and  implacable  Puritan  des- 
potism. 


.<©. 


A  LATIN  EPIGRAM. 


BESTECTFULLY   DEDICATED   TO   A   DISTINGUISHED    "  LOYAL."    DIVINE,    WHO   WAS   LATELY     SURPRISED 

kissing  one  or  the  lambs  of  his  flock. 

Satis  Buperque  Me  benignitas  tua 

Ditavit! 

Indeed,  good  sir,  yonr  sweet  caressing 

M.iy  well  bo  eulled  "  A  Bishop's  Blessing  1" 


128 


THE    AMERICAN   RACES. 


[March, 


THE  AMERICAN  RACES. 


Some  ten  years  ago-  the  writer  of 
this,  through  a  Cabinet  officer  and  one 
of  the  Regents  of  the  Smithsonian  In- 
stitute, asked  that  learned  body  to 
publish  a  work  he  had  prepared  on 
the  "  American  Races  ;"  but  it  so  hap- 
pened that  a  scientific  gentleman  from 
Philadelphia  had  also  asked  the  Board 
of  Regents  to  publish  his  work  on 
"American  Snakes,"  and,  as  their  funds 
were  limited,  and  they  could  only  pub- 
lish one  of  the  works  in  question,  they 
of  course,  in  their  view,  selected  the 
most  important,  and  voted  in  favor  of 
the  snakes.  Ten  years  have  rolled 
round,  and  one  million  of  Americans 
have  laid  them  down  in  bloody  graves 
in  simple,  blind  unconsciousness  that 
their  sacrifice  was  the  penalty  of  an 
ignorance  so  gross,  so  unmanly  and, 
indeed,  so  unspeakably  wicked,  that 
while  future  generations  may  lament 
it,  they  will  hardly  pity  the  victims. 

Europeans,  naturally  ignorant  of  the 
races  of  this  continent,  set  up  a  theory 
or   assumption  that    they   are   all   the 
same  beings,  save  in  colur,  and  there- 
fore should  have  the  same  liberty  ;  and 
our     "intelligent"     classes,     writers, 
book-makers,  artists,  poets,  &c,  accept 
the  European  assumption  as  true,  de- 
spite their  reason,  their  experience,  and 
indeed    the    daily   evidence    of    their 
senses.     One  hundred   years   ago,   no 
one    stultified   himself,    or    pretended 
even  to  believe  that  a  Negro  was  a 
blaclc    Caucasian,   or  anything    but    a 
negro    in   fact,    and   no    such    social 
monstrosity  as    a  "free"  negro,   or  a 
negro  thrust  into   the    status   of  the 
white  man,  was  to  be  found  on  this 


continent.     But  the  mighty  events  of 
1176,  virtually  overthrowing  the  Eng- 
lish power  in  America,  produced  vast 
changes  in  English  opinion.   No  longer 
interested   in  the  material  prosperity 
of  this  continent,  and  with  every  pos- 
sible motive   to   neutralize,  to  under- 
mine,  and  to  render  impracticable  the 
new  and  dangerous    principles  estab- 
lished by  Washington   and    his    com- 
patriots, the  writers  and  statesmen  of 
England  not  only  changed  their  views 
on  American  affairs,  but  very  naturally 
sought  to  wield  the  inferior  races  as 
elements  of  resistance  to,  if  not  as  means 
for    the  destruction  of,    the  American 
■system    which  so   directly  threatened 
their   own.     Still   interested  in  the  in- 
dustry   and    production    of  the    West 
India  Islands,  they  spared  the  negro, 
and  from  1776  to  1816  relied  solely  on 
the  Indian  ;  but  the  war  of  1812  bav- 
ins: broken  down  the  Indian  forces  of 
the  northwest,  and  substantially  "  used 
tip"  that  material,  they  finally  resorted 
to  the  negro,  and  even  sacrificed  the 
vast  material  prosperity  of  their  island 
for  the  .  grander   political  purpose    of 
overthrowing    American    institutions. 
Nor  in  justice  to  the  courage,  clear- 
sightedness and  magnanimity  of  the 
British  aristocracy,  should  we  refrain 
from  giving  them  the  credit  of  a  cer- 
tain sincerity   in  their  "anti-slavery" 
policy.     Their   system    is     based    on 
distinctions  of  their  own  invention — 
Kings,  Lords  and  Commons — and  they 
are  necessarily  impelled  into  hostility 
against  the  distinctions  made  by  the 
Almighty,  in  order   to   preserve    their 
own. 


1865.1 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


i*y 


Nations,  in  modern  times,  are  so  in- 
timately blended  together  by  their  in- 
terests, that  systems  having-  no  natural 
or    truthful   basis   must  give  way   to 
those  founded   in  reason   and  in  har- 
mony  with   the    natural   order.     Thus 
Europeanism  or  Monarchy,  being  wholly 
artificial,  must  give  way  to  American- 
ism or  Democracy,  based  on  the  natu- 
ral   law   of    equality    underlying   our 
system  ;  and  the  only  possible  hope  of 
preserving  the  former  even  in  Europe 
depends  on  perverting  the  relations  of 
races,    and    by    "  impartial    freedom" 
with    negroes,    undermining   and    de- 
stroying  Democracy   in  America.     If 
this  can  be  done — if  the  British  "anti- 
slavery"  policy  can  ever  succeed — if  in 
short,  through  our  own  ignorance,  im- 
piety and  crime,  we  should  ever  com- 
mit social  suicide  and  "  abolish  slave- 
ry," Monarch}7  may  not  only  take  a 
new    lease   for    a    thousand   years    to 
Curne  on   this  continent,  but  it  would 
probably  outlive  Monarchy  in  the  Old 
World  lor  many  centuries.  All  (white) 
men  are  created  equal — that  is  alike — 
and   as  all   Europe   is  Caucasian  this 
great  fundamental,  fixed  and  everlast- 
ing   law   must  sooner    or   later  burst 
through  the   unnatural  and   fictitious 
contrivances  of  European  society,  and 
vindicate  the  justice  and  beneficence  of 
God.     But   on    this    continent,    where 
there  are  millions  of  different  races, 
should  their  natural  relations  become 
debauched  and  broken  down,  Democra- 
cy and     Democratic  institutions  would 
needs    be    impracticable    until    all    of 
these  atmormal  and  mongrel  elements 
became  extinct;  and,  tlwrefore,  should 
their  status  be  changed,  and  four  mil- 
lions of  negroes   amalgamated  in  our 
system,  the   ruin  would   be  complete, 
and  Democracy  lost  beyond  all   hope 


of  resurrection  for  an  indefinite  period 
of  probably  several  centurios. 

Of  course,  there  are  subordinate  is- 
sues, and  many  complications  involved, 
but  this  is  the  problem  we  are  now  so 
blindly  striving  to  solve.  And  if  ten 
years  ago  every  American  had  com- 
prehended this  subject,  and  known  the 
real  nature  and  true  relations  of  the 
American  races — however  ignorant  of 
"  American  snakes" — there  would  have 
been  no  Abolition  party,  and  conse- 
quently no  secession  party,  and  the 
million  of  hapless  victims  to  this  mon- 
strous delusion,  now  festering  in 
bloody  graves,  would  be  walking- 
God's  fair  earth,  and  enjoying  the  hap" 
piness  He  designed  for  all  His  innumer- 
able creatures. 

These  preliminary  remarks  seem  ne- 
cessary to  show  the  reader  the  trans- 
cendent importance  of  this  subject, 
and  the  pressing  and  overwhelming 
necessity  of  its  examination  and  com- 
prehension by  every  true  American 
who  desires  to  preserve  Republican  in- 
stitutions for  his  posterity,  and  indeed 
who  washes  to  preserve  the  purity  of 
his  blood  as  well  as  the  safety  and  per- 
petuity of  our  political  system. 

The  human  creation,  just  as  all  other 
forms  of  existence,  is  a  group,  family 
or  genus,  composed  of  a  certain  number 
of  species,  all  of  ivhich  aregenerically 
alike  but  specifically  unlike.  Th^s  is  a 
fact,  unchanging,  indestructible  and 
everlasting,  save  by  the  Almighty 
power  that  made  it ;  a  fact,  moreover, 
demonstrable,  indisputable,  and,  in- 
deed, palpable  to  the  senses  as  well  as 
the  reason.  Nevertheless,  not  onlv 
are  the  non-scientific  multitude  ignor- 
ant of  it,  but  scientific  men  have  writ- 
ten books,  given  lectures,  and  devoted 
many  years  of  their  lives  to  disprove 


130 


THE    AMERICAN   KACES. 


[March, 


its  existence.  can  know,  and  therefore  it  is  both  im- 
It   is    very   wonderful    that   human  pious  and  absurd  to  strive  to  know, 
folly,  vanity,   superstition,   imaginary  The  fact  itself  confronts  us,  immovable 
interests,     or     selfish     considerations  and   unchangable,    but   whether   thus 
could  have  thus   stultified  reason,  and  fashioned  and  shaped  by  the  Almighty 
even  the  senses  ;  but  so  it  is,  and   Pri-  hand  at  the  beginning  of  all  things,  or 
chard,  Lawrence,  even  Cuvier  himself,  by   subsequent    interposition    of    Al- 
to a  great  extent,  ignored  and  disput-  mighty  power,  is  beyond  the  scope  of 
ed  the  fact;    while  even  larger   num-  human  inquiry,  and  forever  concealed 
bers    of  scientific   men   have  so   con-  from   human   intelligence.      God   has 
founded  and  confused  themselves,  as  endowed  us  with  the  necessary  intelli- 
well  as  their  readers,  that  they  never  gence  to  understand  it,  to  deal  with  i% 
could    decide    satisfactorily    whether  to  adapt  ourselves  to  it,  to  comprehend 
there    was  a  plurality  or   a  unity   of  our  own  wants  as  well  as  the  wants  of 
races,  or,  in  other  words,  whether  the  the  lower  races  in  juxtaposition  with  us, 
fact  did  or  did    not  exist.     Prichard,  and  when  we  do  this,  when  we  exercise 
like  most  of  the  single-race  theorists,  the  faculties  He  has  so  beneficently  en- 
began    with  a   theory  or   assumption  dowed  us  with,  and  adapt  our  political 
that   all   mankind  originated   from   a  system  and  social  regulations  to  our 
single  pair  or  common  origin,  and  then  own  and  their  welfare,  then  we  shall- 
went  to  work  to  collect  facts  to  prove  be  correspondingly  rewarded.     But  if 
his  theory,  and  of  course  was  entirely  we  set  up  foolish  theories  of  a  single 
successful.     Others,  having  no  theory  race — that  white   men,    mongols,   ne- 
to  uphold,  affected  liberality,  and  ga-  groes,  &c,  have  all  the  same  nature, 
thered    innumerable  facts,   which    left  and  stultifying  our  senses  as  well  as  our 
thorn  just   where  they  began  ;    while  reason,  blindly,  impiously  and  wicked- 
others,  like  Nott  and  Gliddon,  began  ly  set  to  work  to  reduce  these  foolish 
with    creation    itself,    and    following  theories  to  practice,  then  we  must  be 
down  the  stream  of  time,  came  to  the  punished  to  the  precise  extent  of  our 
conclusion  of  diversity  of  races  in  our  crimes  against  nature  and  our  impie- 
time.     The  error  in  all  these  inquiries  ties   to    God.     Some   people  interpret 
is  obvious.     The    inquirers  sought  to  the  Bible  as  teaching  that  all  mankind 
know    that   which   is    forever    hidden  came  from  a  single  pair,  and  therefore 
from  us — to  penetrate  into  the  councils  all  7nu$t  have  the  same  nature  and  are 
of  the  Infinite,  to  lift  the  veil  that  the  entitled  to  the  same  liberty,  &c.  ;  but 
Almighty  hand  has  suspended  between  surely  they  who  also  believe  in  sttper- 
Himself  and  His  creatures  ;   in  short,  natural  interposition  need  have  no  dit- 
to reveal  the  mysteries  of  creation  to  iiculty  in  this  matter,  fur  if  God  did 
their  fellow  mortals.  interpose  and  change  the  order  of  na- 
lt  is  a'ur)\)\y  fact — indestructible  and  ture,  or,  in  other  words,  work  miracles 
everlasting  fact — that  the  human  crea-  in  such  innumerable  instances,  many 
tion  is  a  genus,  comprising  a  certain  of  which,  in  comparison,  were  quite  in- 
number  of  species,  but  why,  or  when,  significant,  surely  He  might  do  so  in 
or  how  this  fact  was  ordained  by  the  this  respect  of  the  human  creation,  a 
Almighty  we  do  not  know,  and  never  matter  of  such  transceudent,  and,  in- 


1865.J 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


131 


deed,  uncqualed  importance. 

Tiiu.-j  the  naturalist  and  believer  in 
the  Mosaic  or  Bible  interpretation  may 
perfectly  harmonize,  and  while  both 
of  thorn  accept  the  actual  material  and 
immovable  fact  of  diverse  races,  palpa- 
ble, and  indeed  unavoidable  to  their 
senses,  feel  entirely  satisfied  with  their 
different  explanations  of  it.  It  is  very 
wonderful  that  any  American  should 
be  ignorant,  or  should  dispute  the  pal- 
pable, c very-day  fact,  that  a  negro,  for 
example,  in  a  negro,  and  is  not  a  white 
man — a  fact  just  as  evident  to  his 
senses  as  that  a  robin  is  a  robin,  and 
is  not  a  pigeon,  or  that  a  bull-dog  ts  a 
bull-dog,  and  is  not  a  greyhound.  It 
is  still  more' wonderful,  as  well  as  dis- 
graceful, that  scientific  Americans 
have  not  explained  the  truth  to  Euro- 
peans. An  Englishman,  Frichard  for 
example,  in  his  library  in  London, 
Without  ever  seeing  a  negro,  declares 
this  negro  a  "  colored  man,"  or  a  man 
like  himself,  save  in  complexion,  which 
litter  oddity,  by  the  way,  he  cannot 
account  for,  and  admits,  unless  caused 
by  some  mysterious  atmospheric  in- 
fiuence,  is  not  produced  by  any  of  the 
natural  agencies  known  to  human 
science.  He  says  this  negro  is  a  co- 
lored Caucasian,  or  man  like  himself, 
and  the  intelligent  and  scientific  Ame- 
rica)), who  has  perhaps  seen  a  negro 
every  day  of*  his  life,  stultifies  his  rea- 
son, and  tramples  on  the  daily  evi- 
dence of  his  senses,  and  accepts  the 
Englishman's  assumption.  lf'Prichard, 
without  leaving  his  library  in  London, 
were  to  set  up  an  assumption  that 
there  was  only  a  single  species  of 
Hfiakes  on  this  continent,  that  they 
were  all  rattlesnakes,  or  had  all  the 
same  nature,  whatever  their  color  or 
external  appearances,   not  one  man, 


woman  or  child  would  accept  his  theo- 
ry. They  would  say,  "  our  senses  as 
well  as  our  reason  tell  us  otherwise." 
Every  day  we  see  black  snakes,  gar- 
den snakes  and  "  copperheads,"  as  well 
as  rattlesnakes,  and  though  all  snakes, 
and  belonging  to  the  great  family  of 
snakes,  they  arc  specifically  different 
snakes,  having,  to  a  certain  extent,  a 
different  structure  and  different  na- 
ture. 

So  of  birds,  of  fishes,  of  dogs,  of  all 
possible  forms  of  life  ;  and  if  a  Euro- 
pean who  had  seen  none  of  these  things 
should  set  up  a  theory  of  a  single 
species,  or  that  they  wero  all  the  same 
save  in  certain  external  appearances, 
as  color,  &c,  why  he  would  be  regard- 
ed as  an  impertinent  fool,  of  course. 

And,  indeed,  our  uneducated  people, 
governed  by  their  instincts  and  com- 
mon sense,  recognize  the  negro — a  ne- 
gro— differing  from  themselves  as  the 
several  species  of  animals  differ  from 
each  other,  and  shrink  with  utter  dis- 
gust from  equality  or  amalgamation 
with  this  different  being.  But  the 
"  educated"  people,  your  divines,  law- 
yers, politicians,  &c.,  accept  the  for- 
eign and  absurd  dictum  of  Prichard 
and  other  (in  this  respect)  ignorant 
writers,  sitting  in  their  libraries  in 
London  or  Paris,  and  declare  that  the 
"common"  people  are  prejudiced 
against  "color,"  while  they,  enlighf. 
cued  and  liberalized  by  education,  rise 
above  this  popular  "prejudice,"  ami 
accept  the  European  theory  that  the 
negro  is  a  "colored"  Caucasian,  or 
man  like  themselves  save  in  the  c('o«* 
of  his  skin  !  But,  as  observed,  the  ab- 
ject and  disgraceful  submission  of  the 
scientific  men  of  America  to  this  ab- 
surd European  assumption  of  a  single 
human  race   is   most  wonderful.     Dit* 


132 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


[March, 


tinguished  historians  and  scholars, 
like  Bancroft,  Motley,  Lieber,  &c, 
may  be  excused,  for  they  are  ignorant 
of  even  the  rudiments  of  physical 
science  ;  but  the  so-called  scienti- 
fic men,  like  Professor  Draper  and 
others,  who  slavishly  accept  for- 
eign nonsense  on  this  subject,  and 
gravely  "  investigate  the  causes  of 
color"  in  the  negro,  should  be,  and 
some  day  will  be,  regarded  with  su- 
preme contempt.  Even  the  great  body 
of  medical  men,  limited  as  their  ac- 
quirements usually  are  to  the  routine 
of  their  profession,  will  not  escape 
popular  condemnation  on  this  subject, 
for  this  being  an  affair  of  fact,  and  not 
of  speculation,  they  should  have  com- 
prehended it  and  dealt  with  it  thus, 
instead  of  passively  assenting  to  an 
absurd  assumption  resting  on  foreign 
ignorance  of  the  fact  in  question.  It 
is,  then,  once  more  repeated,  that  the 
human  creation  is  a  g-enus,  family  or 
form  of  existence  comprising  a  certain 
number  of  species,  made  so  by  the 
hand  of  the  Creator,  and  must  remain 
so  as  long  as  the  present  creation 
lasts  ;  but  whether  so  at  the  begin- 
ning of  all  things,  or  by  subsequent 
interposition  of  Almighty  power,  we 
never  can  know,  as  we  never  should 
strive  to  know. 

A  genus  comprises  several  species, 
each  the  work  of  God,  as  Caucasians, 
Mongols,  Malays,  negroes,  &c. ;  but  a 
species  may  comprise  any  number  of 
varieties,  as  Anglo-Saxons,  Celts,  Scla- 
vonians,  &c.f  the  result  of  accident, 
climate,  time,  religion,  political  sys- 
tems, &c 

In  the  present  state  of  our  know- 
ledge, we  do  not  know  the  actual  num- 
ber of  species,  but  we  do  know  that 
the  Caucasian  and  negro,  or  the  white 


man  and  typical  woolly-headed  African, 
stand  respectively  at  the  head  and 
base  of  the  generic  column. 

Starting  with  the  negro,  the  sim- 
plest and  least  developed  in  his  organ- 
ism, the  next  above  him  has  all  that 
he  has,  but  in  addition,  has  something 
that  he  ha3  not,  or  rather  it  may  be 
said,  has  a  nwe  elaborate  and  com- 
plete structure,  with  of  course  corres- 
ponding qualities  or  capabilities.  Spe- 
cies have  a  limited  capacity  of  inter- 
union,  but  unless  it  be  in  some  of  the 
very  lowest  forms  of  organic  life,  those 
who  belong  to  separate  genera  are  for- 
ever separated.  The  negro,  the  lowest 
in  the  scale,  is  absolutely  human,  and 
separated  from  the  animal  world  by  a 
gulf  as  impassable  as  that  which  sepa- 
rates the  Caucasian,  the  most  elevated. 

Species  of  men,  as  observed,  are  per- 
mitted to  violate  the  natural  order  to 
a  certain  extent,  and  intermix  with 
different  species,  for  God  has  endowed 
them  with  reason  and  free  will,  just  as 
they  are  permitted  to  do  so  in  other 
respects  ;  but  there  is  a  limit  to  this 
sin.  Animals,  on  the  contrary,  g'u'.ded 
by  their  instincts,  never  violate  na- 
ture. The  Caucasian  may  mate  with 
a  negress,  but  the  lion  never  mates 
with  the  tigress,  and  the  progeny  of 
this  abnormal  union  is  feeble  and 
sterile,  and  never  exists  beyond  the 
fourth  generation. 

If,  for  example,  the  modern  abolition 
theory  were  put  in  practice,  and  a 
thousand  or  so  of  those  who  believe  in 
it,  each  with  a  negro  wife,  were  iso- 
lated in  an  island  in  the  Pacific,  it 
would  simply  be  a  qnes.ion  of  time 
when  they  would  die  oat  and  become 
utterly  extinct.  The  lower  races  ap- 
proximating closer  to  animals,  and 
guided  by  their  instincts  to  a  certain 


1865.] 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


133 


extent,  shrink  with  horror  from  sexual 
intercourse  with  other  species.  Thus, 
when  African  explorers  come  into  ne- 
gro villages  where  white  men  had 
never  been  seen,  the  females  run  off 
and  hide  themselves — thus,  too,  while 
our  Indian  savages  will  beat  and  mur- 
der their  (white)  female  captives, 
they  never  violate  them  ;  and  even  in 
the  great  Sepoy  rebellion,  though  a 
race  approximating  to  our  own,  it  is 
believed  there  was  not  a  single  in- 
stance among  its  huge  horrors  of  the 
violation  of  a  European  woman.  It 
is  only  where  juxtaposition  and  un- 
natural social  relations  exist  between 
different  species  that  mongrelism  is 
generated,  and,  as  observed,  this  mon- 
grel progeny  is  feeble  and  sterile,  and 
tends  continually  to  extinction.  On 
the  contrary,  the  more  extended  the  in- 
tercourse or  amalgamation  of  branches 
or  varieties  of  the  sdme  species,  the 
more  vigorous  and  potent  the  people. 
That  nation  or  people  most  generally 
intermixed  with  those  who  belong  to 
the  same  species  will  always  be  the 
most  enterprising  and  powerful,  while 
that  which  is  most  isolated  and  sta- 
tionary will  be  most  feeble  and  con- 
temptible. Hereditary  royalty  well 
illustrates  this  isolation.  To  preserve 
its  prestige  with  the  multitude,  it  is 
limited  within  its  own  circle,  and  thus 
violating  the  laws  of  consanguinity,  it 
is  punished  in  its  miserable  progeny, 
who  finally  become  idiotic  or  impotent, 
and  thus  extinct.  It  is  a  startling 
thing  to  realize,  but  absolutely  true, 
that  the  hereditary  royal  families  of 
our  time  are — naturally  considered — 
the  meanest  and  most  degraded  fami- 
lies in  their  respective  countries.  And 
it  is,  perhaps,  even  more  startling  still 
to  realize  the  truth  that  there  is  a  cer- 


tain morbid  resemblance  between  a 
mulatto  and  a  "  Crown  Prince."  Both 
are  abnormal — the  mulatto  in  his 
structure,  the  prince  in  his  vitality, 
and  both  ending  in  absolute  extinc- 
tion. 

The  intermarriage  of  Caucasians  for 
four  consecutive  generations  will  end 
in  extinction,  either  through  idiocy  or 
impotency,  and  hybrids  or  mulattocs 
of  the  fourth  generation  are  as  inca- 
pable of  reproduction  as  mules. 

That  which  the  Eternal  hand  has 
fashioned  is  immovable  and  everlast- 
ing, and  the  vain  and  sinful  attempt  of 
human  creatures  to  set  up  distinctions 
of  their  own  invention  in  the  form  of 
kings,  is  finally  punished  by  the  abso- 
lute extinction  of  their  progeny.  And 
the  human  impiety  and  crime  which 
ignore  the  distinctions  of  race,  and 
force  different  species,  as  Caucasians 
and  negroes,  into  "  impartial  freedom," 
or,  in  other  words,  to  live  under  the 
same  rules  and  regulations,  finally 
ends  in  total  extinction. 

Summing  up  the  foregoing  remarks, 
the  whole  subject  may  be  simply 
stated  thus  :  The  human  creation  is  a 
genus  or  family,  composed  of  a  certain 
number  of  species,  each  differing  from 
the  others  in  its  nature  and  capabilL 
ties  to  the  precise  extent  that  it  differs 
in  its  physical  structure  ;  and  as  spe- 
cies are  the  work  of  the  Creator,  no 
accident,  time,  climate  or  human  power 
can  ever  change  or  modify  them  to  the 
millionth  part  of  an  atom.  But  each 
of  these  species  may  give  origin  to 
any  number  of  varieties,  which  latter 
are  the  result  of  chance,  time,  climate, 
and  human  forces,  as  we  witness  in  the 
form  if  nations,  &c.  Finally,  every 
attempt  to  violate  the  order  of  nature, 
to   equalize  different  species,  as  Cau- 


134 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


[March, 


casians  and  negroes,  and  to  set  up 
artificial  distinctions,  as  those  of  "roy- 
alty," are  alike  forbidden,  and  alike 
punished  by  the  Almighty  in  the 
idiotcy,  impotency  and  ultimate  ex- 
tinction of  the  miserable  progeny. 

Anthopology  is  so  entirely  a  science 
of  this  day.  that  we  do  not  know  the 
actual  number  of  species  as  yet  com- 
prising" the  human  creation.  We  do 
know,  however,  that  there  are  six  of 
these  species,  though  our  knowledge 
of  them  is  very  imperfect. 

These  are — 1st.  The  Caucasian,  white 
or  historic  race.  2d.  The  Mongol,  the 
Chinese  or  Asiatic.  3d.  The  Malay,  or 
Oceanic.  4th.  The  Indian,  or  Ameri- 
can. 5th  Esquimaux,  or  polar  race, 
and,  finally,  lowest  in  the  scale  of  or- 
ganism, the  negro,  or  typical  wooty- 
headed  African.  Of  these  it  is  only 
proposed  to  discuss  the  specific  charac- 
ter of  those  inhabiting  this  continent 
— the  Caucasian,  Indian  and  negro — in 
actual  juxtaposition,  and  ignorance  of 
which  has  already  cost  a  million  of 
American  lives,  and  may  involve  the 
destruction  of  American  civilization. 

There  are  on  this  continent  about 
thirty  millions  of  white  people,  tweniy- 
aeven  in  these  States,  two  and  a-half 
millions  in  the  British  North  American 
Provinces,  and  perhaps  half  a  million 
more  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Kico. 

These  are  the  only  white  people  pro- 
per, who  have  white  governments 
that  act  on  white  people.  In  those  of  Ca- 
nada and  Cuba,  as  in  Massachusetts,  ne- 
groes may  become  "  citizens,"  but  they 
are  exceptional  and  so  few  that  we 
may  say  these  are  all  white  govern- 
ments. On  the  contrary,  Jamaica,  all 
the  British  and  French  islands,  though 
presided  over  by  European  officials, 
are   governments  made   and  adminis- 


tered for  negroes,  and  as  the  white 
element  is  limited  and  is  rapidly  rot 
ting  out  through  the  blood  of  th< 
negToes,  they  must  be  classed  as  mon 
grel  governments.  There  are  in  Ame 
rica  about  twelve  millions  of  negroes, 
four  millions  of  slaves  in  Brazil,  four 
millions  "freemen"  in  the  South  and 
Central  American  States  and  the  is- 
lands, and  some  four  millions  in  do- 
mestic subordination  among-  ourselves. 

In  Brazil  they  are  slaves,  the  own- 
ers, to  a  great  extent,  having  negro 
blood  in  their  veins,  and  the  whole 
social  fabric,  resting  solely  ox\  a  pro- 
perty basis,  may  be  abolished  in  a 
month,  and  the  bandfull  of  pure  whites 
massacred  or  driven  out,  as  in  Hayti 
sixty  years  ago* 

Finally,  there  are  four  millions  in 
their  natural  position  of  domestic  sub- 
ordination in  juxtaposition  with  us.  It 
is  indeed  four  millions,  for  whatever 
numbers  may  be  murdered  in  the 
impious  and  lunatic  attempt  to  force 
them  into  the  condition  of  our  own 
white  people,  none  will  remain  in  that 
condition,  it  being  as  eternally  impos- 
sible as  to  g'ivc  them  our  color. 

The  negro  is  a  tropical    race,  and 
without  him    some    sixty   degrees    of 
lattitude  in  the  centre  of  this  continent, 
with  the   extensive  islands   locked   in 
its  bosom,   must  remain  forever  a  bar- 
ren  and    useless  waste.     His  mat   of 
woolly  hair   protects   the   brain  from 
the   rays   of  a  vertical  sun,  and  with 
millions  of  scbacious  glands  covering 
the  surface  of  his  body,  he  is  protected 
from  all  the  malarious  influences  which 
produce  yellow  fever,  and  is  so  fatal 
to  the  white  man. 

It  is  true  that  the  white  man  can 
live  in  the  tropics  as  well  as  else- 
where, but  only  as  a  master  or   mer- 


1865.] 


THK    AMiRICAN    RACKS. 


lob 


chajit  and    mechanic  in  the  cities,  pro-  they  tend  to  Africanism  and  regencra- 

tected  from  the  sun.  The  negro  isolated,  tion.     There  can  be  no  such  condition 

is  of  necessity  a  useless  heathen,  while  as  "freedom  f  that  is,  the  negro,  made 

the  white    man  alone   is  as  incapable  by  the  Almighty  a  different  being,  can- 

of  growing  tropical  products  as  he   is  not  exist  in  a  common  condition  with 

incapable    of     reproducing    his    kind  the  white  man,  otherwise  human  power 

without  the  existence  of  the  female.  would  override  that  of  God.     He  has 

Thus  the  brain,  the  intelligence  or  made  the  negro,  and  therefore  design- 
guidance  of  the  Caucasian,  and  the  ed  him  for  a  purpose,  and  no  human 
muscles  or  labor  of  the  negro,  are  the  power  can  override  this  purpose  and 
elements,  and  the  only  possible  ele-  compel  whites  and  negroes  to  fulfil  a 
ments  ot  tropical  civilization.  It  were  common  purpose  or  "impartial  free- 
as  eternally  impossible  to  grow  the  dom."  "  Impartial  freedom,"  therefore, 
products  or  to  preserve  civilization  in  is  not  a  condition,  it  is  a  phase,  a  so- 
the  great  tropical  centre  of  our  conti-  cial  monstrosity,  a  passing  diseasa 
nent  without  white  men  and  negroes  from  which  both  whites  and  negroes 
in  their  normal  relation  to  each  other,  are  dying  out  on  the  coast,  as  observ- 
or  without  what  the  lunatics  of  the  day  ed,  while  in  the  interior  the  natural 
term  slavery,  as  it  is  impossible  to  grow  order  is  being  restored — the  negro  is 
oranges  in  Nova  Zembla,  or,  indeed,  returning  to  his  Africanism,  and  then 
as  to  preserve  animal  life  without  fulfils  the  ordinance  of  God  and  multi- 
food.     The  "abolition  of  slavery"    by  plies  his  kind. 

the  monarchical  governments  of  the  old  The   Creator,    of    course,    designed 

world  has  degraded  and  is  destroying  juxtaposition,  otherwise,  as  remarked, 

the  whites,  while  the  sole  hope  for  the  the  most  genial  and  fertile  portion  of 

negro  is  in  a  return  to  his  native  AM-  our  continent  must  needs  be  common 

canism.     In    Hayti,    where  he    is    iso-  wastes,   and  it  is   equally  obvious  in 

lated,  especially  in  the  interior,  he  has  the  fact  that  the  negro  multiplies  more 

lost  his    French   traditions    and    gone  rapidly  in  the  South  than  he  does  iso- 

back  to  his  African  dialect,  and  save  lated   in   Africa.     The  end  of  British 

on  the  coast, where  there  is  a  consider-  "philanthropy,"  or  so  called  abolition 

able  mongrel  element,  there  is  proba-  of  slavery  in   the  tropics   is,   then,  a 

bly  not  a  single  negro  who  ever  heard  huge    African    heathenism,    covering 

of,   or    knows   anything  of  the   great  some  sixty  degrees  of  latitude.     The 

Abolition  soldier  and  statesman,  Tons-  whites  are  rapidly  rotting  out  through 

saint.  mongrelism — the  mongrels  have  a  low 

Hayti  illustrates  all  ;  if  still  isolated,  grade  of  vitality,  and  they  must  perish 

fifty  years  hence  its  inhabitants  will  be  within  a   certain  time,  and  when   all 

as  absolutely  African  as  if  they  were  this   has  disappeared,  and  the  negro 

born  there,  and  then  having  recovered  blood   untainted  with  admixture,  they 

from  amalgamation,  they  will  multiply  will  again  multiply  themselves.    What 

themselves  as  in  Africa.  a  startling   truth  to  realize,  that   the 

In  Jamaica,  and  all  the  other  islands  over-worked  and  under-fed  laborers  of 

they,  like   the  whites,  tend   to  extinc-  England  have  been  taxed  four  hundred 

tion  on  the  coif.st,  while  in  the  interior  millions,  that  the  owners  of  'West  In- 


136 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


[March, 


dia  property  have  sacrificed  some 
live  hundred  millions,  and  the  "poor 
whites"  have  been  poisoned  and  de- 
stroyed by  amalgamation,  and  after 
all,  the  only  hope,  the  single  bright 
spot  in  the  future  to  the  poor  negro,  is 
African  regeneration,  or  to  get  back  to 
bis  fetiches  and  snake  worship  !  This  is 
life,  and  again  he  fulfils  the  command 
of  the  AUnig-hty  and  multiplies  his 
kind,  not  so  happily  or  healthily  as  in 
juxtaposition  and  domestic  subordina- 
tion to  the  white  man,  but  isolated 
heathenism  and  domestic  subordination 
are  the  only  possible  conditions  of  ne- 
gro existence. 

In  addition  to  the  whites  and  negroes, 
there  are  about  fifteen  millions  of  In- 
dians or  aboriginals  on  this  continent. 
The  islanders  discovered  by  the  Span- 
ish adventurers  were  most  likely  a  dif- 
ferent species  from  the  people  of  the 
main  land,  but  this  must  always  re- 
main a  matter  of  conjecture,  for  they 
have  so  utterly  disappeared,  that 
though  there  are  some  mongrels  in 
Cuba  and  San  Domingo,  it  is  believed 
that  there  is  not  a  single  native  left. 
On  the  continent,  from  Cape  Horn  to 
the  Columbia  River,  they  are  the  same 
species,  and  the  difference  between  the 
Peruvians  of  Pizarro's  day,  the  Aztecs, 
&c,  of  Cortez,  and  the  Brandts  and 
Powhattans  of  northern  latitudes,  is 
simply  the  difference  of  locality  and 
accident,  such  as  we  witness  in  the 
modern  nations  of  our  own  race.  In- 
deed it  may  be  doubted  if  the  differ- 
ences that  at  this  moment  separate  an 
English  earl  from  his  peasants  are  not 
relatively  greater  than  those  separat- 
ing the  wild  Huron  of  the  Northern 
Lakes  from  the  peaceful  and  so  sup- 
posed semi-civilized  Peruvians,  Aztecs, 


Toltecs,  &c,  encountered  by   the  Spa- 
nish adventurers. 

There  have  been  intrusive  people, 
cast-away  ships'  crews,  indeed  we 
know  that  the  "Northmen"  made  a 
lodgment  on  this  continent  in  the  eighth 
century.  They  piade,  or  began  certain 
improvements,  built  cities,  organized 
governments,  laid  the  foundations,  in 
short,  of  States,  or  organized  political 
communities,  and  their  descendents,  in 
some  respects,  continued  these  things, 
but  flnallv  overwhelmed  through  amal- 
garnation  with  the  dominant  native, 
they  disappeared,  and  the  debris  left 
behind,  the  decaying  structures,  the 
roads,  bridges,  aqueducts,  &c,  that 
our  learned  American  "  antiquarians" 
find  in  such  profusion  in  Yucatan  and 
Central  America,  are  the  only  traces 
of  their  existence.  The  white  man,  or 
Caucasian,  is  the  only  historic  race, 
the  only  race  that  creates  material  for 
history,  the  only  race  that  has  suffi- 
cient mental  power  to  permanently  im* 
press  itself  on  the  material  world,  and 
therefore  all  the  "antiquities"  of  Ame- 
rica, which  Schoolcraft,  Squier,  Be 
Ilass,  and  others,  delight  in,  are  the 
sheerest  balderdash  imaginable.  There 
are  no  antiquities  in  America  ;  there 
is  nothing,  save  as  observed,  the  slight 
traces  of  cast-away  ships'  crews,  &c, 
that  indicate  the  temporary  presence 
of  Caucasian  adventurers,  at  rare  in- 
tervals and  remote  distances.  As  ob- 
served, there  are,  perhaps,  fifteen  mil- 
lions of  native  Indians,  or  aboriginals, 
on  this  continent,  but  this  must  include 
some  three  millions  of  mongrels,  or 
mestizos  They  are  separated  into  a 
great  number  of  nationalities,  or  wo- 
called  republics  ;  but  there  are  no  ele- 
ments of  nationality   anywhere,  or   in 


1865.1 


THE    AMERICAN    RACES. 


137 


fact,  whatever  be   the   number   of  so- 
called   republics,    any    republicanism. 
There  are  ten  or  twelve    republics   in 
South   America,   five   in    Central,  and 
one  (Mexico)  in  North  America  ;  but 
the  materials,  except  in  Brazil,  are  es- 
sentially the  same.     In  the  South  Am- 
erican republics  there  is  a  large  negro 
clement.     It  is  smaller  in  Central  Am- 
erica, and  none  at  all  in  Mexico.     As 
a  whole,  about  one-seventh  is  mongrel, 
one-thirtieth,  perhaps,  .white,  with  the 
remainder  pure  Indians,    and   the   de- 
gree of  order,  production,  in   a  word, 
civilization,  is  of  course  in  precise  pro- 
portion to  the  white  element.     But  the 
sterility  and  low  grade  of  vitality  in 
the  mongrel,  makes  it  only  a  question 
of  time  when  it  will   become  entirely 
extinct,  and  from   the   Rio  Grande   to 
Brazil  there  will  be  a  complete  resto- 
ration of  the  Indian,  and  with  him  the 
condition  in  which  he  was    found  by 
the  Spanish  conquerors  in  the  fifteenth 
century.    The  laws  of  organization  are 
indestructible,  and  as  mongrclism  dis- 
appears in  the  islands,  and  the  negro 
returns  to   his    original  Africanism,  so 
on  the  main  land,  it  is  only  a  question 
of  time  when  the   mixed   element  be- 
comes extinct,  and   the  Indian,  or  abo- 
riginal element,  is  restored  to  its   ori- 
ginal condition.     This  must  be  the  final 
result — in  the  islands,  and  the  great  tropi- 
cal centre  of  the  continent,  a  huge  Afri- 
canism— on  the  table  lands,  and  on  either 
side  of  the  former,  an  Indian  heathenism 
scarcely  less  repulsive  or  more  incompa- 
tible with  American  civilization.     This 
is  no  speculation,  but  an  obvious  and 
inexorable    consequence    of    existing 
facts  ;  isolated  and  left  to  themselves, 
a  time- must  come  when  the  negroes  of 
the  islands  arc  restored  to  their   origi- 
nal  Africanism,    and     the    aboriginal 


element,  sloughing  off  all  that  the  Spa- 
niards engrafted  on  them,  must  return 
to  their  original  Indianism,  from  the 
Rio  Grande  to  Brazil. 

Such,  then,  is  the  great  problem  of 
our  times — the  most  tremendous  prob- 
lem ever  solved   in   the   experience  of 
mankind.     The  vulgar  notion  that  the 
Indian  must  die  out,  is  met  by  the  fact 
that  there  are  now  fifteen  millions  on 
this  continent,  and  by  the  still  more 
stupendous/actf  that  neither  the  white 
man  nor  the  negro  can  ever  grow  the 
products,  or  become  the  permanent  in- 
dustrial elements  of  the  table  lands,  or 
tierras  templades of "North  and  South  Am- 
erica.    God  has  made  these  races,  like 
all  His  other   works,   for   specific  pur- 
poses— the   negro    as    the    industrial 
force  of  the  tierras  calientes,  the  Indian 
for  the  table  lands,  and  the  white  man, 
with  his  higher  nature,  for  their  mas- 
ter and  protector.     Negroes   can   live 
longer  in  Nova  Scotia  than  in  the  high 
latitudes  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  though 
there  is  never  any  frost,  for  the  highly 
oxygenated  atmosphere   rapidly   kills 
them.     And  though  it   is  not   so  abso- 
lutely certain  that  the  white  man  can- 
not become  a  laborer,  the   large  expe- 
rience of  the  Mexican  war  fully  justi- 
fies this  conclusion.    God  has  not  made 
things  so  imperfect   as   to   permit  the 
Caucasian   to   exterminate   the  lower 
races,  by  industrial   competition,    but 
on  the  contrary,  has  wisely  and  bene- 
ficently provided  for  all  His  creatures, 
by    adapting    their     actual    physical 
structure  to   certain   great  centres  of 
existence. 

The  problems,  then,  for  us  are  these: 
1st.  Shall  we  comprehend  the  real  na- 
ture of  the  Indian  and  negro,  and  be- 
come their  guides  and  protectors,  and 
render  the  future  civilization  of  Ameri- 


138 


ROGER    B.    TANEY    AND    EDWARD    E.EiUTT. 


[March, 


ca  the  grandest  the  world  ever  saw  ? 
2d.  Shall  we  permit  a  huge  African 
heathenism  in  the  islands,  and  a  vast 
Indian  barbarism  on  the  main  land, 
and  thus,  while  rendering  the  finer 
portion  of  America  a  barren  waste, 
cramp  and  confine  our  civilization  to 
its  present  limits  ?  3d.  Or  finally,  in 
the  impious  and  monstrous  attempt  to 
practice  the  European  theory  of  a  sin- 
gle race,  shall  we  strive  to  "  abolish" 
the  distinctions  that  separate  us  from 
these  races,  and  ruin  our  republican  in- 


stitutions, and  indeed  debauch  and  de- 
stroy American  civilization  for  centu- 
ries to  come  ?  These  are  the  only  pos- 
sible solutions,  and  in  the  mean  time 
we  are  striving  with  ail  our  might  to 
accomplish  the  latter,  and  have  alrea- 
dy sacrificed  a  million  of  our  brothers 
to  ruin  American  civilization;  but  we 
cannot  destroy  ourselves  if  we  would, 
and  shall  therefore  finally  come  back 
to  common  sense,  and  restore  civiliza- 
tion south  of  us,  instead  of  destroying 
it  in  our  midst. 


-•♦•- 


KOGER  B.  TANEY  AND  EDWARD  EVERETT, 


The  death  of  the  venerable  Chief 
Justice,  we  may  say  the  last  Chief  Jus- 
tice, because  his  place  is  filled  by  a 
man  who  is  neither  a  lawyer,  a  Chris- 
tian nor  a  patriot,  has  passed  off 
with  hardly  a  notice  from  the  press, 
except  some  characteristic  slang  from 
the  Puritan  backbiters.  The  Atlantic 
Monthly  speaks  of  him  as  a  "bad  man/' 
who  was  "  prone  to  the  wrong."  But  it 
is  not  for  us  to  defend  the  great,  the 
good,  and  the  wise  jurist  Roger  B.  Taney 
from  the  shafts  of  Abolition  hate. 
History  will  vindicate  his  fame.  Our 
purpose  is  to  offer,  in  connection  with 
this  abuse  of  Chief  Justice  Taney,  some 
remarks  on  the  fulsome  and  ill-deserved 
praise  which  is  poured  out  from  the 
ample  stores  of  ignorance  upon  the 
name  of  Edward  Everett.  Did  we  not 
feel  that  justice  is  mocked,  and  the  in- 
telligence of  the  American  people  in- 
sulted by  this  senseless  eulogium  of  a 


man  who  had  forfeited  all  claim  to  the 
respect  of  wise  and  patriotic  men,  we 
should   remain   silent  on  the  subject. 
We  do  not  deny  that  Edward  Everett 
was  a  fine   scholar,  and,  in    a  certain 
sense,    a   poet.      Though   we  are   not 
aware   that   he  ever  wrote   a   line   of 
verse,  yet  he  was,  in  the  gifts  of  ima- 
gination, a   poet,   and   he  was   never 
anything   more.      Few    men    in    our 
country  have  had  a  more  briliant  im- 
agination than  he — and    in  no  effort, 
except  where  the  imagination  could  be 
chiefly  employed,  has  he  ever  succeed- 
ed beyond  the  bare   limits  of  intellec- 
tual respectability.     He  was  the  most 
mediocre  of  statesmen.     Indeed,  it  can- 
not be  said  that  he  ever  rose  to  true 
statesmanship  at  all.      In  Congres  he 
failed   utterly.       He   was    absolutely 
nothing  in  debate.     He  left  no  mark 
behind    him  when    he    left  that  body. 
He  could  deliver  a  poetical  address  on 


18G5.] 


ROGER   B.   TANEY    AND    EDWARD    EVERETT. 


139 


the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims.  Thero 
his  forte  was  at  an  end.  He  was  a 
man  of  letters,  and  that  was  the  most 
of  him.  Lis  habit  as  a  student  made 
him  conservative,  and  he  long  stood 
out  an  honest  example  of  fidelity  to 
conservative  principles  in  New  Eng- 
gland.  Then  he  was  the  target  of  the 
whole  artillery  of  Abolition  abuse. 
Next  to  Daniel  Webster  he  was  the 
best  abused  man  in  New  England  by 
the  Abolition  scditionists.  They  never 
ceased  to  malign  him  until  he  burst  like 
a  bubble  into  their  pool  of  fifthy 
waters.  What  did  he  tell  these  con- 
spirators even  after  they  had  opened 
the  ball  of  the  present  war  !  In  a  let- 
ter addressed  to  a  meeting  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  February  2,  1  SGI,  he  said  : 

"To  expect  to  hold  fifteen  States  in  the 
Union  by  force  is  preposterous.  The  idea  of 
civil  war  is  too  monstrous  to  be  entertained 
for  a  moment.  If  our  sister  States  must 
leave  us,  in  the  name  of  Heaven  let  them  go 
in  peace." 

Have  we  forgotten,  shall  we  ever 
forget  the  perfect  hell  of  abuse  which 
was  let  out  upon  him  on  this  occasion. 
The  very  creatures  which  now  crawl 
like  swarming  flies  about  his  bier,  then 
denounced  him  as  a  "knave"  or  a 
"fool."  But  let  us  hear  Edward  Ever- 
ett again  before  he  sold  himself  to  the 
foes  of  his  country: 

"The  suggestion  that  the  Union  can  be 
maintained  by  numerical  predominance  and 
military  prowess  of  one  section  exerted  to 
coerce  the  other  into  submission  is,  in  my 
judgment,  as  self-contradictory  as  it  is  dan- 
gerous. It  conies  loaded  with  the  death- 
Bmoll  from  fields  wet  with  a  brother's  blood. 
If  the  vital  principle  of  all  republican  govern- 
ment is,  '*the  consent  of  the  governed, 
much  more  does  a  Union  of  co-equal  sover- 
eign States  require,  as  its  basis,  the  harmony 
of  its  members,  and  their  voluntary  co-oper- 
ations in  its  organic  functions." 

On  another  occasion  he  exclaimed  : 


41  Fellow-citizens  of  Massachusetts,  it 
is  my  duty  to  tell  you  that  our  own 
State  has  broken  the  compact  which 
our  fathers  made  with  the  people  of 
those  States." 

This  was  the  record  of  Edward  Ev- 
erett's life  up  to  the  time  when  he 
turned  his  back  upon  himself,  three 
years  ago,  and  became  the  most  sense- 
less and  unrelenting  of  all  the  Puritan 
savages  of  New-England.  Those  fa- 
natics now  cover  him  from  head  to 
foot  with  the  slime  of  their  praise,  not 
because  they,  in  their  inmost  hearts, 
respect  his  memory,  but  because  he 
died  in  their  vile  service — the  most 
abject  of  all  the  tools  of  their  barbar- 
ous despotism.  It  is  their  own  unholy 
cause  they  are  selfishly  lauding  in  his 
name.  Had  he  not  sold  himself  to 
them  we  shudder  to  think  of  the  names 
they  would  call  him.  Have  we  forgot- 
ten their  abuse  of  Webster  after  his 
death?  But  how  much  more  honored 
is  Webster  in  their  abuse  than  Ever- 
ett in  their  praise?  Wendell  Phillips 
now  gives  Everett  this  eulogy  that 
"at  seventy  years  of  age,  with  such 
a  career  behind  him,  he  stood  up  be- 
fore twenty  millions  of  his  country- 
men and  said  '  1  was  mistaken.1"  The 
amount  of  which  is,  being  translated 
into  the  language  of  truth,  that  Ed- 
ward Everett,  at  seventy  years  of  age, 
repents  of  the  honorable  and  patriotic 
record  of  a  lifetime,  and  dies  in  the 
embraces  of  the  Constitution-abhorring 
Abolitionists.  This  inglorious  end  will 
remind  the  student  of  classic  history 
of  the  fate  of  the  celebrated  philospher 
Zarma,  who,  after  having  lived  many 
years  teaching  and  practising  all  vir- 
tues, wound  up  his  career  by  commit- 
ting suicide.  The  Lydians,  who  had 
worshipped  his  genius,  tore  down  his 


140 


ROGER    B.    TANEY   AND    EDWARD    EVERETT. 


[March, 


statute  from  the  Temple  and  buried  it 
with  his  body  in  the  grave,  in  order 
that  all  remembrance  of  him  and  his 
crime  might  be  banished  from  the 
minds  of  the  people.  Even  so  will  the 
memory  of  Edward  Everett  be  dis- 
missed from  the  temple  of  just  fame. 
After  a  long"  life  of  honorable  record  in 
opposition  to  the  sedition  and  treason 
of  the  Abolitionists,  he  dies  at  last  one 
of  the  most  senseless  and  implacable 
of  their  number.  He  has  gone  to  his 
grave  in  companionship  with  such  de- 
testable names  as  Garrison,  Wilson, 
Sumner  and  Phillips  ;  men  in  whose 
company  Edward  Everett  would  have 
blushed  to  be  seen  only  five  years  ago. 
He  has  gone  to  his  grave  leaving  these 
conspirators  behind  him  boasting  that 
he  died  confessing  that  his  whole  life 
was  a  mistake  and  a  i'oWy.  It  is  a 
doubtful  question  which  history  must 
settle,  whether  the  pity  of  mankind 
will  ever  be  able  to  rescue  his  name 
from  contempt.  How  unlike  that  of 
Edward  Everett  was  the  end  of  Roger 
B.  Taney  !  He  died  as  he  had  lived, 
a  great  and  true  man.  He  left  no 
chance  for  the  sneering  Abolitionist  to 
Bay  above  his  grave  :  "  He  confessed 


that  he  was  mistaken."  He  was  not 
mistaken.  All  the  years  of  his  life 
were,  not  as  Edward  Everett  died  say- 
ing his  were,  u  a  mistake."  Taney 
faithfully  clung  to  the  last  to  the 
theory  and  spirit  of  the  government  as 
it  was  established  by  our  fathers.  In 
the  midst  of  the  pressure  and  threats 
of  fanaticism,  where  Everett  so  inglo- 
riously  broke  down,  Taney  stood  erect 
invulnerable  and  undismayed  ;  exact- 
ing respect  and  fear  even  from  the 
men  who  would  gladly  have  taken  his 
life,  because  thy  could  neither  in- 
timidate nor  suborn  him.  So  little  did 
Sumner  respect  the  memory  of  Everett 
that  he  refused  to  deliver  an  oration 
upon  the  occasion  of  his  death.  The 
hatred  which  he  had  borne  him  all  the 
years  of  his  life  could  not  be  appeased 
even  by  the  truculent  and  cowardly 
close  of  his  career.  But  Sumner,  base 
as  even  he  is,  is  compelled  to  respect 
the  name  of  Roger  B.  Taney,  because 
he  died  as  he  had  lived,  bravely  de- 
fending what  he  had  adopted  as  the 
fixed  principles  of  morality  and  law; 
while  Everett  died  false  to  his  country 
false  even  to  himself. 


EPIGRAM. 


TO  THE    SWARMS    OF    OFFICERS    WHO    NOW    FEED    AT    THE    TUBLIC    CRIB. 

Ilic  vlvimus  ambitlosa 
Panpertate  omnes ! 
Here  we  all  live,  both  small  and  great, 
And  strut,  and  lie,  and  steal  in  state  1 


EDITOR'S   TABLE. 


—Hon.  S.  S.  Cox's  speech  in  Congress,  on 
the  resolution  to  admit  members  of  the  Ca- 
binet to  seats  on  the  iloor  of  the  House,  was, 
wo  think,  the  best  sustained  piece  of  humor 
and  ridicule  ever  delivered  before  that  body. 
At  a  time  when  there  is  so  little  to  respect, 
and  so  much  to  despise  in  the  action  of  Con- 
gress, a  good,  genuine  laugh,  such  as  Mr. 
Cox  treats  us  to,  is  a  great  sweetener  of  the 
temper.  Mr.  Cox  cannot  do  a  better  thing 
for  the  remainder  of  his  term  than  to  keep 
the  country  laughing  at  the  follies  of  Con- 
gress. It  may  save  many  a  man  of  naturally 
good  intentions  from  the  profanity  of  curs- 
ing and  swearing.  To  illustrate — after  the 
whole  country  has  so  long  had  its  brows  con- 
tracted in  the  act  of  execrating  Stanton,  Mr. 
Cox  gives  us  a  chance  to  unbend  a  little  by 
laughing  at  him,  after  the  following  fashion  : 
"  The  Speaker  raises  his  gavel,  when  a  rum- 
ble, like  the  temblor  which  precedes  the  earth- 
quake in  volcanic  regions,  sounds  through 
the  corridors  !  All  eyes  are  fixed  upon  the 
door !  Voila  !  the  thundering  Secretary  of 
War  appears,  (Great  laughter.)  Upon  his 
brow  the  very  picture  of  Mars,  to  threaten 
and  command!  Itoorn  for  the  War  Minis- 
ter !  His  flowing  beard  and  spectacled  face, 
so  familiar  to  our  eyes, 

Assume  the  god,  affect  the  nod, 
And  seem  to  shake  the  spheres. '' 

•  *     *      In  plain  attire,    but  p  <tential 

mood,  he  comes !  Far  off  his  coming  shines; 
rn  form  and  seeming  but  a  man,  but,  in  ima- 
gination like  the  angel  of  the  pit,  floating 
many  a  rood  on  the  burning  marl  of  war. " 
We  have  not  space  to  give  the  whole  of  this 
picture  of  the  minister's  entrance  upon  the 
iloor  of  the  House.     It  is  all  inimitable. 

— A  rabid  dog  has  been  killed  in  Washing- 
ton. A  Washington  paper  states  that  the 
Common  Council  will  offer  a  bounty  on  the 
heads  of  all  dogs  found  at  large.  Will  not 
Buch  a  measure  be  regarded  as  a  blow  aimed 
at  Congress '( 


—We  should  think  that  the  cup  of  the  hu- 
miliation of  the  people  of  New  York  was  now 
full  to  overflowing.  If  it  can  hold  any  more 
it  must  be  a  vessel  of  uniraagined  dimen- 
sions. A  committee  of  Supervisors  has  been 
to  Washington  to  try  and  get  the  wrong  of 
an  excessive  quota  corrected.  This  commit- 
tee went  first  to  Stanton,  then  to  Fry,  then 
to  Lincoln,  supplicating  and  entreating  them 
not  to  commit  an  act  which  they  declared  to 
be  an  outrage  upon  law  and  justice.  Mr. 
Lincoln  says  to  New  York,  I  want  so  many  of 
your  people  for  my  sla;ighter-pens.  The 
authorities  reply  to  him  that  the  number  of 
citizens  he  demands  for  the  sacrifice  is  exces- 
sive, unfair,  and  illegal.  The  spirit  of  the 
answer  is,  can't  help  that—fair  or  not  fair,  ille- 
gal or  not,  the  draft  must  go  forward— 1  ward 
your  men,  and  I  will  have  them.  And  the  good, 
patient  supervisors — the  amiable,  docile  hu- 
man asses— come  quietly  home,  and  set  about 
complying  with  the  "unfai*-,  unjust,  and  ille- 
gal demand"  for  the  lives  of  the  trembling 
citizens.  O,  it  is  a  lovely  country!  O,  it  is 
a  land  of  liberty !  The  people  of  New  York 
are  a  great,  free,  happy,  and  plucky  people ! 
They  are  as  free  and  happy  as  the  negroes  of 
Africa,  who,  whenever  their  king  so  pleases, 
are  summoned  to  have  their  throats  cut  to 
appease  the  devil.  Happy,  happy  New  York- 
ers !  Happy  negroes  of  Africa !  Happy 
everybody  whose  lives  belong  to  their  gra- 
cious Sovereign  !  Hail !  the  country  of  Wash- 
ington !     All  hail ! 

11  The  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the 
brave!" 

— The  editor  of  the  New  York  Freeman's 
Journal  says  of  Chief  Justice  Taney:  "He 
was  not  venal,  not  corrupt,  not  a  respecter 
of  persons !  Good  God !  how  the  Yankees 
must  have  hated  such  a  character!" 

—  An  editor  in  Ohio  twits  Inn.  Wade  of 
making  money  selling  hogs.  Is  that  what 
makes  the  old  rascal  such  a  hare  t 


142 


EDITOR  S    TABLE. 


[March, 


— A  deputation  of  U.  S.  Senators  waited 
upon  the  President  to  urge  upon  him  to  re- 
store Gen.  Butler  to  command.  The  names 
of  these  Senators  did  not  appear.  If  we  can 
learn  them,  we  shall  publish  them,  in  order 
that  thos«  who  have  the  misfortune  to  be 
their  neighbors  may  look  out  for  their  gold, 
jewels  and  spoons.  There  is  a  commission 
which  Butler  might  nil  with  entire  credit  to 
himse  f  and  his  party.  The  great  success  of 
his  powder-ship  suggests  it  to  our  mind.  Ap- 
point him  at  the  head  of  a  new  bureau  for 
the  manufacture  of  volcanoes.  This  is  a  mag- 
nificent idea,  and  in  harmony  with  all  the 
great  plans  of  the  Republican  party.  What 
a  great  people  we  should  be  with  a  hundred 
thousand  volcanoes  in  our  grasp  !  We  would 
not  only  make  an  end  of  Dixie  in  a  few  hours, 
but  we  would  blow  France  and  England  to 
the  devil  in  less  than  no  time.  As  all  the 
civil  zed  world  are  making  impudent  faces 
at  us  in  this  our  day  of  trial/  we  could  just 
teach  them  all  a  lesson,  by  blowing  all  crea- 
tion to  pieces  in  less  than  half  an  hour.  But- 
ler is  just  the  man  to  superintend  this  grand 
enterprise.  From  the  obliquity  of  both  his 
physical  and  moral  vision,  his  volcanoes 
would  undoubtedly  be  constructed  on  the 
screw-auger  plan,  which  would  make  them 
still  more  dreadful  engines  of  destruction. 
tl  M-tj '<>r- General  Battel;  Constructor  and  Com- 
mander of  all  the  Volcanoes"  is  a  title  which 
ought  to  be  grand  enough  to  suit  the  views 
of  his  admirers. 

—Mi-.  Sumner  is  happy.  He  shakes  hands 
with  himself  and  all  Africa.  He  has  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  a  negro,  who  is  as  impu- 
dent as  himself,  and  who  is  from  the  same 
State,  admitted  to  practice  law  in  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States.  After  he 
was  admitted  to  this  high  honor  in  the  city 
of  Washingt  m,  he  had  to  go  to  one  of  Lin- 
coln's while  negroes  to  get  a  pass  to  leave  the 
city,  for  his  horn.)  in  Boston  ;  as  there  is  a 
military  order  at  Washington  that  no  colored 
persons  shall  leave  the  city  without  a  pass. 
Is  that  the  way  they  treat  "a  man  and  a  bro- 
ther?" Anna  Dickinson  declares  that  the 
time  will  come  when  we  shall  see  negroes 
seated  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  We  shall  undoubtedly 
soon  have  apart  negro  delegation  in  Con- 
gress from  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  There 


is  one  comfort,  and  that  is,  that  the  black 
negroes  of  Massachusetts  cannot  very  well 
be  a  worse  set  of  men  than  her  white  ones 
are  in  Congress. 

—A  letter- writer  describes  the  President 
as  being  "very  sanguine  of  a  speedy  over- 
throw of  the  rebellion."  The  President  has 
been  very  sanguine  ever  since  he  came  into 
j.ower.  So  much  so  that  he  might  float  a 
ship  in  the  blood  he  has  shed. 

— Senator  Chandler,  in  one  of  his  boozy 
nights,  declares  that  "the  mildest  law  he 
would  pass  would  be  to  cast  every  rebel  into 
the  sea."  Before  that  law  is  passed  we  ad- 
vise Chandler  to  learn  to  swim. 

—There  is  a  credulous  editor  in  Boston 
who  believes  Ben.  Butler  is  honest.  To 
think  so  is  to  accuse  the  Almighty  of  holding 
out  deceptive  signs  in  the  human  face.  The 
following  translation  of  one  of  Martial's  epi- 
grams is  marvelously  to  the  point : 

Thy  beard  aud  head  are  of  a  different  dye  ; 
Short  of  one  foot— distorted  in  the  eye  1 
With  all  these  tokens  of  a  knave  complete, 
If  thou  art  honest,  thou'rt  a  dev'lish  cheat. 

—A  letter- writer,  who  thinks  the  public 
must  be  interested  in  all  the  minute  doings  of 
Old  Abe,  informs  the  public  that  "he  always 
shaves  himself,  both  as  a  saving  of  money 
and  time."  Is  he  sure  that  such  is  the  mo- 
tive? The  tyrant  of  Sicily  never  would 
trust  himself  in  the  hands  of  a  barber  for 
fear  that  justice  would  cut  his  throat. 

The  following  verses  were  written  in 
England  in  168(i  That  was  just  179  years 
ago.       They   might   have   been    written    in 

America  yesterday  : 

Uuhappier  age  who  ever  saw, 
When  truth  doth  go  for  treason  ; 

Ev'ry  blockhead's  will  is  law, 
And  coxcomb's  sense  is  reason. 

Religion's  made  the  bawd  of  state, 
To  serve  the  pimps  and  panders  ; 

Our  liberty  a  prison  gate  ; 
And  scoundrels  are  commanders. 

O  how  wretched  is  our  fate  ! 

What  dangers  do  we  run  ? 
We  must  be  wicked  to  be  great ; 

And  to  bo  just — undone. 


1865.] 


editor's  table. 


143 


—The  twaddle  of  the  anti-State  Rights,  and 
pro-  negro-  constitutional-  amendmentists  in 
Congress  exceeds  in  stupidity,  we  think,  all 
human  jargon  ever  before  heard  in  this  world. 
One  believes  there  is  no  doubt  about  the 
power  of  Congress  to  do  what  it  thinks  best 
for  the  nation,  without  reference  to  State  Gov- 
ernment. Another  thinks  slavery  never  ought 
to  have  been  protected  by  the  Constitution— 
that  the  Constitution  being  wrong  in  this 
matter,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Republicans,  now 
they  are  in  power,  to  amend  it.  Another,  a 
luminous  intellect,  thinks  that  because  the 
Constitution  was  framed  to  "secure  the  bles- 
sings of  liberty,"  it  intended  to  give  the  Fede- 
ral Government  power  to  abolish  slavery. 
This  is  about  the  sura  of  congressional  wis- 
dom on  this  question.  If  the  people  will  send 
such  fools  and  rascals  to  Congress,  they  well 
deserve  all  the  disgrace  and  confusion  which 
must  result  from  their  legislation. 

— There  is  a  Spanish  saying  that,  "  Italia 
para  nacer,  Francia  para  vivia,  Espana 
para  moria"  i.  e.  Italy  !s  the  best  place  to 
be  born  in  ;  France  to  live  in  ;  Spain  to  die 
in.  Or,  Italy  has  the  best  air  ;  France  the 
best  kitchen  ;  Spain  the  best  graveyard.  But 
now,  America  clips  the  laurels  of  Spain  ;  or, 
if  we  have  not  the  best,  we  certainly  have  the 
largest  grave-yard.  Our  whole  country  is  a 
grave  yard.  All  the  land  is  full  of  the  bones 
of  our  people.  We  have  murdered  millions, 
as  an  offering  to  the  ebony  gods  of  Africa ! 
We  are  wor  e  than  African  cannibals  ;  for  they 
kill  men  to  eat  them,  while  we  murder  only 
for  vengeance.  They  may  plead  hunger.  We 
have  only  the  excuse  of  revenge.  We  call 
them  savages,  barbarians.  What  then,  are 
we? 

— A  Republican  editor  says  he  "goes  for 
his  country  right  or  wrong."  And,  bad  man 
and  traitor  that  yon  are,  it  does  not  make  a 
bit  ol  difference  whether  it  is  right  or  wrong. 
Your  patriotism  is  as  much  at  fault  as  your 
morality.  The  real  friend  to  his  country  will 
be  as  swift  to  expose  and  condemn  what  he 
finds  wrong  in  it,  as  he  is  to  praise  and  foster 
all  that  is  right  and  just. 

— A  cotemporary  calls  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  party,  Puritans  or  round-heads. 
Hut  is  it,  correct  to  call  such  flats  "round- 
heads I" 


— The  "government  telegraph"  send3  over 
the  lying  wires  the  declaration  that  "Presi- 
dent Lincoln  will  give  a  hearing  to  any  per- 
son of  influence  from  the  rebel  States."  The 
way  things  are  shaping  on  both  side?  of  the 
lines,  we  very  much  fear  that  President  Lin- 
coln may  be  compelled  to  give  a  hearing  to  a 
respectable  person  of  the  rebel  States,  by  the 
name  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  between  this 
time  and  mid  summer.  If  the  "  rebels"  should 
finally  do  what  Lee  proposed  a  year  ago, 
abandon  the  Atlantic  cities,  the  tide  of  war 
wili  set  this  way  with  a  fury  and  a  vengeance 
which  may  well  send  dismay  into  the  hearts 
of  the  negro-worshipping  heathen  of  Washing- 
ton. We  should  be  glad  to  warn  these  luna- 
tics— to  force  a  grain  of  senst  into  their  cra- 
niums,  but  it  is  useless  to  try  i*.  They  are 
given  up  to  believe  a  lie  that  they  may  be 
damned. 

— A  correspondent  asks  us  if  history  gives 
any  other  example  of  a  free  people  throwing 
away  their  liberties  as  if  from  curiosity  to  see 
how  despotism  would  seem  ?  Perhaps  not  of 
a  people  ;  but  history  give3  the  case  of  an  in- 
dividual, in  the  person  of  Empedodes,  who 
threw  himself  into  the  flames  of  Mount  JEtna, 
in  a  transport  of  curiosity,  to  know  from  what 
source  those  eternal  fires  were  derived.  Was 
not  his  foolishness  something  like  a  match  for 
our  people  who  seem  to  take  pride  in  the  act 
of  vaulting,  at  one  bound,  into  the  lowest 
depths  of  despotism  ? 

— James  the  First  once  heard  a  sermon, 
in  which  there  was  more  politics  than  reli- 
gion, and  he  asked  Bishop  Andrews  what  he 
thought  of  it,  and  whether  it  was  a  sermon  or 
not.  "Please  your  Majesty,"  replied  the 
bishop,  "by  very  charitable  construction  it 
may  pass  for  a  sermon."  But  the  great  ma" 
jority  of  the  bloody  harangues  in  our  pulpits 
at,  the  present  time  can  never  pass  for  ser- 
mons, not  even  by  that  charity  which  covers 
a  multitude  of  sins.  They  are  too  monstrous 
and  too  brutal,  both  in  spirit  and  principle, 
ever  to  pass  for  Christian  sermons. 

— A  cotemporary  thinks  that  "Gen.  Builer 
will  come  out  all  right  yet  because  we  all 
know  that  he  is  not  to  be  beaten  at  an  argu- 
ment "  Ifhecanuot  be  beaten  at  an  argu- 
ment, he  may  be  at  a  whipping -post,  or  at 
a  kicking-post,  as  in  Lowell,  for  instance. 


*4:4: 


editor's  table. 


[March,  1865. 


— When  Stafford  wa3  Lord -Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  he  made  an  order  that  no  Peer  should 
enter  the  House  of  Lords  without  leaving  his 
sword  with  the  doorkeeper.  Many  cowardly 
Peers  had  already  complied  with  this  insolent 
order,  when  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  being  asked 
for  his  sword,  told  the  doorkeeper  that  if  he 
"repeated  that  demand  he  would  run  him 
through  the  body."  When  Staflord  heard  of 
theso  brave  wouls,  he  said,  "we  must  some- 
how gain  this  man  over  to  our  side."  Such  is 
the  power  of  even  one  brave  man  who  dares 
defy  the  insolence  of  usurpation.  Would  to 
God  that  we  had  a  lew  such  in  these  times  of 
universal  cowardice.  A  lew  brave  men  who 
should  defy  the  tools  of  lawless  power,  would 
end  the  reign  of  shume  and  despotism. 

— The  New  York  Times  complains  that  the 
bounty  system  has  filled  our  armies  with  worse 
than  useless  soldiers,  because  they  are  only  in 
the  way,  and  demoralize  all  about  them. 
Another  journalist  thinks  "  these  ragged  ras- 
cals ought  to  fl^ht  well."  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus,  King  of  Sweden,  used  to  say  that  "a 
man  made  a  better  soldier  in  proportion  as  he 
was  a  better  Christian."  Is  this  the  reason 
why  almost  every  one  ol  the  fanatical  minis- 
ters who  have  enlisted  in  the  New  England 
and  Western  States  have  turned  out  to  be 
such  miserable  soldiers  and  rascally  cowards  ? 

— The  eagerness  with  which  men  and  wo- 
men adopt  the  sayings  ol  Lincoln  reminds 
us  of  a  disgusting  picture,  painted  by  Gala- 
ton,  which  represented  Homer  vomiting  pre- 
cious stones,  and  the  other  poets  standing 
around  swallowing  what  came  out  of  his 
mouth.  Not  that  Old  Abe  Vomits  pr.  cious 
stones;  but,  whatever  he  does  throw  up,  the 
dirty  Loyal  Leaguers  swallow  with  the  glut- 
tony of  hungry  dogs. 

— "Madam,"  said  Jeremy  Taylor  to  a  mo- 
ther, "if  you  do  not  choose  to  till  jour  boy's 
head  with  something,  believe  me  the  devil 
will."  There  is  a  Spanish  proverb,  from 
which  the  learned  prelate#  borrowed  this 
thought,  viz  : — The  devil  tempts  every  man, 
but  idle  an  man  tempts  the  devil." 

— There  is  a  strange  charge,  and  we  hope 
an  unjust  one,  against  Mr.  Lincoln  out  in 
Oregon.  A  correspondent  Irom  Portland,  in 
tnat    State,   writes    as  tollows  :— "Strange 


things  occur  out  here  almost  every  day. 
There  are  two  women  living  but  a  few  miles 
from  this  place,  who  have  between  them  seven 
new-born  infants.  One  has  three  daughters, 
and  the  other  two  daughters  and  two  sons. 
Well  done  for  Mr.  Lincoln." 

—An  editor,  who  would  b3  a  wag,  and 
whose  name  we  charitably  suppress,  has  writ- 
ten an  epitaph  on  that  intolerable  scold  and 
nuisance,  Anna  Dickinson,  which  entirely 
fails  of  doinu:  justice  to  the  subject.  The  fol- 
lowing old  English  epi  ram,  which  is  nearly 
a  century  old,  comes  much  nearer  the  point: 
Hero  is  my  much-loved  Anna  laid, 

At  re.  t  from  all  her  earthly  labors 
Glory  to  God  !    Peace  to  the  dead  ! 
And  to  the  ears  of  all  her  neighbors 

— The  following  receipts  are  said  to  be  ex- 
cellent:— To  make  a  President — take  two 
grains  of  sense,  fifteen  grains  of  nonsense, 
eight  grains  of  smut,  eleven  grains  of  mirth, 
and  twenty  pounds  of  lamp-black,  mix  well 
together,  and  pack  loosely  on  the  skin  of  a 
gorilla. 

For  making  a  Secretary  of  State: — take  ol 
fustian  seventeen  grains,  of  duplicity  twenty 
grains,  of  bravado  twenty  grains,  ol  false- 
ho  d  twenty-tv.o  grains,  mix  well  in  whiskey, 
and  use  on  all  occasions  for  both  foreign  and 
domestic  consumption. 

To  make  a  Secretary  of  War: — take  equal 
parts  of  the  biggest  liar,  and  of  the  most  im- 
pudent rascal  you  can  find,  ana  roll  them 
well  together,  until  they  are  of  one  substance. 
This  fellow  is  not  to  be  beat. 

For  making  a  United  States  Senator: — take 
the  carcase  of  one  cegro,  one  bushel  of  lies,  a 
gallon  of  creosote,  and  fifty  pounds  of  bom- 
bast; simmer  until  they  are  completely  mixed. 
Then,  it  you  value  your  own  peace,  stop 
your  ears,  or  get  out  of  the  way  as  soon  as 
possible.  And  be  sure  to  keep  away  from 
Boston  when  the  U.  S.  Senate  is  not  in 
session. 

— Lord  Coke  wore,  as  a  motto  to  his  ring, 
these  words  ;— s 

Lex  est  tutissime  cassis. 
The  law  is  the  surest  helmet. 
Our  judges,  many  of  them  at  least,  think 
differently,  for  they  have  treated  the  laws  as 
not  of  the  slightest  importance,  when  they 
conflict  with  the  whim  of  some  furious  imbe- 
cile with  a  sword  and  epaulettes. 


THE  OLD  GUARD 


A  MONTHLY   JOURNAL,    DEVOTED    TO    THE    PRINCIPLES    OP    1776    AND    1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — APRIL,    1865.  — No.    IV. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHERN  WAR  OF   TARIFFS  UPON  THE  SOUTH 


Is  it  now  too  late  to  publish  the 
truth  with  a  hope  of  arousing  some" 
thing  like  a  sense  of  honor  and  justice 
in  the  minds  of  the  northern  people 
towards  the  South  1  Has  a  third  of  a 
century  of  wrong  and  falsehood  seared 
the  northern  consciences  as  with  a  hot 
iron  ?  Dare  we  speak  the  truth  in  the 
midst  of  this  reign  of  ignorance,  intol- 
erance and  lust  of  power  ?  Dare  we 
ldbk  history  in  the  face — that  history 
which  will  proclaim  to  future  genera- 
tions a  record  of  our  financial  despot- 
ism ;  of  our  downright  plundering  of 
the  southern  people  ?  That  system  of 
tariffs  which  has  been  called  "  The 
American  system"  is  in  reality  a  north- 
ern system  against  the  South.  It  was 
designed  to  enrich  the  North  at  the 
expense  of  the  South.  From  1816  to 
1840  it  was  used  as  a  sectional  party 
issue  in  every  presidential  campaign. 
It  was  first  used  as  an  instrument  of 
moving  the  sectional  pecuniary  ambi- 
tion of  the  northern  people  ;  and  then 
of  engendering  hatred,  malice  and  re- 
venge hetween  the  two  sections.  The 
simple  effect  of  our  high  protective  ta- 


riffs was  to  take  money  from  the  pock- 
ets of  the  southern  people,  and  put  it 
into  the  pockets  of  the  capitalists  of 
the  North.  The  South  declared  its  in- 
ability to  save  itself  from  financial  ru- 
in under  the  tariff  of  1816.  But,  re- 
gardless of  this  earnest  protest,  the 
North  made  a  still  higher  tariff  one  of 
the  issues  of  the  presidential  canvass 
of  1820.  Again  the  South  expostulat- 
ed. But  in  1824  the  North  made  still 
higher  duties  an  issue  of  the  campaign. 
Earnestly,  almost  beseechingly,  the 
South  remonstrated.  To  no  purpose. 
In  1828  the  North  put  still  heavier 
burdens  upon  the  South,  and  proudly 
named  its  oppression  "  The  American 
system,"  and  plainly  gave  the  South 
to  understand  that  this  system  of 
southern  depletion  for  northern  plethora 
was  one  of  the  fixed  institutions  of  the 
land.  This  system  really  divided  the 
confederation  into  two  sections — one 
of  which  was  the  recipient  of  constant 
increasing  bounties  from  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  other  was  compelled  to 
pay  them.  It  was  a  sharp  financial 
war  between  the  sections.     The  South 


146 


HISTORY    OF   THE    NORTHERN    WAR    OP 


[April, 


did  not  complain  of  duties  for  mere 
revenue.  It  contended,  and  very  just- 
ly, that  the  Constitution  gave  the  Fed- 
eral government  power  to  levy  duties 
only  for  revenue  purposes;  and  that  all 
tariffs  for  protection  were,  therefore, 
unconstitutional.  The  tariff  of  1828 
was  for  the  protection  of  a  single 
branch  of  manufactures,  viz.:  the 
woolen.  Then  the  design  was  stretched 
to  cover  every  branch  of  northern 
manufacture.  But  as  the  northern 
States  were  not  strong  enough  in  Con- 
gress to  carry  those  measures  through 
alone,  they  roped  in  Illinois  and  Mis- 
souri by  adding  a  protection  on  lead, 
and  Kentucky  by  a  protection  on  hemp. 
By  this  cunning  piece  of  management 
the  northern  manufacturing  interests 
succeeded  in  fastening  upon  the  coun- 
try all  those  high  tariffs  which  were 
ruinous,  or,  to  say  the  least,  oppres- 
sive to  the  southern  States. 

There  was  a  time  when  indigo  was 
one  of  the  principle  productions  of  the 
Sout.  Under  the  protection  extended 
to  it  by  the  British  government  of  a 
sixpence  sterling  per  pound,  it  was  a 
source  of  great  income,  especially  in 
the  Carolinas  and  Georgia.  In  HT9 
there  were  exported  1,100,000  pounds. 
After  this  protection  was  removed  the 
exportation  of  indigo  fell  off,  in  1800, 
to  400,000  pounds  ;  and  in  1826  to 
5,000  pounds.  Here,  then,  was  a  fair 
field  for  the  protective  principle  if  such 
were  to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the 
government.  The  southern  statesmen 
were  opposed  to  all  tariffs  for  protec- 
tion, on  the  ground  of  their  unconstitu- 
tionality ;  but  they  said  "  If  you  are 
determined  to  have  the  sijstem,  let  it  be 
ah'ke  over  northern  and  southern  pro- 
ductions."  In  vain  1  The  temper  of 
the   North   was    to    protect  its   own 


wares  by  high  duties,  which  the  South 
must  pay.  Every  demand  for  fairness 
was  answered  by  new  and  heavier 
burdens  upon  the  South.  When  the 
tariff  of  1828  was  before  Congress,  Mr. 
Benton  moved  an  amendment  to  in- 
clude indigo  in  the  articles  to  be  pro- 
tected. We  shall  here  give  an  extract 
from  Mr.  Benton's  great  speech  on  the 
occasion,  which,  if  any  northern  man 
can  read  without  feeling  the  blush  of 
shame  burning  his  cheeks,  he  will 
show  to  the  world  that  he  is  utterly 
destitute  of  a  conscience  : — 

"I  expect  a  unanimous  vote  in  favor  of  my 
amendment  (to  protect  indigo).  The  North 
should  vote  for  it  to  secure  the  life  of  the 
American  system,  and  to  give  a  proof  of  their 
regard  for  the  South — to  show  that  the  coun- 
try south  of  the  Potomac  is  included  in  the 
tariff  bill  for  some  other  purpose  besides  that 
of  oppression.  The  South  itself,  although 
opposed  to  the  further  increase  of  duties, 
should  vote  for  this  duty,  that  the  bill,  if  it 
parses,  may  contain  one  provision  favorable 
to  its  interests.  The  West  should  vote  for  it 
through  gratitude  for  fifty  years  of  guardian 
protection,  generous  defense  and  kind  assist- 
ance which  the  South  has  given  it  under  all 
its  trials.  I  feel  for  the  sad  changes  which* 
have  taken  place  in  the  South  during  the  last 
fifty  years.  Before  the  Revolution  it  was  the 
seat  of  wealth  as  well  as  prosperity.  Money 
and  all  it  commanded  abounded  there.  But 
how  now  ?  All  this  is  reversed.  Wealth  has 
fled  from  the  South  and  settled  in  the  re- 
gions north  of  the  Potomac,  and  this  in  the 
midst  of  the  fact  that  the  South,  in  four  sta- 
ples alone,  has  exported  produce  since  the 
Revolution  to  the  value  of  eight  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  and  the  North  has  ex- 
ported comparatively  nothing.  Such  an  ex- 
port would  indicate  unparalleled  wealth,  but 
what  was  the  fact  ?  In  place  of  wealth  a  uni- 
versal pressure  for  money  was  felt — not 
enough  for  current  expenses — the  price  of 
all  property  down — the  country  drooping 
end  languishing — towns  and  cities  decaying, 
and  the  frugal  habits  of  the  people  pushed 
to  the  verge  of  universal  self-denial  for  the 
preservation  of  their  family  estates.     Such 


J  805/| 


TARIFFS    UPON    THE    SOUTH. 


147 


a  result  is  a  strange  and   wonderful    phe- 
nomenon.     It  calls  upon  statesmen  to  en- 
quire  into   the   cause  ;  and  if  they  inquire 
upon  the  theatre  of  this  strange  metamor- 
phosis, they  will  receive  one  universal  an- 
Bwer  from  all  ranks   and  all  ages,  that  it  is 
Federal  legislation  which  has  worked  litis  ruh}. 
Under   this  legislation  the   exports   of   the 
South  have  been  made  the  basis  of  the  Feder- 
al revenue.      The   amount  annually  levied 
upon  imported  goods  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  government  are  deducted  out  of  the 
price  of  their  cotton,  rice  and  tobacco,  either 
in  the  diminished  price  which  they  receive 
for  those  stap'es  in  foreign  ports,  or  in  the 
increased  prur_  which  they  pay  for  the  arti- 
cles they  consume  at  home.      Virginia,  the 
two  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  may  be  said  io 
defray  three-fourths  of  the  annual  expense  of 
supporting  the   Federal   Government ;    and    of 
this  great  sum    annually  furnished  by  them, 
nothing,  or  next  to  no'hing  is  returned  to  them 
in  the  shape  of  government  expenditures.     That 
expenditure  flows  in  an  opposite   direction- 
it  flows  northwardly  in   one  uniform,  unin- 
terrupted and  perennial  stream.     This  is  the 
reason  why  wealth   disappears  in  the  South 
and  rises  up  in  the  North.      Fede.iai  legisla- 
tion does  all  this,      It  does  :t  by  the  simple 
process   of  eternally   taking  away  from    the 
South,  and  retu'.min^  nothing  to  it.     If  it  re- 
turned  to  the  South   the  whole,    or  even  a 
good  part  of  what  it  exacted,  the   four  States 
south  of  the  Potomac  might  stand  the  action 
of  this   system,  but  the   South   must  be  ex- 
hausted of  its  money  and  its  property,  by  a 
course  of  legislation  which  is  lorever  taking 
away  and  never  returning  anything.      Every 
new  tariff  increases  the  force  of  this  action. 
No  tariff'  has  ever  yet  included  Virginia,  the 
two  Carolinas  and  Georgia  within   its  provfc 
fcions,  except  to  increase  the  burdens  imposed 
on  them.     This  one  alone  presents  the  op- 
portunity to  form  an  exception  by  reviving 
and  restoring  the  cultivation  of  one  of  its  an- 
cient staples,  one  of  the  sources  of  its  wealth 
before   the   Revolution.     The    tariff  of  1828 
owes  this  reparation  to  the  South,  because 
the  tariff  of  181G  contributed  to  destroy  the 
cultivation  of  indigo — sunk   the  duty  on  tho 
foreign   article    from   twenty-live    to   lifteen 
cents  per  pound." 

These   remarks  of  Col.  Benton  de- 


serve to  be  read   and  re-read.     They 
are  the  words  of  a  man  who  could  not 
be  accused  of  any  especial  leaning'  to- 
wards the  South.     They  were   not  ut- 
tered in  any  partizan  spirit  in  apoliti- 
cal   campaign.     They  are    the    sober, 
earnest  words  of  a  patriot  and  a  states- 
man, which  cannot  fail  to  leave  a  pro- 
found  impression   upon    the    mind    of 
every  candid  reader.     But  in  vain  did 
this  great  statesman  of  the  West  ap- 
peal to  the  North  to  show  the  sense  of 
a  common  justice  towards  the  South. 
This   amendment  was  coldly  rejected. 
Imagine  the  case  reversed — that  the 
South,  having  a  numerical  preponder- 
ance in   Congress,  voted    high   duties 
upon   every  one   of  her  own    staples, 
while  refusing  to  include  a  sinede  arti- 
cle  of  northern  production.     How  long 
would  the  New-England  States    have 
remained  in  the  Union  under  such  acts 
of  injustice  and  oppression  on  the  part 
of  the  South?     How  long  would  any 
northern  State  have  peaceably  borne 
such  a  wrong  ?      It  is  a  fair  question. 
for   the    mind  of  an   honest  man,  how 
long  ought  any  State  to  bear  it  ?      For 
one  we  make  bold  to  answer  not  long  ! 
The  Union   was   established    for    the 
common  benefit  of  all  the  States.      It 
was  no  part  of  the  compact  that  one 
section  should  rob  the  other.     It  was 
never  designed  that  duties  should   be 
laid  to  protect  the  wares  and  produc- 
tions of  one  section  at  the  expense  of 
the  other. 

The  Union  was  not  yet  out  of  its 
swaddling-clothes  when  the  North  be- 
gan to  agitate  the  subject  of  protec- 
tive duties.  The  South  adhered  to  a 
strict  construction  of  the  Constitution, 
and  held  that  Congress  had  no  power 
to  impose  duties  except  for  purposes 
of  revenue.      In   this   controversy  Mr. 


148 


HISTORY   OF   THE    NORTHERN    WAR    OF 


[April, 


Ames  of  Massachusetts  paid  the  fol- 
lowing compliment  to  the  generous 
spirit  of  the  South  at  that  time  :  "  The 
gentlemen  from  the  southward  who 
suppose  their  States  most  likely  to  be 
effected  by  a  discrimination  in  the 
tonnage  duty,  have  conducted  their 
arguments  with  a  candor  which  does 
honor  to  their  patriotism  "  Mr.  Ames, 
and,  indeed,  the  whole  North,  had 
reason  to  be  agreeably  surprised  at 
the  patience  with  which  the  South  ac- 
quiesced in  the  heavy  burdens  of  pro- 
tective tariffs.  This  systom  was  com- 
menced on  the  part  of  the  commercial 
or  northern  States  the  very  first  Con- 
gress after  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution ;  and  it  was  steadily  pursued 
in  despite  of  all  the  remonstrances  and 
appeals  of  the  South,  from  that  time  to 
to  the  final  rupture. 

The  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Benton 
to  the  tariff  of  1828  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
Ilayne,  senator  from  South  Carolina,  ac- 
companied by  the  following  remark  : — 

"lam  opposed  to  this  bill  in  its  princi- 
ples as  well  as  in  its  details.  It  could  as- 
sume no  shape  that  would  make  it  acceptable 
to  me,  or  which  would  prevent  it  from  opera- 
ting oppressively  and  injuriously  upon  the 
southern  States.  With  these  views  I  had  de- 
termined to  make  no  motion  to  amend  the 
bill  ;  but  when  such  motions  were  made  by 
others,  and  he  was  compelled  to  vote  upon 
them,  he  knew  no  better  rule  than  to  en- 
deavor to  make  the  bill  consistent  with  itself. 
With  a  fixed  resolution  to  vote  against  the 
bill,  I  still  consider  m3rself  at  liberty  to  assist 
in  so  arranging  the  details  as  to  extend  to  all 
portions  of  the  country,  as  far  as  may  be 
.  practicable,  equal  protection,  and  to  distrib- 
ute the  burdens  of  the  government  equally, 
in  order  that  its  benefits  as  its  evils  may  be 
fully  tested.  As  a  southern  man  I  would  ask 
no  boon  for  the  South  ;  but  I  must  say  that 
protection  of  indigo  rests  on  the  same  prin- 
ciples as  every  other  article  proposed  to  be  ' 
protected  by  this  bill." 

This  was  certainly  very  temperate 


language  for  a  man  who  felt  that  his 
State  was  wronged.  It  evinced  the 
moderate  temper  of  a  thoughtful 
statesman  and  patriot.  But  it  was  all 
lost  upon  the  North.  The  proposed 
amendment  was  not  only  defeated, 
but,  as  if  to  insult  the  southern  States, 
the  duty  on  indigo  was  still  further 
diminished  by  the  very  bill  which  in- 
creased the  duties  on  the  productions 
of  the  North.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Mr.  McDuffie,  of  South  Carolina, 
delivered  his  celebrated  speech  in  the 
lower  house  of  Congress,  which  caused 
him  to  be  ever  after  regarded  with 
feelings  of  resentment  by  the  great 
body  of  the  Northern  people.  Of  the 
justice  of  his  speech  we  did  not  in- 
quire ;  but  the  northern  press,  the  ser- 
vile instrument  of  New-England  cupid- 
ity and  intolerance,  commenced  a  war 
upon  him  which  did  not  end  even  at 
his  grave,  for  it  pursued  his  memory 
with  relentless  hate  long  alter  his 
death.  The  following-  passage  will 
give  the  reader  a  fair  idea  of  this  cele- 
brated speech  : — 

"Sir,  if  the  union  of  the  States  shall  ever 
be  severed,  and  their  liberties  subverted,  the 
historian  who  records  these  disasters  wiJl 
have  to  ascribe  them  to  measures  of  this  des- 
cription. I  do  sincerely  believe  that  this 
government'  cannot  exist  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury under  such  a  system  of  legislation.* 
Sir,  when  I  consider  that  by  a  single  act  like 
the  present  so  large  an  amount  of  money 
may  be  transferred  annually  from  one  part 
of  the  community  to  another — when  I  con- 
sider the  disguise  of  disinterested  patriotism 
under  which  the  basest  and  most  profligate 
ambition  may  perpetuate  such  an  act  of  in- 
justice and  political  prostitution — I  cannot 
hesitate  to  pronounce  this  very  system  of  in- 
direct bounties  the  most  stupendous  instru- 
ment of  corruption  ever  placed  in  the  hands 
of  public  functionaries.     Do  we  not  perceive 

*The  Union  Instil  just  twelves  oyoarvorqunrtoroi 
a  century  after  this  remarkably  prophetic  speech. 


1865.] 


TARIFFS    UPON   THE    SOUTH. 


149 


at  this  very  moment  the  extraordinary  and 
melancholy  spectacle  of  less  than  one  hund- 
red thousand  capitalists  by  means  of  this 
unhallowed  combination,  exercising  an  ab- 
solute and  despotic  control  over  the  opinions 
of  ten  millions  of  citizens?" 

Little  less  decided  was  the  language 
of  Mr.  Rowan,  of  Kentucky,  on  the 
the  same  occasion  : — 

"  I  am  not  opposed  to  the  tariff  as  a  sys- 
tem of  revenue,  honestly  devoted  to  the 
objects  and  purposes  of  revenue ;  but 
when  perverted  by  the  ambition  of  po'itical 
aspirants,  and  the  secret  influence  of  indi- 
vidual cupidity,  to  purposes  of  individual 
and  sectional  ascendency,  I  cannot  be  se- 
duced by  the  captivating  names  or  terms, 
however  attractive,  to  lend  it  my  individual 
support.  *  *  *  *  I  am  one  of  the  organs 
here  of  a  State  that,  by  the  tariff  of  182-1,  has 
been  chained  to  the  car  of  New-England 
manufacturers — a  State  that  has  been  from 
that  time,  .and  is  now,  groaning  under  the 
pressure  of  that  unequal  and  mijust  measure 
— a  measure  from  the  pressure  of  which, 
owing  to  the  prevailing  illusions  through  the 
United  States,  she  now  saw  no  hope  of  escape 
by  a  speeey  return  to  correct  principles.  *  * 
*  *  The  hemp,  iron,  and  distilled  spirits 
of  the  West  will,  like  the  woolens  of  the 
eastern  States,  be  encouraged  to  the  extent 
of  the  tax  indirectly  imposed  by  this  bill  up- 
on those  who  buy  and  cons n  me  them.  To 
this  tax  upon  the  labor  of  the  consumers,  my 
individual  opinion  is  opposed." 

The  tariff  bill  of  1824  was  carried 
after  a  protracted  and  sharp  debate  of 
ten  weeks,  by  a  vote  of  107  to  102 
in  the  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  by  25  to  21  in  the  Senate.  No 
southern  State  voted  for  it,  and  every 
member  from  the  South  protested 
against  the  measure  as  a  robbery  of 
the  southern  States,  It  was  a  north- 
ern measure  against  the  southern 
interests.  It  divided  the  country  into 
two  unequal  parts  by  which  the  strong- 
er fleeced  the  weaker  of  its  earnings, 
by  demanding  tribute  in  the  shape  of 


duties  upon  all  articles  of  its  consump- 
tion. Had  the  South  no  reason  to  feel 
agricved  at  a  measure  which  protected 
northern  hemp,  iron,  lead,  and  manu- 
factured wares,  while  it  refused  pro- 
tection to  indigo,  and  other  southern 
productions  ?  Once  the  northern  ma- 
jority consented  to  a  small  protective 
duty  upon  sugar — but  why?  Not  as 
an  act  of  justice,  not  as  a  measure  of 
friendly  conciliation  towards  the  South 
— but  as  a  bribe  to  get  the  vote  of 
Louisiana,  which  was  necessary  to 
carry  through  the  bill  of  high  protec- 
tion to  all  northern  productions.  It 
was  for  precisely  similar  reasons  that 
hemp  was  included  in  the  list  of*  pro- 
tected articles — to  gain  the  vote  of 
Kentucky.  As  soon  as  Massachusetts 
imagined  that  these  high  protective 
duties  could  be  kept  up  without  the 
vote  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  her 
representatives  moved  to  strike  out 
the  duty  on  hemp.  But  a  more  care- 
ful canvass  of  the  matter  proved  that 
the  vote  of  Kentucky  would  be  neces- 
sary to  carry  the  bill,  and  then  hemp 
was  replaced  in  the  list  of  protected 
articles.  If  we  dare  to  tell  the  truth 
about  the  matter,  the  whole  history  of 
this  legislation  has  been,  on  the  part 
of  the  North,  one  of  bribery,  corrup- 
tion, and  of  the  most  crafty  oppression 
of  the  southern  States.  The  extract 
we  have  given  from  Mr.  Benton's 
speech,  in  this  article  is  b^y  no  means 
an  overdrawn  statement  of  the  insults 
and  wrongs  the  South  has  suffered  at 
our  hands.  Can  we  wonder  that  the 
people  af  those  States  look  back  with 
a  thoughtful  gaze  to  their  condition 
under  the  colonial  rule  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, when  the  South  was  the  great 
centre  of  weath  and  prosperity  on  this 
continent?     For  more  than  a  century, 


150 


HISTOKY   OF   THE    NORTHERN    WAR    OF 


[April, 


preceding  the  Revolution,  the  South 
enjoyed  this  uninterrupted  flow  of 
wealth  and  greatness.  When  did  she 
lose  it?  She  knows,  and  the  North 
knows,  and  the  civilized  world  knows 
when  she  lost  it.  No  amount'  of  false- 
hood on  our  pa^t  can  ever  alter  the 
eternal  fact  that  from  the  hour  she  en- 
tered into  company  with  the  North 
she  grew  sick.  Her  soil  was  the 
same,  her  climate  was  the  same,  her 
domestic  institutions  were  the  same, 
her  exports  were  mainly  of  the  same 
kind,  1  hough  enormously  increased, 
and  yet  she  constantly  declined  in  com- 
panionship with  the  North.  In  IT 60  the 
imports  into  South  Carolina  and  Vir- 
ginia were  $7,025,000.  The  same  year 
into  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  all 
New  England  only  $3,075,500.  At  that 
time  the  two  above  named  southern 
States  imported  nearly  as  much  again 
as  all  the  New  England  States,and  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania  together.  The 
following  table  shows  the  sad  change 
that  came  over  the  prosperity  of  the 
South  after' she  united  her  commercial 
destiny  with  the  North  : 

1832— Imports  into  South  Caro- 
lina and  Virginia $1,750,000 

1832 — Imports    into    New    York 

alone 57,000,000 

1857 — Imports  into  the  northern 

States 300,000,000 

1857 — Imports  into  the  southern 

States 34,C00,000 

At  the  same  time  nearly  two-thirds  of 
the  exports  of  the  country  were  of 
southern  origin,  as  will  be  seen  by  the 
following  figures  : — 

1850 — Exports  of  southern  or- 
igin  $198,389,351 

1859 — Exports  of  northern  or- 
igin      78,217,202 

Thus  we  see  that  the  South  was  over 
one  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  dol- 
lars richer  in  productions  than  the 
North,  while  the  North  was  two  Tiun- 


dred  and  seventy-two  millions  richer  in 
imports.  Confessedly  a  hard  bar- 
gain for  the  South.  She  pro- 
duces nearly  two-thirds  of  the  na- 
tions wealth,  yet  from  the  system  of 
federal  legislation  imposed  by  northern 
majorities,  she  shares  only  one-ninth 
of  the  profits.  It  is  through  the  opera- 
tion of  protective  tariffs  alone  thai 
wealth  has  flowed  in  one  continuous 
stream  from  the  South  to  the  North. 
If  the  design  of  the  federal  legislation 
had  been  for  the  sole  purpose  of  bring- 
ing ruin  upon  the  planting  States  ifc 
could  not  have  been  more  cunningly 
devised.  In  fifty  years  the  South  has 
paid  over  one  thousand  millions  of  dol- 
lars for  the  support  of  northern  manu- 
factures ;  and  for  which  she  has  never 
received  one  cent's  benefit.  The  only 
answer  to  all  her  just  complaints  has 
been  plenty  of  abuse,  insults,  and  still 
higher  tariffs.  From  18 1G  to  1832 
there  was  in  the  federal  legislation  a 
regular  ascending  scale  of  protective 
duties.  In  1833  the  burden  was  so 
great  that  South  Carolina  passed  an 
act  nullifying  the  tariff  of  1832,  and 
compelled  the  North  to  recede  by  al- 
tering the  obnoxious  act. 

When  the  bill  of  1832  was  brought 
before  the  Senate,  Gen.  Smith  of  Mary- 
land made  a  powerful  appeal  to  the 
North  to  desist  from  laying'  further 
burdens  upon  the  southern  States.  He 
said  : 

"We  have  arrived  at  a  crisis.  Yes,  Mr. 
President,  at  a  crisis  more  appalling  than  a 
day  of  battle.  I  abjure  the  Senate  to  pause, 
to  reflect  on  the  dissatisfaction  of  all  the 
South.  South  Carolina  has  expressed  herself 
strongly  against  the  tariff  of  1828  — stronger 
than  other  states  are  willing  to  speak.  Bat, 
sir,  the  whole  of  the  South  feel  deeply  tho 
oppression  of  that  tariff.  In  this  respect 
there  is  no  difference  of  opinion.     The  South 


18G5. 


TARIFFS   UFON   THE    SOUTH. 


151 


— the  whole  South  considers  it  oppressive.. 
They  have  not  all  spoken,  but  they  will 
speak ;  and  it  will  be  with  a  voice  that  will 
not  implore,  but  will  demand  redress.  I  am, 
Mr.  President,  one  of  the  few  survivors  of 
those  who  fought  in  the  war  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. We  then  fought  for  liberty— for  equal 
rights.  Let  us  discard  sectional  interests — 
study  only  the  common  weal,  and  thus  re- 
lieve the  oppressions  of  the  South." 

On  the  same  occasion  Mr  Haync,  of 
South  Carolina,  made  a  most  patriotic 
and  conciliatory  speech,  in  which  he 
said  : — ■ 

"Let  not  gentlemen  so  far  deceive  them- 
selves as  to  suppose  that  the  opposition  of 
the  South  to.  the  protective  sj'stem  is  not 
based  upon  high  and  lofty  principles.  It 
has  nothing  to  do  with  party  politics,  or  the 
mere  elevation  of  men.  It  rises  far  above 
all  such  considerations.  Nor  is  it  influenced 
altogether  by  calculations  of  interests  ;  but 
it  is  founded  upon  much  nobler  impulses. 
The  spirit  with  which  we  have  entered  into 
this  business  is  akin  to  that  which  was  kin- 
dled in  the  breasts  of  our  fathers  when  they 
were  made  the  victims  of  oppression  ;  and  if 
it  has  not  displayed  itself  in  the  same  way  it 
is  because  we  have  ever  cherished  tbo 
strongest  feelings  of  confraternity  towards 
our  brethren,  and  the  warmest  attachment  to 
the  Union.  Sir,  I  call  upon  gentlemen  from 
every  section  of  the  Union  to  meet  us  in  the 
true  spirit  of  conciliation  and  concession. 
Remove,  I  earnestly  beseech  you,  this  never- 
failing  source  of  contention.  Dry  up  at  its 
source  this  fountain  of  the  waters  of  bitter- 
ness. Restore  that  harmony  that  has  been 
disturbed.  It  is  in  your  power  to  do  it  this 
day ;  but  there  is  but  one  means  under 
Heaven  to  do  this,  namely,  by  doing  equqj,  jus- 
tice to  all.  Be  assured  that  he  to  whom  the 
country  shall  bo  indebted  for  this  blessing 
will  be  considered  as  the  second  founder  of 
the  republic." 

Alas !  all  these  patriotic  words 
were  cast  like  pearls  before  swine. 
The  North,  inspired  only  with  a  lust 
of  gain  and  power,  could  see  nothing 
but  an  occasion  of  still  further  draining 
the  South  to  1111  its  own  coffers.      The 


tariff  bill  of  1832  whs  scornfully,  defi- 
antly passed.  South  Carolina  nullified 
it  on  the  ground  of  its  being  unconsti- 
tutional and  oppressive.  President 
Jackson  at  first  threatened  to  coerce 
South'  Carolina,  but  that  idea  was 
abandoned  almost  as  quickly  as  made, 
and  Congress  and  the  North  fell  back 
upon  the  admitted  necessity  of  imme- 
diately altering  the  tariff  bill  which 
caused  this  action  on  the  part  of  South 
Carolina.  In  his  message  to  Congress 
General  Jackson  recommended  a  modi- 
fication of  the  tariff  so  as  to  render  it 
less  oppessive  to  the  South.  Mr.  Clay, 
the  great  leader  of  the  tariff  system, 
patriotically  came  forward  with  a  new 
bill  which  met  the  views  of  South 
Carolina  and  restored  peace  to  the 
country.  Of  this  new  bill,  Mr.  Cal- 
houn said  : — 

"  I  will  make  but  one  or  two  observations, 
Entirely  approving  of  the  objects  for  which 
the  bill  was  introduced,  I  will  give  my  vote 
in  its  favor.  He  who  loves  the  Union  must 
desire  to  see  this  agitating  question  brought 
to  a  termination.  Until  it  shall  be  termi- 
nated we  cannot  expect  the  restoration  of 
peace  and  harmony.  The  general  principles 
of  this  bill  receive  my  approbation." 

This  was  the  way  "rebellion  was 
put  down"  in  South  Carolina  in  1833 
— by  the  North  instantly  receding 
from  its  unconstitutional  and  oppres- 
sive measures.  The  New  England 
States  bitterly  opposed  the  conciliation 
The  obnoxious  tariff  was  mainly  for 
their  benefit,  and  they  would  sooner 
have  seen  the  Union  lost  than  to  lose 
the  occasion  for  fleecing  the  great 
wealth-producing  States  of  the  South. 
In  reply  to  Mr.  Webster's  remark  that 
he  saw  nothing  to  create  alarm,  Mr. 
Clay  repied  : — 

"Is  the  President's  declaration  in  his  pro- 
clamation  that  the   burdens   oIl   the    South 


152 


HISTORY    OF   THE    NORTHERN    WAR   OF 


[April, 


ought  to  be  relieved  nothing?  Is  the  increasing 
discontent  nothing?  Is  the  tendency  of  re- 
cent events  to  unite  the  whole  South  noth- 
ing ?  How,  I  ask,  is  the  system  to  be  sus- 
tained against  the  whole  weight  of  the  ad- 
ministration, against  the  united  South,  and 
against  the  increased  impending  danger  of 
civil  war  ?" 

Thus  ended  the  great  tariff  war 
upon  the  interests  of  the  planting- 
States,  which  had  continued,  with  in- 
creasing exactions,  on  the  part  of  the 
South,  from  1816  to  1832.  It  was 
used  by  the  northern  party  in  every 
presidential  campaign  during  this  pe- 
riod. It  was  a  northern  agitation— 
a  sectional  agitation — designed  to  give 
great  gains  to  one  portion  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  expense  of  the  other.  It 
was,  as  we  have  said,  a  cunningly  de- 
vised system  of  northern  pethora  by 
southern  depletion.  It  drained  the  life- 
blood  from  the  veins  of  the  South  to 
fill  the  enormous  heart  of  northern 
avraice  It  was  an  injustice,  a  wrong 
which  no  man  of  honorable  instincts 
will  say  the  South  was  under  any  obli- 
gation  to   submit    to,   without   using 

o 

every  means,  within  the  grasp  of  sov- 
ereign States,  to  right  its  wrongs. 

After  the  settlement  of  the  tariff 
agitation  by  this  compromise  of  1833, 
the  northern  malcontents  pitched  upon 
slavery  as  a  new  source  of  agi- 
tation and  sectional  conflict.  The 
long  tar  iff- war  had  begotten  a  spirit 
of  hatred  in  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  northern  mind  towards  the 
southern  people  ;  and  anti-slavery,  in 
one  shape  or  another,  was  soon  made 
to  supply  the  space  of  sectional 
agitation  made  vacant  by  the  set- 
tlement of  the  taviiT  question.  In 
all  these  sectional  conflicts  the  South 
has  been  the  victim  of  northern 
agitation,     of    northern      aggression. 


If  any    man  can    show    to    the  con- 
trary  let   him   come    forth   with  -  his 
rebutting   facts    and   we    shall   cheer- 
fully give  them  to  our  readers  in  the 
pages  of  this  journal.     The  future  his- 
torian of  these  conflicts  will   find   it 
difficult  to  account  for  the  Ions:  endur- 
ance  of  the  South  under  the  sense  of 
these    wrongs.      The    truth    is    that 
"slavery"  so  far  from  being  a  cause  of 
southern  restiveness,  has  been  precise- 
ly the  reverse — the  cause  of  patience, 
forbearance  and  long  endurance.     Ne- 
gro servitude   is  an   institution  which 
needs   rest  ;  absence  of  turmoils  and 
of  political  changes-      Then,  the  effect 
of  the  institution  upon  the  public  mind 
of  the   superior    class,    is    eminently 
quieting    and    conservative.       Where 
this  institution  prevails  society  knows 
comparatively  nothing  of  the  sharp  and 
uncertain  contest  for   daily  bread  and 
daily  gains,  which  causes  a  perpetual 
warfare  between  capital  and  labor  in 
other  sections,  and  leaves  society  torn 
and  lacerated  by  ten  thousand  oppos- 
ing interests.      Here  all  is  unrest.     A 
peevish  uncertainty  leaves  everything 
in  an  unsettled  state.      Religion,  poli- 
tics,   morals,    and    manners    here,  in 
the  North,  are  subject  to  changes  al- 
most as    frequent   as    the   moon.       A 
large  class  live  by  agitating,  by  mak- 
ing new  opinions,  and  by  upsetting  old 
opinions.      There    is   some   kind  of  a 
warfare    upon    everything    and    upon 
every  body.     Such  a  state  of  society 
may  be  favorable  to  the  production  of 
a   sharp,  angular,  busybody  character, 
but    not    favorable    to     permanency 
in  political  or  civil  institutions,      The 
labor  institutions  of  the  South  are  free 
from  all  this  turmoil.     There  the  daily 
bread  and  the  daily  gains  come  as  reg- 
ular as  the  sun  rises  and  sets.     As  the 


1865.] 


TA1HFF3   UPON    THE    SOUTH. 


153 


seasons  come  ;  and  from  day  to  day, 
and  year  to  year,  they  are  the  same. 
The  capitalist  and  the  laborer  are  re- 
moved from  all  temptation  to  cheat 
each  other.  The  negro  does  the  work, 
for  which  he  receives  a  life's  mainten- 
ance, and  where  he  is  a  thousand 
times  better  off  than  in  any  other  por- 
tion of  the  globe  inhabited  by  his  race. 
It  is  the  natural  conservatism  or  re- 
pose of  this  system,  which  has  ren- 
dered the  South  opposed  to  agitations 
and  changes  of  every  description. 
That  which  the  professed  agitators  of 
the  North  call  the  cause  of  the  present 
conflict  is  precisely  the  thing  which 
has  kept  it  off  for  a  third  of  a  century. 
If  the  South  had  been  as  restless  and 
as  factious  in  its  character  as  we  of 
the  North,  the  conflict  would  have  come 
in  1816,  or  in  1820,  or  in  1824,  or  in 
1828 — at  any  time  after  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  sj'stem  of  federal  legislation 
which  was  designed  to  enrich  the 
North  by  robbing  the  South.  The 
majority  of  the  southern  people  were 
of  the  opinion  that  the  preservation  of 
their  domestic  institution,  or  at  least, 
its  greatest  usefulness,  required  peace  ; 
and  this  feeling,  undoubtedly,  caused 
them  to  remain  passive  under  a  s}7stem 
of  federal  legislation  which  they-  de- 
clared to  be  unjust  and  oppressive. 
But  the  conflict  came  at  last.  It  is  a 
crop  of  dragons  from  our  own  sowing. 
Wo  had  no  right  to  expect  that  the" 
Union  would  last,  with  one  half  making 
war  upon  the  interests  and  institutions 
of  the  other  half.  The  debates  in 
Congress  for  half  a  century  show  that 
the  South  has  been  more  attached  to 
the  Union  than  the  North.  And  we 
believe  that  even  to-day  it. would  bo 


easier  to  bring  a  majority  of  the  south- 
ern people   back  into   the  Union  with 
guarantees   that  it  would  in  all  res- 
pects continue  just  as  formed  by  our 
fathers  than   it   would  to   bring    the 
North  to  give  those  guarantees.     The 
northern  love  for  the  Union  was  a  com- 
mercial love.      That  of  the  South  wag 
more   of  a   political    and    civil   love. 
There  was  more  interest  in  the  northern 
attachment,  more  principle  in  the  south- 
ern.     The   only   hope   of  saving  the 
Union  is  by  equalizing  these  forces  of 
interests  and  principles  in  both  sections. 
If  we  will  not,  on  our  part  strive  to  do 
this,  we   are  simply  cheats  and  liars 
when  we  pretend  that  we  wish  to  save 
the   Union.     A  union  for   the    benefit 
and  glory  of  the  North  alone,  without 
reference  either  to  justice,  or  the  inter- 
ests  of  the  South,  is   a  thing  that  no 
honorable  man  desires  to  see.     Let  us 
have  back  the  old  Union  of  co-equal 
sister  States,  and  let  all  federal  legis- 
lation be  for  the  benefit  of  every  sec- 
tion alike,  and  let  each  section  mind 
its  own  business  in  relation  to  the  in- 
stitutions  and   constitutional  rights  of 
the  other,  and  then  the  compact  will 
last  in  peace  forever.      Such  a  Union 
we    believe   to   be  reattainable.      At 
any  rate  if  it  is  not  it  is  the  fault  of  the 
North.     It  is  because  we  do  not  seek 
for  it.     It  is  because  we  seek  for  con- 
quest and  plunder,  and  are  willing  to 
murder  millions  of  men  to  satiate  this 
unquenchable  appetite.     God  of  mer- 
cy 1  God  of  eternal  justice  1  put  rea- 
son into  our  brains,  put  humanity  into 
our  hearts   and   cause   us  to  return  to 
the  paths  of  our  fathers  !     They  are 
the  paths  oi  peace. 


154  DOWN    IN   THE   WOODY   HOLLOW  [April, 


DOWN  IN  THE  WOODY  HOLLOW, 


BY    C.    CHAUNCEY    BURR. 

O,  in  a  dream  my  heart  last  night, 
Was  filled  with  rapture  at  a  sprite, 

Which  came  and  stood  before  it  long  ; 
For  I  was  dreaming  long  last  night 

About  the  maid  of  all  the  throng 
Who  danced  with  me  when  I  was  young, 
And  all  my  little  verses  sung, 

Down  in  the  woody  hollow, 

For  I  was  dreaming  long  last  night 
Of  all  the  dark  and  rapid  flight 

Of  years  I've  come  too  quickly  through; 
And  in  a  strange,  un earthy  light, 

Like  star-beams  shining  in  the  dew, 
I  saw  the  image  of  one  blest, 
Whom  long  ago  I  laid  to  rest 

Down  in  the  woody  hollow. 

'Twas  "  Nan,"  the  girl  of  all  the  rest 
My  childish  heart  did  love  the  best ; 

She  was  so  beautiful  and  still, 
And  lay  so  quiet  on  my  breast ; 

Her  blue  eyes  fixed  upon  the  rill, 
That  came  along  just  at  our  feet, 
A-listening  to  the  murmurs  sweet, 

Down  in  the  woody  hollow. 

The  old  folks  often  times  came  out, 
To  look  us  up — and  walk  about 

Down  by  the  streamlet,  under  hill, 
Just  where  we  caught  the  -speckled  trout ; 

But  ' '  Nan"  and  I  were  sitting  still, 
Where  old  folks  never  thought  to  look, 
O'er  in  the  glen  beyond  the  brook, 

Down  in  the  woody  hollow, 

And  to  my  inward  fancy's  sight, 

All  these  came  back  again  last  night, 

And  smiled  and  made  me  very  glad  ; 
For  I  was  dreaming  long  last  night ; 

But  in  the  morning  I  am  sad. 
'Twas  ouly  dreaming  I  was  blest, 
For  "  Nan"  and  oid  folks  still  do  rest 

Down  in  the  woody  hollow. 


1365.] 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


155 


THE  PEER  AND  THE  PRINTER. 
A  NOVEL. 


BY  THOMAS   DUNN   ENGLISH. 


CHAPTER  VII.—  (Continued.) 


How  the  world  misjudged  this  man  ! 
But  it  was  not  the  world's  fault.  I 
handed  him  back  the  book. 

"  You  have  promised  to  keep  my  se- 
cret," said  he.  "  I  spend  nothing  on 
myself  ;  but  I  have  on  others  for  many 
years,  wherever  I  think  it  deserved. 
It  is  my  only  relief  from  the  terrible 
remorse  that  weighs  me  down.  But  it 
makes  no  diminution  to  my  income. 
Everything  I  touch  prospers.  Even 
that  ridiculous  Museum,  which  ruined 
its  former  owner,  yields  me  a  hand- 
some profit.  By  the  by,  you  must 
visit  that.  Your  name  will  be  left 
with  the  doorkeeper.  You  will  find  a 
deal  to  interest  you  there.  Come  when 
you  like — but  not  if  it  wastes  your 
time.  Time  is  money — remember 
that." 

The  doctor  came,  pronounced  the  pa- 
tient all  right,  and  so  I  went  off  to  my 
breakfast,  leaving  Sharp,  for  all  I 
knew,  to  luxuriate  on  the  red  herring 
left  from  the  night  before. 

From  this  date  began  my  intimacy 
with  old  Sharp.  Every  one  was 
amused  and  ai.iazcd  when  they  heard 
of  it,  attributing  it  to  the  fact  of  my 
nursing"  him  all  night  through  his  ill- 
ness.  People  thought  that  the  "old 
wretch,"  as  they  called  him,  had  one 
redeeming  trait  in  his  character.  Cap- 
tain Berkeley  told  me,  before  a  crowd 
of  the  officers,  that  I  had  bound  myself 
apprentice  to  Sharp  to  learn  the  art  of 


making  money  ;  and  Tom  Brown 
called  us  "  Sharp  &  Co."  But  all  that 
wore  off,  and  people  found  other  topics 
for  discussion.  I  used  occasionally  to 
drop  in  at  the  Museum,  and  some- 
times I  would  meet  the  old  man  there. 
Then  he  came  to  the  printing-room 
more  frequently.  One  way  or  other  I 
saw  a  good  deal  of  him. 

He  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  im- 
press on  me  lessons  of  economy,  or 
modes  of  making  money,  all  of  which 
I  listened  to  without  reply.  One  piece 
of  advice  I  took,  however.  I  was 
looking  at  the  collection  of  minerals  in 
the  Museum,  during  a  half  hour's  lei- 
sure at  noon,  when  he  came  in. 

"  Do  jon  understand  mineralogy  or 
geology  ?"  he  asked. 

"No  !  I  scarcely  know  one  mineral 
from  another." 

"  Learn  both  those  sciences.  The 
knowledge  might  be  profitable  some- 
time. Even  a  smattering  is  better 
than  nothing.  I  picked  up  some 
knowledge  of  the  kind  when  I  was 
working  at  my  trade,  and  that  enabled 
me  to  tell  gozzin  when  I  saw  it,  and  so 
I  was  led  to  buy  the  Bury  property. 
I  afterwards  sold  the  mining  right  for 
twenty-five  thousand  pounds." 

I  never  expected  to  find  a  copper* 
mine,  but  1  had  a  thirst  for  knowledge 
of  all  sorts  j  and,  aided  by  elementary 
works,  with  the  collection  at  the  muse- 
um, and  the  geological  features  of  the 


15G 


THE    PEEK    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[April, 


surrouning  country,  I  soon  managed 
to  make  myself  very  well  versed  in 
mineralogy  and  the  structure  of  the 
earth. 

I  may  as  well  mention  here  that  I 
sent  Bagby  the  information  that  he 
required.  The  date  of  the  marriage 
had,  however,  been  written  over  an 
erasure,  and  so  I  wrote  to  him. 


CHAPTER  VIIL, 

Which  tells   of  the  Entertainments  at  the  Castle, 
and  of  a  Finale  not  Rehtai  sed. 

It  was  within  a  few  weeks  of  the 
term  of  twenty-one  years  from  the  time 
I  was  first  placed  in  the  hands  of  John 
Guttenberg,  when  the  events  occurred 
which  I  am  about  to  relate. 

There  were  always  a  large  number 
of  visitors  at  Landys  Castle  during  the 
Christmas  holidays,  when  the  family 
was  there  ;  but  this  year  there  were 
even  more  than  ever  before,for  the  Coun- 
tess, an  invalid,  was  in  much  better 
health  than  usual,  and  sometimes 
drove  out  to  take  an  airing  accompa- 
nied by  her  little  boy.  I  had  frequent- 
ly seen  her  at  the  Castle,  a  pale,  thin 
young  lady,  who  had  been  a  blonde 
beauty,  but  who  was  wrecked  by  ill- 
health.  Her  ladyship  had  recently  so 
far  recovered  her  strength  as  to  occa- 
sion great  rejoicing  among  her  friends; 
and  the  Earl,  who  appeared  to  be  a 
fond  husband,  did  his  best  to  minister 
to  her  amusement.  Among  other  mat- 
ters devised  to  add  to  the  pleasure  of 
the  season,  it  was  proposed  to  get  up 
an  amateur  dramatic  performance,  and 
the  manager  of  a  circuit  of  provincial 
theatres  not  far  from  London  was  sent 
for  to  supervise  the  affair.  It  was 
found,  however,  even  after  obtaining 
the  aid  of  the  army  officers  in  town 
that  there  was  not  available  material 


for  casting  a  tragedy — a  fortunate 
thing  for  the  tragedy  and  the  audience 
— so  they  settled  upon  the  old  comedy 
of  "  The  Poor  Gentleman/'  which  they 
fell  to  rehearsing  with  great  earnest- 
ness. The  little  programmes  of  the 
play  were  printed  at  our  establish- 
ment, and  I  noted  that  Captain  Berke- 
ley, a  very  clever  amateur  as  I  knew, 
was  set  down  for  the  part  of  Frederick 
Bramble;  the  Honorable- Mr.  Wickham, 
and  M.  P.  for  the  county,  as  Doctor 
Ollapod,  and  the  Honorable  Mrs.  Leigh 
for  Emily  Worthing  ton.  The  Emily  of 
the  occasion  was  a  young,  rich,  and 
fashionable  widow,  very  popular  in  the 
town,  on  account  of  her  beauty  and 
affability,  and  the  dextrous  manner 
in  which  she  drove  her  own  phaeton 
through  the  streets  on  her  visits.  I 
knew,  as  I  said,  that  Berkeley  was 
clever,  but  I  marvelled  at  his  choice, 
Dr.  Ollapod  being  his  specialty,  as 
Frederick  had  been  mine,  but  I  saw 
that  it  was  done  to  oblige  his  noble 
host.  I,  of  course,  never  expected  to 
witness,  much  less  to  partake  in  these 
performances  ;  for  1  would  not  stand 
among  lackeys,  and  though  the  proud. 
Earl  of  Landys  might  allow  a  printers 
boy  the  use  of  his  library,  to  receive 
him  as  a  guest  was  another  matter. 

And  yet  I  did  participate,  neverthe- 
less. 

*The  day  before  the  evening  set  for 
the  performance,Captain  Berkeley  came 
to  the  printing-room  in  company  with 
a  stranger  whom  he  introduced  as  Mr 
Haresfoot,  the  manager. 

This  new  acquaintance  was  a  man 
about  forty  years  old,  tall  and  inclin- 
ing to  stoutness,  with  a  rubicund  face, 
a  slightly  pompous  manner,  and  a 
shuffling  walk,  as  though  he  were  mov- 
ing:  about  in   Turkish   slippers.     He 


1S05. 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


157 


had  a  ridiculous  habit  of  emphasizing 
or  rather  punctuating  his  sentences,  by 
closing  and  opening-  first  one  eye  and 
then  the  other,  like  a  sportsman  taking 
aim  at  Ids  game  from  either  shoulder 
alternately — a  curious  feat,  which  I 
tried  afterwards  to  imitate  by  way  of 
amusement,  but  found  it  to  be  to  me 
pl)3rsically  impossible. 

Mr.  Hincks  was  absent  and  I  was 
manaGuno:  the  Chronicle 'in  his  stead — 
having  been  sub-editor  for  some 
time.  I  was  knee-deep  in  a  pile  of 
newspapers,  from  which  I  had  been 
clipping  and  arranging  paragraphs  ; 
but  I  gave  my  visitors  seats  when  they 
entered,  and  waited  to  hear  what  they 
had  to  say,  for  their  manner  spoke  of 
business. 

Captain  Berkeley  introduced  his  com- 
panion. 

"  Happy  to  make  your  acquaintance, 
sir,"  said  Haresfoot,  winking  his  left 
eye.  "  I  have  come  down  here  to  act 
as  director  to  the  amateur  entertain- 
ment at  the  castle,  at  Captain  Bcrkc- 
ly's  request" — here  the  right  eye  was 
put  through  its  exercise — "but  we 
find  ourselves  at  the  last  moment  in 
s*omc  trouble,  from  which  I  am  told  you 
can  extricate  us."  And  then  both  eyes 
opened  and  shut  alternately. 

J  looked  my  astonishment. 

"You  must  know,  then,  Ambrose," 
naid  the  Captain,  "we  ca«t  the  '  Poor 
Gentleman'  very  nicely  indeed,  and 
wore  getting  along  famously,  when 
Wickhara  receives  news  of  his  uncle's 
alarming  illness  in  Yorkshire — " 

"The  said  uncle  personating  twenty 
thousand  a  year,"  interrupted  Hares- 
foot,  "  and  valuable;  props." 

"  And'  off  he  posts,"  continued  Ber- 
keley.*   "I  am  up  in  Ollapod" — 

"And  down  on  it,"  again  interrupted 
the  manager. 


"  Oh,  be  quiet,  will  you  !  We  have 
nobody  to  play  Frederic,  and  reading 
a  part  is  a  bore.  You  have  played  it 
for  us  more  cleverly  than  I  should.  I 
mentioned  that  to  the  Earl  and  ladies, 
and  told  them  I  thought  you  might  be 
induced  to  do  it,  under  the  circum- 
stances. So  Haresfoot  and  myself 
were  commissioned  to  say  they  would 
feel  obliged  if  you  would  oblige  them." 

"  Captain,"  said  Haresfoot,  "  that 
was  very  well  done.  If  you  sell  out 
and  want  employment  come  to  me. 
You  shall  announce  all  the  new  plays, 
and  make  apologies  to  the  audience 
when  my  leading  man  has  s<St  too  late 
to  dinner,  and  my  leading  woman  has 
a  fit  of  the  sulks." 

"  Oh,  bother  I"  cried  the  Captain. 
"  What  do  you  say  ?" 

"Well,"  I  replied,  "I'd  be  very  happy 
to  do  so;  but  why  couldn't  Mr.  Hares- 
foot fill  the  gap  V} 

"  Oh,"  said  the  manager,  winking 
his  left  eye,  "  that  w^ould  never  do." 
Snap  went  the  right  eye.  "I  should 
only  mar  the — well,  the  unity  of  the 
performance." 

Berkeley  laughed. 

"That,  translated  into  plain  En- 
lish,"  said  he,  "  means  that  he  thinks 
we  are  a  set  of  muffs.  Won't  we  show 
him  ?  But  what  do  you  say,  my  line 
fellah?" 

"My  time  is  not  at  my  own  dispo- 
sal quite.  You  must  ask  Mr.  Guttcn- 
berg." 

"  Oh,  if  that's  all,  we'll  expect  you 
at  rehearsal  at  twelve  o'clock  to-mor- 
row— twelve  o'clock,  sharp  !  Not  your 
friend  of  the  money-bags,  though." 

The  chuckle  that  broke  from  Hares- 
foot at  this  miserable  attempt  at  pleas- 
antry by  Berkeley,  showed  that  the  lat- 
ter had  been  talking  to  the  former 
about  me,  and  served  to  cmbarass  me 


158 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


L  April, 


a  little.  Aftor  some  little  conversa- 
tion on  indifferent  subjects,  they  bid  me 
good-day,  and  with  a  nod  to  Tom 
Brown,  now  our  foreman,  who  had  just 
come  in  with  some  proof-slips,  left  the 
room. 

Tom  had  an  enquiring  look  on  his 
face,  so  1  told  him  their  errand. 

"  Now  there's  luck  !"  cried  he  envi- 
ously. "  Here  you,  a  prentice,  get  an 
invitation  to  the  castle  among  the 
nobs  ;  and  I'm  a  journeyman,  and  a 
ten  times  better  actor  than  you,  and 
get  none." 

And  Tom  went  out  again  feclino: 
perfectly  aggrieved  at  my  good-fortune. 
For  my  part  I  heartily  wished  he  could 
take  my  place.  I  felt  myself  to  be  in 
no  pleasant  position.  Not  being 
among  my  equals  in  rank,  I  expected 
to  be  unnoticed  except  when  wanted 
on  the  stage  ;  and  not  being  a  profes- 
sional actor  I  should  not  even  have  the 
privilege  of  sneering  at  the  bad 
acting. 

Of  course,  Mr.  Guttenberg  was  only 
"  too  happy  to  oblige  his  lordship,"  and 
thought  "you  ought  to  be  keenly  sensi- 
ble of  the  honor,  Ambrose,"  though 
Ambrose  was  not.  But  when  did  a 
true,  manly  and  independent  British 
tradesman  not  feel  delighted  at  a  ser- 
vice demanded  by  a  peer  of  the  realm  ? 

That  evening  I  saw  Sharp,  and  men- 
tioned to  him  my  proposed  participa- 
tion in  the  performance  at  the  castle. 

"  Umph  !"  he  growled.  "  Don't  let 
them  look  down  on  you  then.  They're 
no  better  than  you,  blood  or  no  blood. 
You  owe  no  man  anything,  while 
they're  in  debt,  every  one  of  them." 

"  Not  the  Earl  ?" 

"  Yes  ;  he  too.  That  Mr.  Wickham 
owes  me  nearly  ten  thousand  pounds, 
spent  in  his  last  election.     It's  well  se- 


cured, though— well  secured,  or  he 
wouldn't  have  had  a  ha'p'ny  from 
me.  If  his  uncle  dies  there's  a  nice 
windfall.  Your  Sir  Robert  Bramble- 
Mr.  Willoughby,  Lord  Willoughby, 
D'Erncliffe's  brother,  is  in  my  debt  a 
pretty  penny.  In  fact,  I've  had  deal- 
ings  with  every  one,  ladies  and  all, 
who  arc  to  play  with  you,  except  the 
Honorable  Mrs.  Leigh  and  Captain 
Berkeley." 

'!  Captain  Berkeley  is  very  prudent 
about  money-matters,"  I  said. 

"No,  he  isn't.  He's  a  wasteful  dog 
—buying  all  sorts  of  nick-nacks  just 
because  the  expense  don't  go  beyond 
his  income.  '  Many  a  mickle  makes  a 
muckle/  as  the  Scotch  say,  and  he'll 
want  his  money  some  day.  But 
you've  no  furred  coat — you  want  a 
furred  coat  in  order  to  play  Frederick." 

"  Oh,  I  can  trim  an  ordinary  surtout 
with  a  little  plush.  That  will  answer 
very  well." 

"No,  it  won't.  Those  fellows  shan't 
sneer  at  you.  I  have  a  furred  robe 
that  has  lain  in  tobacco  these  three 
years  It  is  trimmed  with  the  finest 
sable — none  of  your  catskin  humbugs? 
and  belonged  to  a  gay,  young  attache 
of  the  Russian  embassy.  Mary  Gut- 
tenberg can  take  the  fur  off  carefully, 
and  sew  it  on  the  edges  of  your  coat." 

"I'm  very  much  obliged  to  you,  I'm 
sure." 

"  Yes  ;  you  ought  to  be— the  fur 
might  get  injured.  But  I'm  getting 
extravagant— like  a  fool.  I  shouldn't 
wonder  if  I  came  to  want  yet,  To- 
day I  was  silly  enough  to  waste  my 
money.  Yes  ;  there  was  a  little  brat 
spilt  some  milk  from  her  pitcher — spilt 
it  all,  in  fact.  She  was  crying.  I 
took  hold  of  her  pitcher  to  look  at  it 
As  there  was  nobody  looking  I  slipped 


1865.]                                                     THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER.  159 

a  sixpence  in  her  pitcher,  gave  it  back  foot  was    merely  following    a   profes- 

to  her,    and  went  away.     I    watched  sional  habit   without  reference  to  the 

her  from  round  the  corner.     She  found  different   position   of  the   parties    ad- 

the  money  presently,  and — well  it  was  dressed.     "  You  will  observe,  madam," 

right  funny,  I  declare,  to  see  her  tears  I  said,  "  that  the  more  he  is  vexed  the 

dry  up,  and  a  grin  get   on   her  dirty  stronger  grows  the   emphasis    on  the 

face,  and    then    see    the  puzzled  look  term.     If  he  should  murmur  'my  dear," 

that  followed.     I  was  a  fool."  very  tenderly,  he  is  extremely  put  out  ; 

"  I  think  not.     The    enjoyment  was  and  when  he  brings   it  out  with    unc- 

certainly  worth  the  sixpence."  tion,  'my  d-e  a-r  !'  he  is  in  a  terrible 

"  Yes  ;  but  don't  you  see,"  returned  passion." 

Sharp,  argumentative^,  "she  only  lost  Mrs.  Leigh  laughed  heartily.     "He 

a  pen'orth  of  milk.      Now,  if  I'd  put  in  is    a  very  singular    person,"  she    said. 

a  penny  she'd  have  been  just  as  dc-  "  What  a  ridiculous  habit  the  man  has 

lighted,  and  I  threw  away  five  pence,  of  winking  both  his  eyes." 

Five  pence  at  compound  interest  for  "That,  madam,"  I   observed,  is    the 

fifty  years — "  the    language  of   Nod,   and    means — 

" Mr.  Sharp,"  I  interrupted,   "you'll  '  Good  characters  are  to  be  murdered 

allow   me   to   say  that  it  isn't  Abner  to-night.' " 

Sharp  whom  I  know,  that  is  talking  "Pray,  answer  for  yourself,  sir,"  she 

now,  but  the  Abner  Sharp  the  public  cried,    gaily.     "I  intend  to  play  with 

know  ;  and  I  prefer  my  own  acquain-  spirit ;  that  is,  if  I  have   a  Frederick 

tance  to  the  public's  a  good  deal."  who  will  make  love  to  me  properly — 

"  You're  an  impudent  boy,"  retorted  on  the   stage — as  he  is  in  duty  bound 

Sharp.     "But  let  me  get  you  the  coat."  to  do." 

I  pass  over  the  details  of  the   re-  At  length  it  was  all  over,  and  I  was 

hearsal.       They    were     spiritless,    of  about  to  go,  when  a  footman  informed 

course,  as  all  such  things  are,  whether  me  that  the   ladies   wished  to  speak 

amateur  or  professional.     Mr.   Hares,  with  me  in  the  drawing-room.     I  fol- 

ibot    was    nearly   driven    frantic    by  lowed  him  and  he  ushered  me  into  the 

people  persisting  in  coining  on  at  the  presence   of  the  Countess  of  Landyg, 

wrong    cues,    and    going    off  by    the  Mrs.  Leigh  and  several  others, 

wrong  exits.  The  ladies  were  even  more  "  Mr.  Fecit,"  said    Mrs.  Leigh,  "we 

provokingly   stupid    than   the   gentle-  have   arranged   some  tableaux,  to  be 

men,  and  every  few  minutes  the  voice  shown  after  the  play.     We    are   desir- 

of  Mr.  llaresfoot,  saying — "Thatisnotf  ous   of  adding    another — Conrad    and 

the   entrance,  my   dear  !"   interrupted  Medora.      You  have  such   a  charming 

the  business.  piratical    look    about   you"   (here   she 

"Pray,  Mr.  Fecit,"  asked  our  Emily  laughed  gaily  and  1  bowed  ironically) 

Worthington,    "  what    does    the    man  "  that  1  have  ventured   to  request  you 

moan  by  'clearing'  me  so  absurdly?"  to  be  my  Conrad  for  the  occasion.'' 

1  explained   to   her  that  it  was  a  "With  great  pleasure,  madam.     But 

technical  term   applied    by  all  stage-  I  am  at  a  loss,  on  so  short  a  notice,  for 

managers  to  all  females,  old  or  young,  the  cost  nine." 

during  rehearsal,  and   that  Mr.  Hares-  "  We   have   discussed   all    that,  sir,'' 


160 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[April, 


said  Lady  Landys.  "  Gilford,  the 
dowager's  maid,  to  whom  we  mention- 
ed it,  tells  us  that  there  are  a  number 
of  dresses  in  the  lumber-room,  and 
among  them  one  that  will  answer.  I 
have  directed  her  to  have  it  properly 
aired,  and  sent  to  the  dressing-room  for 
you  this  evening." 

I  thanked  her  ladyship  and  bowed 
myself  out. 

At  night  we  assembled  in  one  of 
the  drawing-rooms,  used  as  a  tempora- 
ry green-room,  awaiting  the  call,  and 
I  slipped  out  for  a  moment  to  get  a 
view  of  the  theatre  that  had  been  im- 
provised for  the  occasion.  The  stage 
had  been  arranged  at  one  extremity  of 
the  great  hall,  and  the  part  reserved 
for  the  spectators  had  been  fitted  up 
with  seats  very  neatly.  The  scenery 
and  appointments,  which  had  been  pre- 
pared under  Haresfoot's  supervision, 
were  very  complete.  Peeping  through 
a  hole  in  the  curtain  (however  new  it 
may  be  every  theatrical  curtain  has  a 
peep-hole)  I  sawr  the  audience  gradu- 
ally gather  in,  and  presently  they 
were  all  seated.  On  the  extreme  right 
sat  the  dowager  Countess,  attended  by 
Gift'ord;  and  in  the  centre  were  the 
Earl  and  Countess  of  Landys,  attended 
by  their  intimate  friends.  In  the  back- 
ground stood  the  servants.  Ml-.  Os- 
borne, whose  position  was  intermedi- 
ate between  servitude  and  equality, 
stood  a  little  apart  leaning  against  the 
wall.  I  took  in  this  survey,  and  then 
returned  to  the  green-room. 

Mrs.  Leigh  chatted  with  me  while  I 
was  waiting  for  the  call,  and  when  she 
was  not  on  the  stage  herself.  I  readily 
saw  through-  her  purpose.  She  had 
noted  that  I  felt  isolated,  and  in  the 
kindness  of  her  heart  endeavored  to 
set  me  at  ease.     I  knew  that  my  histo- 


ry had  been  told  to  the  guests,  and 
that  I  was  the  subject  of  observation 
"and  curiosity,  perhaps  pity — a  still 
more  galling  portion  for  me  to  take. 
These  reflections  caused  me  a  deal  of 
embarrassment  at  first,  and  when  I 
made  my  appearance  in  the  third  act, 
1  did  little  to  justify  the  panegyric  on 
my  histrionic  ability  which  Berkeley, 
as  I  learned  by  Mrs.  Leigh,  had  given 
to  the  party.  This  did  not  last  long. 
The  excitement  of  the  scene  soon 
roused  me  up,  and  I  dashed  out  vigor 
ously.  The  part  itself  is  not  much  ; 
but  as  Humphrey  and  Sir  Robert  were 
but  poorly  represented,  and  as  Emily 
supported  me  well,  the  part  stood  out 
strongly  in  relief.  The  audience  be- 
gan to  warm,  Ollapod  was  very  quaint 
and  funny,  and  the  curtain  fell  on  the 
final  scene  amid  the  applause  of  the 
noble  and  aristocratic  spectators. 
Everybody  complimented  me — even 
Haresfoot  condescended  to  say  that  it 
was  a  very  clever  performance  (sinis- 
ter eye  winking)  for  an  amateur,  (dex 
ter  eye  snapping-);  and  if  I  ever  chose 
to  go  on  the  stage  he  would  find  a 
vacancy  in  his  company  for  n:e  ;  the 
whole  of  which  was  emphasized  by 
at  least  three  double  winks  fired  off 
with  the  utmost  rapidity. 

The  stage  was  now  cleared  for  the 
tableaux,  and  I  went  into  the  dressing- 
room  to  prepare  for  my  share  of  the  clos- 
ing scene.  I  found  a  bundle  there  with 
a  note  sent  by  Sharp,  the  latter  stating 
that  having  heard  that  I  was  to  appear 
as  Conrad  in  the  .  closing  tableau,  he 
had  sent  me  something  I  might  need. 
I  examined  the  bundle  and  found  it  to 
contain  a  Turkish  yataghan  and  pis- 
tols and  a  dagger,  which  I  recog- 
nized as  similar  to  the  Malay  kreea 
found  in  the  old  house,  but  longer,  and 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


1G1 


with  the  guard  at  one  side,  extremely 
wide.     The  dress  laid  out  for  me  was 
not  Turkish,  however,  nor  could  I  toll 
of  what  nation.      It  consisted  of  a  red 
cap,  shaped  like  a  brimless  hat,  a  long 
lull    embroidered    robe,    red    trousers 
Trimmed    like    the    cap,   and   a   black, 
gilt-edged    bolt.     The    hat,  jacket  and 
trousers  were-  very  well,   but  I  could 
not  arrange   the   robe  to  my  satisfac- 
tion.    At  length  I  girt  it  around  me 
with  the  belt,  and  let  it  fall  to  my  feet. 
When  I  had  done  so,  I  looked  into  the 
minor  to  try  the  effect,  and  started  in 
surprise. 

I  was  made  up  to  look  exactly  like 
the  portrait  of  the  pirate  in  the  gallery, 
and  the  resemblance  was  certainly 
striking.  This  was  a  trick  of  Gifford, 
but  I  had  no  time  to  conjecture  her 
object,  for  the  call-boy  run  his  head  in 
the  door  and  called  out:  "  Mr.  Fecit  for 
the  last  tableau  !"  and  I  ran  down 
stairs  to  take  my  place  in  the  final 
scene. 

Mrs.  Leic^h  looked  at  me  and  said  : 
"That  is  a  very  becoming  dress,  cer- 
tainly, Mr.  Fecit  ;  but  it  doesn't  be- 
long to  Conrad." 

I  agreed  with  her,  but  what  was  I 
to  do  ? 

The  bell  tinkled  and  the  curtain  rose. 
Mrs.  Leigh  was  seated  at  my  feet, 
lute  in  hand,  and  my  head  was  turned 
nearly  full  front  to  the  audience.  As 
the  curtain  went  up  I  could  see  the 
Earl  rise  slowly,  as  though  in  perfect 
amazement,  The  elder  Countess 
leaned  forward  with  an  expression  of 
wonder  and  dismay  overspreading  her 
countenance.  The  next  moment  she 
raised  herself  from  her  scat,  and  with 
the  words,  shrieked  rather  than  spok- 
en: "He  is  alive!  Bugunda  Jawa  l" 
fell  back  in  violent  hysterics- 


All  was  confusion  in  an  instant,  the 
tableau  became  alive  at  once;  and  the 
►   guests  were  gathered  in  groups,  won- 
dering   at    the    circumstance,  as   they 
bore    the    dowager    Countess    to    her 
apartment.     I   knew  nothing    of   that 
until  afterwards,  for  when  the  curtain 
had    suddenly    fallen    I    hastened    up 
stairs,  resumed    my   Frederick    dress, 
which  I  had  worn    to  the   castle,  and 
taking  the  bundle  containing  the  arms, 
came    down    to    leave.     As  I  reached 
the  stair-foot  I  met  Mr.  Osborne. 

"Youngster,"  said  he,  "what  did 
you  mean  by  putting  on  that  dress  ? 
Answer  me  that." 

"Mean  !"  I  retorted,  "  What  should  I 
mean,  Mr.  Osborne  ?  It  was  the  dress 
left  out  for  me  and  I  put  it  on.  What 
do  you  mean,  sir,  by  addressing  me  in 
that  tone  ?" 

"Where  did  you  get  it?" 
"Her  ladyship   had   it   sent   to  me  ; 
Lady  Landys." 

"  How  did  she  know  of  it  ?" 
"  Gifford   pointed  it   out,  I  believe." 
He  left  me   suddenly,   coupling  Gif- 
ford's   name   with    an    expression   too 
profane  to  print. 


CHAPTER  IX., 

Which    describes   a   bold   Stroke   of  the  Peei 
and  his  Steward. 

When  Mr.  Guttenbcrg  learned  of  the 
occurrences  at  the  castle  he  was 
alarmed  lest  the  Earl  might  be  ve.\ed, 
and  withdraw  his  favors  and  patron- 
age from  our  circulating  library  and 
printing-rooms.  This  would  have  been 
a  serious  blow,  for  although  directlv 
these  were  not  much,  yet  as  his  lord- 
ship, by  virtue  of  his  title  and  proper- 
ty set  the  fashion  in  those  parts,  indi- 
rectly they  were  a  great  ileal. 

"  It's  a  very  sad  affair,   Ambrose," 


162 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[April, 


said  he,  "  very  stupid  on  your  part  to 
get  yourself  up  in  that  way.  I  am 
astonished  at  you." 

11  But  it  was  not  my  fault,  sir.  How 
could  I  help  it  ?  The  dress  was  pre- 
scribed for  me,  and  I  took  it.  It  is  no 
great  matter  for  complaint  that  an 
old  lady  should  take  a  whim  into  her 
head  and  go  off  in  hysterics.  And  it's 
no  great  matter,  sir,  I  should  think,  to 
the  Earl,  who  must  be  used  to  her  ec- 
centricities." 

"  Yes,  it  is.  His  lordship  don't  like 
to  have  an  occurrence  which  will  set 
every  one  to  talking.  And  then  you 
mustn't  call  her  an  '  old  lady.'  It  isn't 
proper." 

"  Isn't  she  an  old  lady,  sir  ?" 

"An  eld  lady!  Good  gracious  1 
Why  her  husband  was  a  peer  of  the 
realm  !" 

"  It  was  not  my  fault,  I  am  sure, 
sir.  I  did  not  invite  myself  to  the 
castle." 

"Now,  hush!  I  am  ashamed  of 
you.  It  was  an  act  of  condescension 
to  ask  you.  You  ought  to  feel  it  deep- 
ly, and  your  remark  sounds  like  in- 
gratitude." 

And  very  ungrateful  the  bookseller 
thought  me.  However  all  my  adopt- 
ed father's  fears  were  dissipated  on  the 
following  day  by  a  visit  from  Mr.  Os- 
borne, who  came  to  thank  me  for  hav- 
ing assisted  at  the  play,  and  to  say 
that  I  was  expected  to  visit  the  libra- 
ry while  the  guests  were  in  the  house, 
as  usual.  He  said  the  dowager  had 
recovered  from  the  events  of  the  night 
before;  her  momentary  insane  fit  had 
passed  apparently  away  ;  and  added 
that  the  ladies  thought  me  a  very  in- 
teresting young  man,  with  manners 
above  my  station." 

I  chafed  under  this.     This  man  who 


talked  about  "my  station,"  was  only  one 
remove  above  a  lackey,  and  I  felt  con- 
'vinced  that  his  language  was  his  own. 
I  preserved  a  contemptuous  silence 
until  he  had  gone,  and  then  I  broke 
into  a  torrent  of  wrath,  innocent  of  ef- 
fect, as  there  was  no  one  to  listen  but 
Mr.  Guttenberg,  and  he  thought  me 
mad.  It  had  one  good  effect,  howev- 
er, it  relieved  me  of  my  suppressed 
vexation,  and  next  moment  I  smiled  at 
the  consternation  of  the  printer  and 
my  own  folly. 

Berkeley  came  into  the  printing- 
room  during  the  afternoon. 

"Ambrose,"  said  he,  "your'e  adoosid 
lucky  fellah  !  you've  made  a  sensa- 
tion. The  whole  town  is  talking  about 
you.  You're  the  observed  of  all  ob- 
servers. The  ladies  declare  there  nev- 
er was  such  a  printer  since  types  were 
invented.  The  Honorable  Mrs.  Leigh 
raves  about  you  and  declares  you  are 
a  young  eastern  rajah  in  disguise." 

"  It's  all  very  annoying,"  I  said, 
picking  away  at  the  letter,  for  I  was 
at  work  at  the  case. 

Tom  Brown  and  the  two  apprentices 
(for  we  had  two  new  ones)  laughed. 

"  I'd  like  to  have  been  in  his  place," 
said  Tom. 

"  Would  you  ?" 
"  Wouldn't  I  ?" 

"  Sensible  fellah,  Thomas,  you  !"  an- 
swered the  Captain.  "Annoyed,  eh  ! 
If  1  could  have  made  half  the  impres- 
sion I'd  have  been  content  to  have  put 
tj^pes  in  that  what-d'ye-call-it-there  for 
the  remainder  of  my  existence.  You're 
famous,  I  tell  you.  Your  friend  Sharp 
would  do  a  good  business  to  exhibit 
you  at  the  Museum  along  with  the  nick- 
nackeries.  By  the  by,  where  did  you 
get  that  magnificent  sabre  you  wore 
in  the  tableau  ?" 


18G5J 


TnE   PEER   AND   THE   PRINTER. 


163 


"  Mr.  Sharp  was  kind  enough  to  send 
the  arms  for  me,"  I  replied,  "when  her 
found  I  was    to    stand  in  the  tableau." 

Berkeley  whistled. 

"And  that  magnificent  fur  on  your 
surtout — was  that  from  Sharp  too  ?" 

"It  was." 

"  Worse  and  worse;  or,  rather,  bet- 
ter and  better.  Stranger  than  the 
Splrynx,  by  Jove  !  Old  Sharp  was  never 
known  to  do  a  kind  thing  to  any  one 
before.  I  am  quite  sure  he  would 
never  have  loaned  that  sword  to  me 
without  twice  its  value  left  as  collat- 
eral security.  Your  power  over  him 
is  very  odd.  Do  you  know  they  say 
when  he  gets  in  company  with  yon,  he 
is  absolutely  genial  !  What  is  your 
secret?  Are  you  Dr.  Faustus  come 
back,  and  in  league  with  the  old  gen- 
tleman below  ?" 

The  Captain  ran  on  for  some  time  in 
that  way  until  he  remembered  an  en- 
gagement to  dine,  and  left  with  the 
quizzical  caution  not  to  run  off  with 
the  Honorable  Mrs.  Leigh,  as  he  had 
designs  matrimonially  on  that  lady 
himself,  and  should  certainly  kill  and 
eat  his  successful  rival. 

To  satisfy  Mr.  Guttenbcrg,  I  resumed 
my  vihits  to  the  library.  The  visitors 
to  my  Lord  Landys  were  not  of  studi- 
ous habits,  and  1  seldom  met  any  of 
them  amid  the  books.  When  I  did  it 
was  because  they  dawdled  in  there  for 
a  partial  refuge  from  ennui;  and  then 
in  a  little  while  dawdled  out. 

On  Monday  after  the  performance  I 
was  at  the  castle.  1  had  not  been 
seated  a  minute  after  hanging  up  my 
overcoat,  before  Gilford  came  in. 

"  I  have  been  watching  for  you," 
said  she.      "  I 'ray  come  to  my  lady." 

I   followed  her,  and  she  ushered  me 


into  the  presence  of  the  Countess  dow- 
ager. 

The  old  lady  half  rose  as  I  entered, 
and  pointed  to  a  chair.  I  seated  my- 
self. 

"  Gilford,"  she  said,  "  see  that  no 
one  disturbs  us." 

The  waiting-woman  retired. 

"Now,  young  gentleman,"  said  the 
Countess,  "I  have  heard  something  of 
your  history,  but  not  fully.  Will  you 
do  me  the  favor  to  recite  it  so  far  as 
you  can." 

I  told  her  all  I  knew  or  had  heard — 
at  least  the  essential  parts  of  it.  She 
listened  attentively,  and  when  I  had 
concluded,  came  towards  me,  scanned 
my  features  carefully,  laid  her  hand  on 
my  ear,  and  then  resumed  her  seat, 
much  agitated. 

"It  is  very  singular,"  she  muttered, 
"  and  it  cannot  be.  Yet  that  peculiar 
mark.  Does  Mr.  Marston  know  your 
history  ?" 

"  Mr.  Marston  ?" 

"  Oh,  I  see.  You  call  him  the  Earl 
of  Landys.  I  had  forgotten.  But  the 
true  earl  will  return — yes,  he  will  re- 
turn. He  is  not  dead  or  his  spirit 
would  have  come  to  tell  me.  But 
what  did  I  ask  you  ?  I  forget;  for  my 
brain  wanders  sadly  of  late." 

"  If  the  present  Earl  knew  my  his- 
tory, lie  knows  as  much  as  I  have 
told  you,"  I  replied. 

Have  a  care  then.  lie  suspects  you, 
and  will  do  you  a  mischief.  And  be- 
ware of  Osborne.  I  may  send  for  you 
again.     Will  yen  come  ?" 

"Should  I  receive  your  ladyship's 
message,  I  will  strive  to  obey  it,"  I 
answered,  as  I  bowed  myself  out. 

I  returned  to  the  library  and  had 
not  been  there  long  before  the  Earl 


I 


164 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[April, 


came  in.  He  smiled  as  lie  returned  my 
bow. 

"  We  had  quite  a  scene  the  other 
night,  Mr.  Fecit." 

"  Yes,  my  lord." 

"The  Dowager  Countess's  infirmity 
gives  her  strange  fancies.  Your  per- 
formance of  Frederick  was  very 
spirited." 

I  bowed  my  acknowledgments. 

"  Be  seated.  Have  you  thought  on 
what  I  suggested  once  concerning  In- 
dia ?" 

Tin's  was  the  third  time  during  the 
year  that  he  had  asked  me  a  similar 
question,  and  it  was  to  be  the  third  time 
I  was  to  make  him  a  similar  answer. 

"  I  am  sincerely  obliged  to  your 
lordship  for  the  kind  offer,  but  for  the 
present  I  have  determined  to  remain 
here,  and  find  employment  at  the  busi- 
ness which  I  have  been  taught." 

How  we  sin  through  courtesy  and 
the  rule  of  the  world  !  I  was  by  habit 
and  principle  opposed  to  falsehood  ; 
and  yet  I  here  caught  myself  lying 
outrageously.  I  was  not  sincerely 
obliged  to  his  lordship  at  all  ;  on  the 
contrary  I  was  angry  at  the  persistent 
offer.  Nor  did  I  think  it  kind,  for  I 
believed  it  to  be  prompted  by  some 
sinister  motive,  the  nature  of  which 
I  could  scarcely  conjecture. 

His  lordship  took  snuff  and  laid  the 
box  on  the  table. 

"  Don't  let  me  interrupt  your 
studies,"  said  he,  and  took  up  a  book. 
I  resumed  mine,  not  to  study  but  to 
think.  On  looking  up  a  few  minutes 
alter  I  found  the  Earl  had  gone.  His 
gold  snuff-box  lay  on  the  table.  I 
thought  it  a  piece  of  forgetfulness,  but 
went  on  with  my  reading,  and  just  then 
seeing  a  passage  which  I  wished  to 
note,  opened  a  box  lying  near  me  to 


get  a  sheet  of  paper.  The  lid  of  the 
box  was  lined  with  looking-glass,  and 
it  remained  up  and  slightly  back  from 
the  perpendicular.  While  I  was  writ- 
ing before  it  Mr.  Osborne  came  in. 
He  bade  me  a  good  day,  and  went  to 
the  book-case,  selecting  and  rejecting 
books. 

I  read  on,  and  on  turning  a  page  my 
eye  rose  from  the  top  of  the  book,  and 
fell  on  the  looking-glass  in  the  lid 
of  the  paper  box.  It  chanced  to  be  that 
angle  which  brought  the  right  side  of 
the  room  before  me.  My  very  flesh 
crawled.  What  infamous  work  was 
this  ! 

I  distinctly  saw  Mr.  Osborne  with 
the  gold  snuff-box  in  his  hand,  with 
his  eye  fixed  upon  me,  advance  to 
where  my  great-coat  hung,  and,  after 
slipping  the  snuff-box  in  the  breast- 
pocket, gather  up  a  couple  of  books 
from  the  table  and  make  a  noiseless  de- 
parture. 

I  arose  ill  alarm  and  excitement,  but 
my  course  of  action  was  decided  on  at 
once.  I  removed  the  box,  and  placing 
it  on  a  small  table  in  the  farthest  cor- 
ner of  the  room,  threw  a  newspaper 
carelessly  over  it. 

I  sat  there  tor  a  little  while,  but  no 
one  came.  The  warning  of  the  old 
Countess  recurred  to  me.  What 
could  it  all  mean?  At  length  the 
anxiety  became  insupportable.  I  rose 
and  put  on  my  great  coat  in  order  to  go 
out.  I  trembled  with  excitement,  and 
was  steadying  myself  for  a  moment 
against  the  chair,  when  the  Earl  ac- 
companied by  Brewis,  his  butler,  en- 
tered. 

"  And  so,  Mr.  Fecit,"  said  the  peer, 
"  you  won't  go  to  India  ?  Why,  where 
is  my  snuff-box  ?  I  left  it  on  the  ta- 
ble.    Didn't  you  see  it  here,  Mr.  Fecit." 


1865.] 


THE    FEER    AND    THE    PRINTER 


165 


"  I  did,  my  lord  ;  but  it  lias  not  been 
here  since  Mr.  Osborne  left.      Perhaps 
he  took  it  to  hand  it  to  your  lordship." 
I  said  this  in  order  to  sec  if  his  lord- 
ship were  a  party  to  the  affair. 

"  No,  I  met  him  this  moment.  He 
would  have  told  me,  you  know.  It  is 
very  singular." 

"  Very,"  I  said,  playing  with  him. 
"  I  am  quite  sure  I  left  it  on  the  table. 
Has  any  one  else  been  here  ?" 
"  No  one  but  Mr.  Osborne." 
"It's  very  odd  j  and  I  don't  know, 
but—" 

It's  coming1  now,  I  thoinrht. 
"  I  am  quite  sure  you  couldn't  have 
taken  it,  of  course,  but,  as  a  matter  of 
form,  you  had  better  allow  Brcwis 
here  to  examine  your  pockets.  It  will 
prevent  false  reports,  you  know." 

He  felt  his  degradation,  I  was  sure. 
He  looked  meanly.  I  put  my  hand  to 
my  breast  pocket  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  leading  him  on  as  I  said  : 

"No,  my  lord.  I  allow  no  man,  un- 
der any  pretext,  to  thus  degrade  me." 
"  Brewis,  do  you  hear  ?"  asked  the 
peer.  "This  is  extraordinary.  If  you 
know  nothing  of  the  box,  why  do  you 
object  to  being",  searched  ?  Under  such 
circumstances  I  shall  insist  on  it." 

" Pray,"  said  I,   "did  it  never  occur 

to  your  lordship  that  you  might  have 

left  your  box  elsewhere   in  the  room  ?" 

"  No  !  for  I  am  positive  that  I  left 

it  here." 

11  Brewis," said  I  to  the  butler,  "do 
me  the  favor  to  lift  the  paper  on  yon- 
der table." 

3rewis  obeyed  me,  and  revealed  the 
box. 

11  Is  that  what  you  seek,  my  lord  V\ 


His  lordship  reddened,  but  took  the 
box  without  a  word. 

"  I  ask  your  lordship  if  that  be  the 
box  ?" 

The  Earl  muttered  "Yes!" 
"  I  owe  you  a  thousand  apologies, 
Mr.    Fecit,"   he     said    after    a   pause. 
"  The    mistake    was    mine,    but   your 
manner — " 

I  might  have  affected  to  believe  him, 
though  I  knew  it  to  be  a  lie.  But  I 
was  young  and  hot-headed,  so  I  inter- 
rupted him  at  once. 

"  I  would  like  to  believe  that  your 
lordship  was  not  engaged  in  a  plot 
that  would  disgrace  the  lowest  minded 
man  in  the  world.  But  you  were. 
What  your  motives  may  have  been  I 
can't  tell ;  but  you  have  the  comforting 
reflection  of  knowing  that  you  have 
failed." 

"  Do  you  dare  to  accuse  me,  you 
beggarly  brat  ?"  he  demanded  angrily. 
"  Fine  language  for  a  peer,"  I  re- 
plied. "  Do  you  see  that  mirror,  my 
lord  ?  Seated  before  that,  I  saw  your 
tool  at  his  dirty  work,  and  I  have 
baffled  him.  I  see  through  you  and 
despise  you." 

The  stupid  surprise  on  the  butler's 
features  satisfied  me  that  he,  at  least, 
was  not  in  the  conspiracy.  The  con- 
tents of  Paul  Bagby's  letter  came  to 
my  mind  and  I  could  not  refrain  from 
a  parting  shot  at  random. 

"  Let  me  tell  your  lordship  one 
thing.  I  am  more  prudent  than  Don 
Jose  Espinel." 

The  shot  told.  The  Earl's  features 
grew  livid  with  rage  and  apprehen- 
sion, and  with  a  laugh  I  turned  on  my 
heel  and  left  him 


166 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[April, 


CHAPTER  X., 

Wherein   the  Storm   becomes   so  fierce   that  1 
Scud  before  it. 

I  went  home  immediately  from  the 
castle,  and  entered  the  printing  room 
in  no   pleasant  frame   of  mind.     I  felt 
that  I  had  been  led  by  my  passion  into 
a  serious  error.      The  allusion  to  Espi- 
nel's  abduction,  or  murder,  whichever 
it  might  be,  was  entirely  wrong — not 
only  unnecessary  of  itself,  but  a  breach 
of  confidence.     The  Earl  would  know 
very    well   the    source    from    whence 
I  had  my  information,  and  thus  I  had 
compromised    myself.       The    attempt 
against  myself  I  could  trace  to  nothing 
but   a  belief  that  I  was    acquainted 
with  the  secret   of  Espinel  ;  and  un- 
founded   though    that   belief  was,  the 
boast  would  confirm  it.      In  any  view 
of  the  case  I  had  let  my  resentment 
get  the  better  of  my  prudence — no  very 
wonderful  position  for  a  youth  to  take. 
Tom  Brown   expressed    surprise   at 
my  quick  return  and  commented  on  my 
fretted  countenance  ;  but  I  parried  his 
thrusts  and  answered  his  questions  by 
evasive   monosyllables.      I    took    my 
composing    stick    in   hand    and    com- 
menced  to   set  up  one  of  Mr.  Hinck's 
ponderous    leaders.      But   I   was    too 
moody  and  restless,  and  cmpt3ring  my 
half-filled  stick  on  a  galley,  I  left  the 
copy  on  the  case,  threw  off  my  apron, 
and  started  for  the  shop.     Here  I  found 
Mr.    Guttenberg    behind    the    counter 
serving;  some  customers  with  station- 
ery. 

"  You  are  soon  back  from  the  castle 
to-day,  Ambrose." 

The  fact  that  I  went  to  the  castle 
regularly  by  invitation  of  the  Earl  was 
a  matter  of  pride  with  the  printer,  and 
he  was  fond  of  alluding  to  it  before 
strangers. 


I  answered  him  in  the  affirmative 
and  passed  on  to  the  back  room.  As 
I  did  so  I  heard  him  say,  in'  reply  to 
some  remark  made  by  one  of  the  cus- 
tomers— 

"  Oh,  yes  !  a  great  favorite  with  his 
lordship." 

"  Why,  dear  me,  Ambrose  !"  ex- 
claimed Mrs.  Guttenberg,  looking  up 
from  her  work  as  I  entered  the  apart- 
ment where  she  was  engaged  in  sew- 
ing, "you  look  quite  ill.  What  is  the 
matter  ?     Are  you  sick  ?" 

"  Heart-sick,  mother,"  I  answered  ; 
for  I  often  called  her  mother,  though  I 
never  called  her  husband  father ; 
"  heart  sick." 

"  What's  the  matter  now,  Brosy  ?" 
inquired  Mary,  "you  are  pale  as  a 
ghost." 

"  Mary,  I  want  to  talk  to  your  father 
and  mother  a  while.  Suppose  you  go 
into  the  shop  and  ask  your  father  to 
come  here  when  he  is  disengaged. 
You  can  take  his  place  awhile." 

"  What's  it  all  about  ?  Can't  1  know 
too  V 

"  Bo  as  Ambrose  bids  you,"  said  her 
mother. 

Mary  went  out  pouting,  and  in  a 
few  minutes  Mr.  Guttenberg  came  in 
I  told  the  couple  all  that  had  occurred 
between  me  and  the  Earl,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  my  own  parting  speech. 

"  The  vile  wretches  !"  exclaimed  Mrs. 
Guttenberg,  indignantly. 

But  Mr.  Guttenberg  only  looked 
grave. 

"  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  about 
Mr.  Osborne,"  he  said  ;  "  but  you  did 
wrong  to  insult  his  lordship.  He  no 
doubt  thought  vou  did  take  the  box. 
It  was  natural  enough  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, he  not  knowing  you 
well." 


1865.1 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


167 


"Why,"  said  I,  "he  was  in  the  plot." 
"  That  can't  be,"  was  the   rejoinder. 
"  A  peer  of  the  realm  !  Impossible  !" 

11 A  peer  of  the  realm  may  be  a 
rascal  as  well  as  a  peasant  of  the 
soil." 

"But  he  could  have  no  motive." 
"  He  has  one,  depend  on  it.     I  have 
reason  to  suspect  it,  and  know  why  ; 
but  it  is  quite  enough,  I  think,  to  re- 
call the  warning  of  the  old  Countess." 


"  She  is  half  crazy — wholly  so  at 
times.     You  look  at  it  wrongly." 

We  talked  the  matter  over  without 
coming  to  any  agreement.  While  still 
engaged  in  the  discussion,  Mary  came 
in  to  tell  us  that  a  footman  was  at  the 
door  with  a  message  from  Lord  Lan- 
dys  who  desired  to  see  Mr.  Guttenberg 
immediately,  and  his  lordship's  own 
carriage  was  in  waiting  to  convey  the 
stationer  to  the  castle. 


-O" 


OLD  EPIGRAMS  FROM  THE  LATIN. 

ADAPTED  TO  THE  HAPPY  UNITED  STATES  ANNO  DOMINI  1865. 

TO   THE    SHODDY    AND    PETROLEUM    PRINCES    OF    WALL    STREET. 

Savior  armis 
Luxv.ria  incubit,  viciumqee  ulsciscitur  orbem! 
"War's  a  less  curse  than  luxury,  which  produces 
Ills  that  soon  drain  our  money,  blood  and  juices. 

TO   A   MEMBER    OF    THE    CABINET    WHO,  WnEN    DRUNK,   PROMISES    HIS    FRIENDS  EVERYTHING, 

AND  WHEN  SOBER   PERFORMS  NOTHING. 

Omnia  promittis,  cum 'iota  node  bibisti  / 
Mane  nihil  prcestas ;  Posihume,  mane  bibe. 

You  are  full  of  promises,  dear  S. , 

When  you  are  drunk  at  night ; 
And  say  our  hopes  need  not  be  les3, 

For  you  will  crown  them  quite. 


But  in  the  morn  you  nothing  do  ; 

And  therefore  be  advised, — 
Be  drunk  both  night  and  morning  too, 

Your  word  will  then  be  prized. 


168 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE  ON  THE 


[April, 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE  ON  THE  DESPOTISM. OF  TAXES. 


One  clay  in  the  Council  of  State  the 
great  Napoleon  made  the  following-  re- 
marks in  relation  to  the  despotism  of 
taxes  which  cannot  be  read  without 
the  saddest  misgivings  by  any  man  in 
this  country  at  the  present  time  :  "The 
"system  of  imposed  taxes  is  bad  ;  un- 
"  dcr  it  there  is  neither  property  nor 
"  civil  liberty  ;  for  civil  liberty  depends 
"  upon  the  security  of  property.  It 
"  does  not  exist  in  a  country  where  the 
"  vote  of  the  taxes  may  every  year  be 
"  changed.  One  who  has  3,000  francs 
"  rent  does  not  know  how  much  will  be 
"left  the  next  year  for  his  subsistence. 
"The  imposed  tax  may  absorb  his 
"whole  income.  We  see  men,  for  a 
"miserable  interest  of  fifty  or  a  hun- 
"dred  francs,  make  solemn  pleas  be- 
"fore  grave  tribunals,  and  a  simple 
"  clerk  can,  by  a  single  stroke  of  his 
"  pen,  overburden  you  by  several  thou- 
"  sand  francs !  In  such  a  state  of 
"  things  property  does  not  exist. 
"  When  I  buy  a  piece  of  land,  I  do  not 
"  know  what  I  am  purchasing.  In 
"Lombardy,  in  Piedmont,  they  have  a 
"land-tax  assessment  book.  Every 
"  one  knows  before  hand  what  he  must 
"pay.  The  book  is  unalterable; 
"changes  arc  made  in  it  only  in 
"extraordinary  cases,  and  after  a  for- 
"  mal  judgment.  If  the  levy  is  in- 
"  creased,  every  one  bears  his  share 
"  according  to  the  book,  and  he  can 
"  make  his  calculations  in  his  office. 
"  One  knows  what  he  has  ;  and  he  has 
"  a  property.  Why  is  there  not  public 
"  spirit  in  France  ?      Because  a   pro- 


prietor is  obliged  to  court  the  favor 
"of  the  administration.  If  he  stands 
"ill  with  it,  he  is  ruined.  Judgments 
"  upon  reclamations  are  arbitrarv  ;  for 
"  this  reason,  in  no  other  country  are 
"people  so  servilely  attached  to  gov- 
ernment as  in  France,  because  pro- 
"  perty  is  dependent  upon  its  favor. 
"  In  Lombardy,  on  the  contrary,  a 
"proprietor  lives  upon  his  land,  with- 
"  out  troubling  himself  as  to  who  gov- 
"  erns.  Nothing  has  ever  been  done 
"  in  France  for  property.  He  who 
"will  introduce  a  good  law  concern- 
"  ing  assesments  {cadastre)  will  de- 
"  serve  a  statue." 

Is  it  possible  to  read  these  wise  and 
thoughtful  words  of  Napoleon  without 
feeling  an  oppressive  sense  of  shame 
at  the  recklessness  and  folly  of  the 
public  men  of  the  present  day  ?  The 
study  of  Congress  seems  to  be  not  how 
they  may  save  the  people  from  crush- 
ing loads  of  taxation,  but  rather  in 
what  way  they  can  impose  new  and 
heavier  burdens.  Such  organs  of  the 
administration  as  the  Evening  Post 
and  New-York  Times  declare  in  set 
words  that  "  the  people  are  anxious  to 
be  taxed  more;"  and  that  "a  great 
debt  is  a  great  national  blessing." 
Upon  this  strange  theory  Congress 
persistently  acts;  and  it  has  succeeded 
in  weaving  a  network  of  taxes  over 
the  people  which  they  must  either 
break  or  tear  to  pieces,  or  submit  to 
eternal  slavery.  They  have  contrived 
to  tax  everything  but  thought  and 
sympathy,  and  these  they  punish.    The 


1865.] 


DESPOTISM    OF    TAXES. 


169 


taxation  of  the  people  already  amounts 
to  more  than  the  total  income  of  all 
taxable  property  in  the  country  at  the 
rate  of  seven  per  cent.  How  long  will 
the  people  endure  this?  How  long 
can  they  endure  it  ?  Even  admitting 
them  to  be  asses — for  which  sad  con- 
clusion there  is,  alas  1  too  much  occa- 
sion— there  is  necessarily  an  end  to 
their  endurance.  Already  the  words 
of  Napoleon  are  fulfilled  with  us.  Pro- 
perty, as  a  surety,  no  longer  exists  in 
this  country.  If,  by  an  act  of  Con- 
gress, any  burdens  which  stupidity  or 
malice  may  devise  can  be  perpetually 
laid  upon  the  people,  there  is  an  end  of 
property  and  of  liberty.  If  under  the 
title  of  taxes  they  may  take  one  tenth 
of  a  man's  income,  they  may  go  further 
and  take  one  third,  one  half,  and  so  on 
until  they  take  the  whole.  Where  is 
the  security  ?  The  principle  admitted, 
who  can  tell  where  it  may  end  ?  Al- 
low this  administration  to  go  on  for 
four  years  to  come  as  it'has  in  the  four 
year  passed,  and  the  great  majority  of 
property-holders  would  make  money 
by  giving  up  all  they  possess  to  the 
government,  if  by  so  doing  they  could 
start  in  life  anew  and  out  of  debt. 

It  was  Napoleon's  profoundest  study 
to  relieve  the  people  as  much  as  possi- 
ble from  the  burdens  of  taxes.  In 
this  he  proved  himself  greater  than 
even  in  military  prowess.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  his  consulate  the  finances 
of  France  were  in  a  deplorable  condi- 
tion. The  treasury  possessed  only 
150,000f.  The  dividends  and  pensions 
of  the  State  were  paid  only  in  depreci- 
ated paper.  Payments  into  the  treas- 
ury were  made  in  more  than  forty  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  things,  and  the  greatest 
confusion  necessarily  prevailed  in  ev- 
ery department  of  the  public  finance. 


Mr.  Pitt  prcdicced  the  speedy  ruin  of 
France.  But  he  did  not  comprehend 
the  genius  of  Napoleon  In  one  year 
he  more  than  redeemed  the  credit  of 
his  country,  In  a  single  year  he  suc- 
ceeded in  regulating  the  collection  of 
contributions  ;  so  that,  while  abolish- 
ing all  violent  processes,  he  met  all 
expenditures,  diminished  the  taxes, 
restored  a  metalic  currency,  and  held 
three  hundred  millions  of  francs  in  se- 
curities. 

He  wrote  to  the  King  of  England — 
"  Finances  founded  upon  a  good  sys- 
tem of  agriculture  never  fail."  He 
proved  the  wisdom  of  his  words  in  the 
management  of  the  finances  of  France. 
He  favored  the  creation  of  the  Bank  of 
France  ;  but  he  rendered  it  independ- 
ent of  the  government.  It  was  not 
even  required  to  lend  him  money.  Yet 
so  thoroughly  was  he  impressed  with 
the  importance  to  the  people  of  a  regu- 
lar and  safe  currency  that  he  always- 
came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Bank  in 
any  difficulty.  He  said  in  1805 — 
"  Notwithstanding  the  bad  spirit  and 
the  distrust  with  which  certain  gover- 
nors of  the  Bank  are  animated,  I  Will, 
if  necessary  stop  the  pay  of  my  sol 
diers  to  sustain  the  Bank." 

This  great  Emperor  estimated  that 
France  required  annually  only  a  bud- 
get of  800,000,000  francs  for  a  state 
of  war,  and  of  600,000,000  francs  for  a 
state  of  peace  ;  less  than  Mr.  Lincoln 
expends  every  three  months  of  his 
mischievous  life.  But,  under  Napo- 
leon, France  never  required  more  than 
the  above-named  sums,  except  after 
the  reverse  of  Moscow.  Napoleon 
never  expended  for  his  own  use  half  of 
his  civil  list.  lie  employed  the  other 
half  in  forming  a  reserve  fund,  in  exe- 
cuting public  works,  or   in   asssisting 


no 


THE    CONTINENT    OF    AMERICA   THREATENED    WITH    WAR. 


[April, 


manufactories.  Only  imagine  Mr.  Lin- 
coln appropriating  his  vast  secret  ser- 
vice fund  in  that  manner  !  The  idea  is 
associated  with  the  millenium,  or  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead.  For  we 
shall  witness  the  milleninm,  and 
see  the  dead  rising  out  of  their 
graves  long  before  we  shall  see  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  spending  his  secret  ser- 
vice fund  for  any  other  purpose  than 
the  plundering  and  enslavement  of  the 
people.  During  the  period  of  Napo- 
leon's most  extensive  wars  the  taxes 
of  the  French  people  were  less  than 


one  quarter  the  tax  burdens  endured 
by  the  people  of  the  United  States  un- 
der the  administration  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  Under  Napoleon's  reign  the 
people  were  not  plundered  by  the 
government.  Under  this  of  Lincoln 
they  are.  The  license  he  gives  to 
stealing  is  the  only  thing  that  can  at- 
tach his  followers  to  him.  As  ug-ly  in 
mind  as  he  is  in  body,  none  but  the 
rascal  or  the  fanatic  can  look  upon  him, 
or  think  of  him,  without  a  shudder  of 
horror  and  contempt. 


THE    WHOLE     CONTINENT     OF    NORTH    AMERICA    THREATENED 

WITH  WAR. 


If  this  were  not  an  age  of  maniacs — 
if  we  were  not  living  in  a  country 
where  the  whole  people  have  run  mad 
— we  should  be  amazed  at  the  superhu- 
man plans  of  the  party  now  in  power 
in  this  country.  It  seems  that  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  Southern  States  is  only 
a  small  fraction  of  the  stupendous  pro- 
gramme. After  this  small  joo  of  con- 
quering our  late  sister  States,  by  ex- 
terminating their  populations,  we  shall 
have  an  immense  army,  which  can  be 
augmented,  if  necessary,  to  millions  of 
armed  men,  by  the  addition  of  the  more 
intelligent  and  adaptable  of  the  freed 
negroes.  Then,  according  to  the  pro- 
gramme, the  real  work  of  our  great- 
ness is  to  begin.  As  an  early  break- 
fast, or  small  lunch  before  dinner,  we 
are  to  gobble  up  all  the  British  posses- 
sions  to   the   North   and  East  of  us. 


This  is  to  settle  all  old  scores  with 
England  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  to 
give  us  a  clean  boundary  by  the  horizon 
on  the  North.  This  work  done,  we 
shall  turn  our  attention  southward. 
Maximilian  is  to  be  driven  out  of  Mex- 
ico ;  and  that  county,  so  rich  in  pre- 
cious ores,  and  wanting  nothing  but 
Yankee  enterprise  to  develop  them 
afresh,  is  to  come  under  our  mild  and 
benevolent  rule.  Catholicism,  called 
by  Republican  leaders  "a  twin  relic  of 
barbarism,"  is  to  be  banished  from  that 
land,  which,  we  are  told,  "  it  has  long 
cursed,  and  the  sweet  infant  lisp  of 
Puritanic  devotion  is  to  bless  that 
"  poor  priest-ridden  country." 

From  this  regenerated  spot  our  con- 
quering legions  are  to  sweep  down 
upon  Cuba,  to  wipe  off  the  plague-spot 
of  "  slavery"  from  its  soil.     The  poor  en 


1865.] 


THE    CONTINENT    OF    AMERICA   THREATENED    WITH    WAR. 


m 


slaved  blacks  are  to  bo  given  an  equal 
right  in  the  lands  they  have  ».o  long 
worked  for  their  haughty  Spanish  mas- 
tors.  They,  too,  are  to  be  made  men 
and  brothers,  and  one  with  the  society 
of  white  men.  But  here  our  work  is 
not  to  stop.  Indeed,  it  will  be  but  just 
begun.  For  there  are  Brazil  and  Porto 
Rico  still  cursed  with  the  "  God-defying 
sin  of  slavery."  Shall  they  be  aban- 
doned to  their  fate  ?  Shall  they  be 
left  in  the  cold  outside  of  the  gentle 
Bway  of  Puritan  empire  ?  No.  "  Sla- 
very" is  to  be  wiped  off  of  the  Continent. 
And  we  are  to  do  it.  We  are  to  do 
more.  There  are  all  the  Central  Ameri- 
can States,  designed  by  the  Almighty 
to  be  the  wealthiest  region  on  the 
globe.  They  are  situated  midway  be- 
tween all  the  great  marts  of  the  world. 
All  the  thoroughfares  of  the  commerce 
of  civilized  nations  lie  along  their 
shores.  They  have  a  climate  and  a 
soil  of  unsurpassed  advantages.  Why 
is  not  Central  America  the  richest 
and  the  happiest  spot  on  earth  ?  It 
lacks  a  government.  That  we  are  to 
supply.  It  will  be  only  the  work  of  a 
month  or  two,  to  completely  regen- 
erate that  vagabond  land.  A  little 
fraction  of  fifty  thousand  of  our  "well- 
drilled  veteran  negroes,"  commanded 
by  our  skillful  and  humane  Puritan  gen- 
erals, will  hold  all  Central  America  so 
still  that  it  will  make  no  more  noise 
than  a  mouse  in  a  cheese.  The  people 
will  soon  learn  that  they  have  at  last  a 
stable  government,  and  will  welcome 
it  as  a  relief  from  the  vacillations  and 
anarchy  of  too  much  liberty.  Property 
wants  a  strong  and  stable  government. 
It  will  be  the  highest  act  of  Puritan 
charity  to   bestow    such    a    boon    upon 

Central  America.  Nor  should  our 
charity   end    here.     No — it    shall   not. 


There  are  the  South  American  States, 
wanting  but  a  good  kind  of  govern- 
ment to  achieve  the  highest  possible 
pitch  of  all  earthly  glory — boundless 
wealth.  Nothing:  ails  South  Amer- 
ica  but  the  fact  that  it  is  not  governed 
by  New-England.  For  this  benevolent 
mission  we  could  spare  three  hundred 
thousand,  or  even  five  or  six  hundred 
thousand,  of  our  veteran  negro  troops. 
It  would  be  only  a  pastime  for  our  mili- 
tary genius  to  bestow  the  blessing  of  a 
g-ood  government  upon  all  these  be- 
nighted regions  to  the  South  of  us* 
And,  besides  these  great  civil  benefits, 
we  shall,  at  the  same  time,  carry  the 
blessings  of  true  religion  to  those 
afflicted  peoples.  It  will  be  the  mis- 
sion of  lively  New-England  Puritanism 
to  drive  the  effete  Catholicism  out  of 
all  that  district  of  the  globe.  These 
"  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  Catholicism 
and  slavery,"  we  are  told,  "  shall  not 
much  longer  curse  any  spot  in  the 
New  World." 

But  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  end 
of  Lincoln's  grand  programme  for 
ameliorating  the  conditions  of  all  the 
peoples  and  languages  on  this  Conti- 
nent, The  West  India  Islands  lie 
directly  in  our  path  of  empire,  and  will 
naturally  belong  to  us  when  we  have 
redeemed  all  the  main  lands  of  Central 
and  South  America.  Jamaica,  Hayti, 
and  all  the  small  islands  of  the  Carib- 
bean Sea,  must  fall  like  so  many 
plumbs  into  our  lap.  We  shall  want 
them  for  homes  of  our  freed  npo-roes 
as  the  Puritan  type  of  man  increases 
and  overspreads  the  conquered  terri- 
tory of  the  South.  At  last  we  shall 
have  to  adopt  the  same  policy  with  the 
negroes  that  we  did  with  the  Indians 
— exterminate  or  remove  them.  And 
when  our  work  is  done  in  all  the  re- 


172 


THE    CONTINENT    OF   AMERICA    THREATENED   WITH    WAR. 


[April, 


gions  that  lie  to  the  South  of  us,  to 
make  a  clean  thing*  of  it,  we  shall  re- 
turn to  the  far  North  again,  and  take 
under  our  humane  protection  the  Rus- 
sian possessions  that  lie  on  our  side  of 
the  globe.  Then, 
"  The  whole  boundless  Continent  is  ours." 

Then  the  territory  belonging  to  us, 
or  paying  tribute  to  us,  will  stretch 
from  Barrows'  Straits  to  Cape  Horn, 
embracing  every  inch  of  land  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans.  In  a 
word,  the  whole  Western  Continent 
will  belong  to  us.  There  will  be  at 
least  a  thousand  Military  Governors 
owing  their  appointment  to  the  Presi- 
dent, or  autocrat,  of  the  consolidated 
States.  The  territories  over  which 
they  rule  will  owe  tribute  to  us.  Our 
wealth  will  be  as  boundless  as  our  do- 
minions. England,  France,  Russia,  and 
Spain,  will  tremble  at  the  very  men- 
tion of  our  name.  In  our  mild  and 
peaceful  enterprises  we  shall  be  the 
hope  of  all  peoples ;  but  in  our  wrath 
the  terror  of  the  world. 

Does  this  vast  design  seem  chimeri- 
cal ?  Do  we  look  upon  it  as  the  dream 
of  a  madman  or  a  fool  ?  We  declare 
that  it  is  substantially  the  programme 
stated  by  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
leaders  of  the  Republican  party — a 
gentleman  whose  name  has  been  more 
than  once  used  in  connection  with  a 
place  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  Cabinet.  To 
him,  and  the  party  represented  by  him, 
it  is  held  to  be,  not  only  within  the 
bounds  of  possibility,  but  of  probability. 
It  is  a  natural  and  easy  conclusion  of 
the  lunacy  of  Lincolnism.  It  is  no 
more  chimerical  than  the  idea  of  sub- 
jugating, and  holding  as  conquered 
colonies,  our  sister  Southern  States. 
Nor  is  the  crime  of  the  proposition  half 
as  great.     If  we  can  carry  on  a  gigan- 


tic war  to  "  wipe  out  slavery"  from  our 
sister  States,  where  we  are  solemnly 
bound,  by  our  own  Constitution,  not  to  • 
meddle  with  it,  what  may  we  not  do  to 
exterminate  it  in  Cuba,  Brazil,  and 
Porto  Rico  ?  If  the  American  people 
will  devote  their  blood  to  overthrow 
the  sovereign  States  which  were  our 
companions  in  the  grand  struggle  for 
independence  and  liberty,  who  will  say 
that  they  will  stop  at  any  measure  of 
crime  and  war  against  foreign  States? 
What  has  mankind,  what  has  civiliza- 
tion to  expect  from  a  people  led  by 
such  crazy  vagabonds  as  Sumner, 
Wade,  Seward,  and  Lincoln,  backed 
by  a  clergy  as  immoral,  blood-thirsty, 
and  brutal  as  the  Salii  priest?  of  the 
temple  of  Mars  ?  Should  the  justice 
and  mercy  of  God  so  far  abandon 
America  as  to  allow  Puritanism  to  sub- 
jugate and  exterminate  the  Southern 
States,  not  only  the  people  of  Mexico, 
of  the  Central  and  South  American 
States,  of  the  English,  Spanish,  and 
French  possessions  in  the  islands  to 
the  South  of  us,  but  of  the  English  col- 
onies  at  the  North,  will  be  compelled 
to  pour  out  their  blood  like  floods  of 
rain  to  defend  their  property  and  their 
institutions  from  the  fierce  invasion  of 
our  legions  of  savage  blacks  and 
whites.  Inspired  by  a  long  cultivated 
thirst  for  blood  and  plunder,  we  shall 
sweep  down  upon  all  the  un-PurUan- 
ized  peoples  of  this  Continent  like  an 
avalanche.  Especially  will  every 
Catholic  district  feel  the  fierce  shock 
of  our  arms.  It  is  a  war  of  Puritan- 
ism, against  every  principle  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty,  and  it  will  rage, 
with  accumulating  force  and  savagery, 
until  God,  in  mercy  to  mankind,  shall 
terminate  its  terrible  reign,  by  a  gen- 
eral uprising  of  all  peoples  against  it. 


1865.]                                                                      MORNING    SONG.  173 

If  we  should  succeed  in  "subjugating*'  tanisin  let  loose,  and  unrestrained  over 

the  South,  in  the  souse   meant  by  the  the    Continent  ?      It   will    bo    like  an 

"Republican"   party,    this   Continent  eruption   of  hell — sending  forth  an  in- 

will  be  the  theatre  of  thirty,  and  per-  computable  army  of  devils!     Democra- 

haps   of  sixty  years  of  bloodier  wars  cy  will  give  place  tp  Plutocracy.     The 

than  the  civilized  world  has  yet  wit-  arts  of   war  will    banish    the   arts  of 

nessed!      If    the   heart   of    humanity  peace.     The  very  name  of  America  v-ill 

shudders   at  the  vices   of  Puritanism  be   abhorred,   and  justly  abhorred,  by 

chained,  what  will  be  its  horror  atPuri-  mankind  1 


-+&*- 


MORNING  SONG. 

FEOM   THE   GERMAN   OP  TJHLAND. 

As  yet  the  sun  hath  not  appeared, 
Nor  yet  the  morning  bells  are  heard 
Along  the  quiet  vale. 

How  si'lent  doth  the  forest  seem! 
The  birds  but  warble  in  a  dream  ; 
No  songs  the  morning  hail. 

In  these  green  fields  have  I  been  long, 
And  have  composed  this  little  song, 
And  suncr  it  in  the  dale. 


-:o:- 


A  FRENCH  EPIGRAM. 

Greenlawl  de  la  paix  le  pays 
De  Mars  est  doignedu  brail, 
La  regne  V amour,  et  la  nuit 
De  Van  entier  est  le  demi. 

The  loves  of  Greenland  happy  are 
So  far  removed  from  noise  and  care  ; 
Bold  Cupid  reigns  and  revels  there— 
The  shortest  night  is  half  a  year. 


1*74  DEATH    AND    TENEMENT-HOUSES.  [April# 


DEATH  AND  TENEMENT-HOUSES. 


BY    THOMAS    DUNN    ENGLISH. 


I  strolled  through  the  streets  the  other  day — 
The  flags  were  sloppy — the  air  was  damp — « 

When,  picking  my  path  along  Broadway, 
I  heard  behind  me  a  rattling  tramp. 

I  gave  it  no  heed,  till  upon  my  neck 
Came  the  steady  blast  of  an  icy  breath  ; 

Then  I  turned  on  my  heel  with  a  low  congee 
To  my  old  acquaintance,  grim  King  Death. 

For,  being  a  doctor,  I  knew  him  well, 

Though  rather  strangety  the  monarch  was  dfest— 
The  finest  cloth  in  his  trousers  and  coat, 

Of  Genoa  velvet  his  sable  vest. 

Deeply  cavernous  the  eyes  in  his  skull  ; 

O'er  face  and  on  fingers  the  skin  was  drawn  ; 
And  a  marvellous  skill  had  the  tailor  displayed 

In  hiding  the  lacking  of  sinew  and  brawn. 

He  carried  no  dart  in  his  bony  hand, 

As  men  may  have  seen  in  a  picture  or  two  ; 

For  he  does  all  his  work  by  his  deputies  now, 
Just  as  the  leading  officials  do. 

Quoth  I — "Your  majesty  's  looking  well ; 

Where  are  the  diseases  that  move  in  your  suite- 
Lord  Typhus  Gravior,  Count  Variole, 

And  the  terrible  Marquis  of  Diptherite  ? 

"  Phthisis,  your  Groom  of  the  Chamber,  so  thin  ; 

Sir  Billious  B,emittent,  the  sallow  and  grim  ; 
Your  rosy  Field  Marshal,  the  Prince  Scarlatina — 

Many  the  struggle  I've  had  with  him  ! 

"  Your  five  Lords  in  Waiting — Delirium  Tremens, 
Scorbutus,  Cholera,  Dengue  and  Grippe — 

Have  you  given  some  other  diseases  their  office, 
Or  are  you  iiicog  for  a  morning  trip  ?" 

Death  grinned  as  he  answered — "  Crony  of  mine, 

I'm  only  making  their  duties  sure  ; 
They'll  come  at  ray  call  when  I  need  their  aid — 

They  are  taking  their  rest  in  the  common  sewer. 

"I  am  merely  building  through  friends  of  mine, 

My  tenement-houses  here  and  there, 
With  the  lowest  of  ceilings  and  smallest  of  rooms, 

And  the  shortest  allowance  of  light  and  air. 


1865.]  DEATH  AND  TENEMENT-HOUSES.  175 

"I  make  it  a  point  in  the  contract  that  all 

These  fever-engendering  dungeons  must  be, 
By  a  most  ingenious  contrivance  of  mine, 

From  ventilation  thoroughly  free. 

"  The  reeking  breaths  of  a  dozen  at  least 

Shall  poison  the  air  of  every  room  ; 
And  wretches  who  climb  the  tenement  stairs, 

Ascend  to  a  quick  and  a  certain  doom. 

"When  once  I  have  builded  me  houses  enough, 
And  filled  them  up  with  the  wretchedest  poor, 

My  pet  diseases  my  summons  will  hail 
From  the  garbage  pile  and  the  common  sewer. 

44  From  attic  to  cellar  they'll  swiftly  sweep, 

And  revel  in  joy  in  the  foetid  air  ; 
At  the  victim's  bed  they'll  dance  and  leap 

To  the  melody  made  by  the  dying  there. 

"  The  innocent  child  with  his  golden  hair, 

His  plump,  red  cheeks,  and  his  tinted  skin, 
Shall  wane  in  his  spirit  and  sink  in  his  strength, 

And  waste  to  a  creature  pallid  and  thin. 

"  The  budding  maid  with  her  heart  aglow, 

And  its  rich  blood  tinting  her  pulpy  lip, 
Will  find  Consumption  seize  on  her  lungs, 

With  a  subtle  touch  and  an  iron  grip. 

"  The  stoutest  man  may  laugh  at  my  power, 
For  his  sinew  is  tough  and  his  muscle  is  strong ; 

But  strength  and  vigor  are  little  avail 
When  the  loathsome  Small-pox  comes  along. 

"  Grandsire  garrulous,  grandchild  weak, 

Mother  and  daughter,  father  and  son — 
These  are  my  prey  in  the  earliest  day  ; 

Out  of  a  score  I  will  scarce  leave  one. 

"  My  harvest  I  ripen  by  arts  like  these, 

That  soon  to  the  sickle  I  may  condemn  ; 
I'm  sure  of  the  builders  and  owners  as  well, 

When  Satan  forecloses  his  mortagage  on  them." 

Humming  an  opera  air  Death  left, 

And  I  said  to  myself  as  I  homeward  strayed — 
44  Whenever  a  tenement-house  goes  up, 

I  know  the  points  in  the  contract  made. 

"  Yes !   the  owner  has  bargained  for  human  lives- 
Death's  journeyman  butcher,  he  paves  the  way 

For  pallor  and  weakness  and  foul  disease 
And  a  narrow  tenement-house  of  clay. 

"So  let  us  rejoice  as  around  tluy  spread 

Their  fever-nurseries  here  by  the  acre, 
King  Death  will  garner  his  or  >p  of  fools, 

And  I  grow  rich,  and  the  coffin-maker." 


1:16 


ABOLITION    FOREVER   IMPOSSIBLE. 


[April, 


"ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY'7  FOREVER  IMPOSSIBLE. 


If  Abraham  Lincoln  &  Co.  could 
know  beyond  doubt  or  question  that 
the  "abolition  of  slavery"  was  impossi- 
ble, and  as  absolutely  and  everlastingly 
beyond  the  scope  of  human  power  to 
compass,  as  to  breathe  without  atmo- 
spheric air,  or,  indeed,  to  restore  life 
to  the  dead,  they  would  doubtless  halt 
at  once  in  their  awful  march  towards 
national  suicide,  and  repent  in  sack- 
cloth and  ashes  for  the  enormous 
crimes  they  are  blindly  committing. 
They  have  the  same  interests,  the  same 
motives,  the  same  wishes  to  preserve 
this  grand  fabric  of  American  civiliza- 
tion for  their  children  and  their  poster i 
ty  that  others  have  ;  and,  therefore, 
could  they  understand  this  question 
and  know  that  that  which  they  are 
striving  to  accomplish  was  in  utter 
conflict  with  the  fundamental  laws  of 
organic  life,  as  well  as  those  that  lie  at 
the  base  of  social  order,  they  would  in- 
stantly cease  from  their  dreadful  work 
of  blood  and  destruction,  and  strive 
with  all  their  might  to  retrace  their 
steps  and  to  undo  their  monstrous 
work. 

If,  for  example,  four  years  ago  the 
veil  of  the  future  had  been  uplifted  and 
they  could  have  seen  the  awful  and 
bloody  scenes  that  have  intervened, they 
would  have  abandoned  their  "  cause/' 
or,  at  all  events,  would  have  permitted 
the  seven  seceding  States  to  "  depart 
in  peace."  But  if  they  continue  to 
cling  to  that  "  cause,"  and  the  veil  that 
now  hides  the  next  four  years  from 
mortal  gaze  were  suddenly  withdrawn, 
they  would  go  mad  with  terror,  and 
with  glazed  eyeballs   and   hair  erect, 


like  quills  of  the  "  fretful  porcupine," 
call  upon  the  mountains  to  fall  upon 
and  hide  them  from  the  appalling  hor- 
rors that  surrounded  them. 

It  is  true,  Jefferson  Davis  &  Co.  have 
committed  great  errors — perhaps  pos- 
terity will  say  great  crimes — but  it 
will  always  be  remembered  that  they 
acted  on  the  defensive,  and,  at  the  most, 
mistook  the  true  means  of  defence. 
At  all  events,  it  is  certain  that  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  abandoned  the  "  anti- 
slavery  cause "  after  his  election,  and 
pledged  himself  to  administer  the  Con- 
stitution as  the  Supreme  Court  inter- 
preted it,  and  as  all  of  his  predecessors 
administered.it,  there  would  have  been 
no  dismemberment  of  the  States  or  de- 
struction of  life  or  property.  Indeed, 
it  is  certain  that  Virginia — grand, 
magnanimous,  Ume/^loving  Virginia 
■ — proposed  to  Mi.  Lincoln  and  hi& 
party  to  restore  ("be  seceding  States  to 
the  Union  on  tha  simple  proviso  that 
they  would  abandon  their  " principles" 
and  administer  the  Constitution  just  aw1 
the  Supreme  Court  interpreted  it  on  the 
question  in  issue. 

But  thirty  years  of  "  anti-slavery % 
teaching,  innumerable  books,  pan.' 
phlets,  tracts,  speeches,  sermons,  /zj, 
had  so  deluded  the  northern  mind  that 
the  "anti-slavery"  party  was  pro- 
foundly convinced  of  the  r?uth,  and,  in- 
deed, beneficence  of  their  "  cause,"  and 
with  an  abiding  faith  in  its  justice, 
sacrificed  the  Union  of  the  States  and 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  country. 
And,  more  wonderful  still,  in  the  face 
of  the  awful  experience  of  the  past  four 
years,  they  cling  to  their  "principles" 


1865.] 


ABOLITION    FOREVER    IMPOSSIBLE. 


m 


with    seemingly    greater    earnestness 
than  ever  before,  and  now  openly  and 
clamorously   declare  that  the  "aboli- 
tion of  slavery"   is  the  object  of  the 
war,  and  that  it  shall  not  cease  until 
that   object   is    accomplished.     If  Mr. 
Lincoln  were  to  declare  that  the  war 
should  go  on  until  corn  was  grown  on 
the  peaks  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and 
New  England  should  supply  the  world 
with  coffee,  or  issue  his  proclamation 
that  the  birds  of  America  should  change 
place  with  its  fishes,  or  hereafter  they 
should  live  a  common  life  and  mix  to- 
gether— any    or    all   of    these   things 
would  be  no  more  impossible  than  that 
"  abolition  of  slavery"  and  "impartial 
freedom"  for  whites  and  negroes,  which 
he  and  his  party  pledge  themselves  to 
compass.     All  that  is  possible  in  either 
case    is  self-destruction — to   beat  out 
their  brains   and  destroy  their  bodies 
in  blind  and  impious  efforts  to  change 
the  eternal   order   and  "reform"  the 
works  of  the  Almighty. 

The  absolute  demonstration  of  this 
assertion  is  somewhat  difficult  in  a 
brief  and  hastily  written  article  like 
this,  but  it  is  confidently  believed  by 
the  writer  that  every  intelligent  and 
rational  man  who  reads  it  will  rise 
from  its  perusal  with  an  undoubting 
conviction  of  its  general  truth.  First 
of  all,  then,  what  is  "  slavery,"  or  what 
is  the  thing  or  condition  thus  desig- 
nated? 

Wp  have  in  this  country  some  four 
millions  of  negroes.  They  are  in  a 
condition  of  domestic  subordination 
corresponding  with  their  natural 
wants  and  the  well-being  of  the  white 
citizenship.  They  are  not  included  in 
the  legal  or  political  system,  and  their 
service  or  industrial  capacities  are  for 
general  convenience   made  to  have  a 


money  value  ;  and  to  the  precise  ex- 
tent necessary  to  enforce  this  service 
the   master  or  owner  has  control  over 
them,  but  in   all  beyond,  the  negro  is 
under  the  safeguard  of  the  law.     1 1  be" 
ing,  moreover,  the  highest  interest  of 
the  master  to  make  this  service  avail- 
able, it  is  only  reasonable  to  say  that 
the  negro  is   the  best  treated  human 
creature  dependent  on  the  will  of  a  su- 
perior   in    Christendom.      The    brutal 
husband  or  father  without  affection  has 
little  to  restrain  his  brutality,  but  the 
brutal  "slaveholder"   injures    himself 
when  he  beats  or  injures  his   "slave;" 
and,    therefore,    to   say   nothing  of  a 
healthy  public  sentiment  or  of  the  law, 
the  interest  of  property  is  doubtless  a 
greater  protection  to  the  "  slave"  than 
is  the  affection  of  a  brutal  husband  or 
father  to  wife  or  child      It  is  quite  un- 
necessary to  go  into  particulars — it  is 
sufficient  to  say  that  while  there  are 
doubtless  many  defects  in   the   social 
condition   common  to    the   South   and 
common   to    all   the    States    save 'one 
when  the  Federal  Union  was  created, 
it    is    a    condition   vastly   superior  to 
Africanism  or  isolation  of  the  negro, 
for  he  is   more  prolific,  and  therefore 
must  be  in  a  better  condition  than  the 
former. 

Life  is  the  greatest  blessing  that 
God  has  given  His  creatures,  for  it  em- 
braces all  other  blessings,  and  that 
people,  or  race,  or  population  which 
multiplies  itself  most  rapidly,  is  per- 
force, and  of  necessity,  in  the  best  con- 
dition ;  and  when  it  is  considered  that 
less  than  half  a  million  of  negroes  have 
in  eighty  years  expanded  into  some 
four  millions,  we  know  that  it  is  the 
best  and  happiest  condition  to  the  ne- 
gro, of  course. 

Men  and  animals  languish  and  die 


178 


ABOLITION    FOREVER    IMPOSSIBLE. 


[April, 


out  in  slavery  or  abnormal  conditions. 
Thus  the  slaves  of  Greece  and  Rome 
were  constantly  renewed  by  fresh 
wars,  and  in  which  the  conquered, 
having  forfeited  their  lives,  became 
the  slaves  of  the  victors.  Thus,  too, 
lions,  tigers,  &c.,  in  the  menageries 
languish  and  die,  and  continual  addi- 
tions are  made  by  fresh  captures  of 
these  animals,  instead  of  natural  sup- 
ply. We  cannot  well  compare  white 
men  and  negroes,  for  that  which  were 
the  best  possible  condition  for  one 
might  be  the  worst  possible  condition 
for  the  other  ;  but  whatever  may  be 
our  well-being,  under  our  Democratic 
institutions,  in  comparison  with  the  mil- 
lions of  the  Old  World,  it  is  abso- 
lute^ certain  that  the  relative  well- 
being  of  our  negroes,  compared  with 
their  race  elsewhere,  is  quite  equal  to 
our  own. 

This,  then,  is  that  condition  of  the 
negro  which,  by  an  absurd  abuse  of 
terms  and  a  monstrous  falsehood,  is 
called  "  slavery,"  the  absurdity  of 
which  and  the  falsehood  of  which  may 
be  fully  comprehended  when  we  re- 
member that  men  do  not  propagate  or 
multiply  in  a  condition  of  slavery,  and 
half  a  million  of  our  American  ne- 
groes have  multiplied  into  four  mil- 
lions in  eighty  years. 

But  the  relative  right  or  wrong  of 
this  condition,  or  this  so-called  slavery 
of  the  negro,  is  not  the  question  before 
the  country.  If  it  were  as  pregnant 
of  evil  as  ignorance  and  folly  claim  it 
to  be  ;  if,  in  short,  the  negroes  of  the 
South  were  as  brutally  and  wrong- 
fully treated  as  Mrs.  Stowe  and  the 
Abolition  writers  represent,  it  would 
not  modify  or  reduce  the  horrible  im- 
pieties of  Abolitionism  in  the  slightest 
respect. 


They  assume  not  that  the  condition 
of  the  negro  should  be  improved,  or 
anything  of  that  kind,  but  that  it  should 
be  abolished,  obliterated,  stricken  out 
of  existence,  and  that  of  the  white 
man  forced  on  him.  Or,  in  other 
words,  that  the  distinctions  of  race 
should  be  ignored,  trampled  down, 
disregarded,  and  whites  and  negroes 
forced  to  live  under  the  same  con- 
ditions, or,  as  they  express  it,  in  "im- 
partial freedom"  together. 

This,  then,  is  the  abolition  of  "  sla- 
very"— an  attempt  to  reconstruct  so- 
ciety in  the  South,  and  force  eight 
millions  of  white  people  to  live  on 
equal  terms  with  four  millions  of  ne- 
groes. 

Many  ignorant  and  superficial  peo- 
ple who  affect  to  despise  Abolitionists, 
fancy  that  the  "abolition  of  slavery" 
is  a  mere  negation — something  gotten 
rid  of,  and,  even  if  it  does  no  good  to 
the  negro,  that  it  can  do  no  harm  to 
the  white  man,  when,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  it  must  harm  one  just  as  much 
as  it  does  the  other,  though,  where  the 
proportion  of  numbers  vary  widely,  as 
in  Massachusetts,  New- York,  &c,  the 
evil  result  is  not  perceived. 

It  would  seem  that  to  an  American 
who  knows  what  negroes  are  in  fact, 
it  should  be  self-evident  that  whites 
and  negroes  could  not  live  in  "  impar- 
tial freedom,"  or  a  common  condition. 
They  know  that  God  has  made  the 
negro,  and,  therefore,  designed  him  for 
a  purpose,  else  he  would  not  exist  ; 
and  to  strive  to  "abolish"  this  design, 
and  force  whites  and  negroes  to  live 
under  the  same  conditions  and  fulfill 
the  same  purpose,  must  be  impossible, 
of  course,  unless  man  can  really  push 
aside  the  Almighty  Creator,  and  or- 
ganize a  new  creation  to  suit  himself. 


1865.] 


.ABOLITION    FOREVER    IMPOSSIBLE. 


17$ 


Europeans,  who,  ignorant  of  negroes,  feet  "freedom"  of  Massachusetts,  and, 
imagine  them  "  colored  men,"  or  men  therefore,  do  not  so  rapidly  destroy 
like  themselves,  save  that  their  skins  these  hapless  creatures,  but  the  aver- 
age black,  naturally  enough  fancy  age  murder  or  extinction  is  five  per 
them  entitled  to  the  same  rights  ;  cent,  in  the  so-called  free  States  in 
but  that  Americans,  in  juxtaposition  contrast  with  four  per  cent,  increase 
w.th  these  people,  could  be  so  be-  in  the  so-called  slave  States  !  Or, 
sotted  as  to  adopt  the  European  in  other  words,  South  Carolina,  re- 
theoiy,  and  so  wicked  as  to  strive  to  cognizing  the  distinctions  ordained  by 
realize  it  in  practice  will  be  a  standing  the  Creator,  adapts  her  laws  and  so- 
wonder  in  all  coming  time.  If  any  cial  regulations  to  the  nature  and  wants 
one  proposed  to  "  abolish'  the  distinc-  of  both  whites  and  negroes,  and  the 
tions  of  sex,  and  force  men  and  women  result  is  an  annual  increase  of  the 
to  fulfill  the  same  purpose,  every  one  negro  population  of  four  per  cent.  ; 
would  sec  its  impracticability  as  well  but  Massachusctt  forces  whites  and 
as  impiety  to  the  Almighty,  who  has  negroes  into  "impartial  freedom,"  and 
designed  them  for  different  purposes,  the  result  is  an  annual  decrease  of 
Or,  if  it  was  proposed  to  make  eagles  five  per  cent.  ;  that  is,  the  latter 
and  crows  live  the  same  life  and  fulfill  State  as  absolutely  murders  her  ne- 
the  same  purpose,  or  bull-dogs  and  groes  as  if  she  did  it  at  once  formally 
hounds,  or,  indeed,  any  of  God's  crea-  and  avowedly  !  If  Massachusetts 
lures,  to  fulfill  a  common  purpose  were  to  enact  laws  to  force  women  to 
with  a  different  being,  the  impiety  and  fulfill  the  purposes  or  role  of  men,  or 
monstrosity  of  the  thing  would  be  should  force  all  boys  of  the  age  of  ten 
plainly  apparent.  to  perform  the  duties  of  adult  life,  it 
l>ut,  while  it  should  be  self-evident  surely  would  be  clear  that  the  rapid 
to  the  mind  of  every  American  that  it  mortality  certain  to  follow  would  be 


must  needs  be  impossible  to  abolish 
the  distinctions  of  race,  and  force 
whites  and  negroes  to  live  under  the 
same  conditions,  the  actual,  material, 
palpable  every-day  demonstration  man- 


the  work  of  the  State  or  corporate 
society  that  ordained  this  thing.  And 
if  Massachusetts,  wishing  to  rid  her- 
self of  negroes,  should  formally  enact 
that   a   certain    annual   proportion   of 


itcst   all    about  us,  places   it   beyond      these   people   should  be  murdered    in 


doubt  or  possible  mistake. 

Massaehusetts,  New  York,  &c,  have 
abolished  all  distinctions  based  on 
race,  and  forced  whites  and  negroes 
to  live  under  the  same  conditions,  and 


order  to  bring  about  their  final  extinc- 
tion in  that  State,  the  result,  whatever 
we  may  designate  the  process,  would 
be  exactly  the  same  as  that  done  now 
in  the  impious  and  monstrous  effort  to 


the  result  is  that,  within  the  past  five  set  aside  the  design  of  the   Almighty, 

years,  there   are   37G  deaths   and  124  and  force  different  beings  to  live  un- 

births   among  the  negroes  of  Boston,  der  common  conditions. 

Some    of    the    States,    Pennsylvania,  But  this  gradual  murder,  or,  at  all 

New-Jersey,  &c.,  have  not  completely  events,  killing  of  the  poor  negroes  of 

realized  the  "  abolition  idea  ;"  that  is,  that    State,    cannot    be    accomplished 

have  not  forced  on  the  negro   the   per-  without  a  corresponding  injury  to  the 


180 


ABOLITION    FOREVER     IMPOSSIBLE. 


[April, 


whites.  God  has  made  the  white  man 
superior,  with  twenty  per  cent,  more 
brain,  and  a  widely  different  brain  be- 
side, with  a  vastly  more  elaborate  and 
elevated  bodily  organism,  and,  of 
course,  corresponding  moral  forces, 
and,  therefore,  when  in  juxtaposition, 
holds  the  superior  being  responsible, 
just  as  He  does  the  husband  or  the 
parent  for  the  guidance  and  care  of 
wife  and  children.  If  a  white  man  ab- 
dicates his  natural  superiority,  and 
tramples  on  his  instincts,  or  so-called 
"  prejudices  of  color,"  and  goes  down 
to  a  social  level  with  a  negro,  and 
their  families  affiliate  together,  and 
their  children  intermarry,  why  it  is  ev- 
ident enough  that  the  base  creature 
would  be  punished  by  this  unnatural 
association  quite  as  much  as  the  ne- 
groes themselves.  A  State  or  society 
is  simply  an  aggregate  of  families,  and 
political  equality  is  simply  a  phase  of 
social  equality,  and  though  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  are  now  saved  from 
the  amalgamation  of  blood  as  well  as 
of  condition  by  so-called  slavery  else- 
where, the  people  of  that  State  are 
punished  to  the  precise  extent  that 
they  inflict  wrong  on  the  negro.  There 
being  a  million  of  whites  and  only  ten 
thousand  negroes,  this  punishment,  it 
is  true,  is  not  perceptible  to  the  mass- 
es. It  may  be  understood  in  part, 
however,  even  now  ;  not  one  negro  in 
fifty  is  a  producer,  and  the  laboring 
classes  are,  therefore,  taxed  ;  then  the 
gambling  houses,  houses  of  ill-fame, 
and  other  dens  of  iniquity,  and  in  fact 
most  of  the  vices  of  the  whites  in  our 
cities,  are  ministered  to  by  these  de- 
bauched and  perverted  negroes.  They 
have  but  feeble  moral  perceptions, 
even  in  their  normal  condition,  and 
here  none  at  all  ;  and  moreover,  the 


great  social  gulf  still  separating  them 
from  the  whites,  prompts  the  vicious 
to  select  them  as  their  instruments  for 
carrying  out  their  debaucheries.  But 
the  wide  disparity  in  numbers,  as  ob- 
served, renders  all  this  imperceptible. 
All  that  can  now  be  reduced  to  fact  is 
the  average  five  per  cent,  mortality, 
and  the  inductive  fact  that  it  is  there- 
fore only  a  question  of  time  when  "  free 
negroism"  in  the  North  becomes  ex- 
tinct, and  the  inexorable  law  inherent 
in  the  very  nature  of  things,  that 
States  or  communities  committing 
such  crimes  as*the  "gradual"  destruc- 
tion of  these  hapless  negroes,  must  re- 
ceive and  will  receive  a  corresponding 
punishment.  But  after  all,  we  are  the 
victims,  not  the  authors,  of  this  horri- 
ble delusion.  It  originated  with  the 
enemies  of  Kepublicanism  in  the  Old 
World.  Instinct,  if  not  reason,  taught 
Pitt  and  Wilberforce  that  if  they 
could  debauch  and  delude  Americans 
into  "  abolition  of  slavery,"  the  "  corner 
stone  of  our  Republican  edifice"  would 
be  torn  out,  and  Europe  would  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  the  great  Re- 
public of  the  New  World. 

The  end  sought  for  was,  there- 
fore, "  impartial  freedom'"  but  they 
soon  began  their  devil's  work  by  a 
war  upon  the  so-called  slave  trade, 
and  have  ended  it  in  "  universal  free- 
dom everywhere  within  their  American 
dependencies,  and  their  agents  and 
tools  have  done  their  work  in  the  nor- 
thern States,  and  blindly  labored  for 
thirty  years  past  for  the  destruction  of 
Democratic  institutions  everywhere  in 
the  New  World   as  well    as   the    Old. 

Taking  Jamaica  as   an  illustration 
there  were  four  hundred  thousand  ne- 
groes and  twenty-five  thousand  whites. 
Of  course   no   one  in  Jamaica  could 


1865.] 


ABOLITION    FOREVER   IMPOSSIBLE. 


181 


dream  of  such  a  monstrous  thing  as 
forcing  these  whites   and  negroes  into 
a  common  condition,   or  to  live  under 
the  same  rules  and  regulations  ;  but 
an    outside   power   forced  this  horrid 
doom  on  the  hapless  whites   of  that 
island.      The   British    parliament    de- 
creed that  the  distinctions  made  by  the 
Almighty  should  be  disregarded,  ob- 
literated,  abolished,    and    whites   and 
negroes  forced  to  live  together  in  "  im- 
partial  freedom."      The  result  is  that 
the   negroes  actually  decline  in  num- 
bers as  well  as  the  whites,  save  in  the 
interior,  where  they  arc  left  to  a  great 
extent  to  their  natural  tendencies,  and 
increase  slowly,  but  the  whites  are  dy- 
ing out  about  as  fast  as  the  negroes  in 
Massachusetts;  and  if  the  foreign  gov- 
ernment was  now  removed,  one  hund- 
red years  hence  there  would  not  be  a 
single  white  man  in  the  island,  nor  a 
single  negro  that  was  "  civilized,"  that 
was  a  Christian,  that  could  speak  En- 
glish, or  retained  anything  whatever 
that   had  been  impressed  on  them  in 
other  days  by  the  superior  but  then 
extinct  white  man  ! 

Here,  then,  would  be  the  final  end — 
the  grand  result  one  hundred  years 
hence — the  total  extinction  of  the 
the  white  man  in  the  tropics.  The 
"abolition  of  slavery"  would  be  the 
abolition  of  the  hapless  negroes  of 
Massachusetts,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  white  men  of  Jamaica,  and  leav- 
ing the  great  central  region  of  the 
continent  as  absolutely  African  as  if 
a  white  man  had  never  trodden  its 
soil  or  breathed  its  balmy  atmosphere. 
What  an  awful  /actio  contemplate  ! 
One  hundred  years  hence,  according  to 
the  ratio  of  mortality  exhibited  in  the 
British  Parliament,  there  would  not. be 
a  single  white  man  left  in  the  British 


West  India  Islands,  and  according  to 

our  own  census  reports,  not   one   soli- 
tary negro  left  in  Massachusetts.     In 
a  blind,   lunatic  and  impious  attempt 
to  abolish  "  slavery,"  and  force  white 
men   and   negroes   to   live   under  the 
same  conditions,  they  could  only  abol- 
ish a  certain  number  of  whites  in  Ja- 
maica and  negroes  in  Massachusetts, 
and  end  with  being  just  as  far  from 
"impartial  freedom"  as  when  they  be- 
gan  their  monstrous  work.     They  beat 
their  brains  against  the  eternal  order 
in  vain,    and,    save  in  the  boundless 
evil,  the  illimitable  suffering  inflicted 
on  the  victims,  and  final  extinction  of  a 
certain  number  of  God's  creatures,  the 
world  remains  the  same,  the  social  or- 
ganism recovers  from  the  monstrous 
experiment,  and  the  "  abolition  of  sla- 
very" remains  as  eternally  impossible 
as  life  without  atmospheric  air,  or  that 
the  dead  can  be  restored  to  life. 

In  conclusion,  then,  we  only  need  to 
apply  these  facts,  and  inductive  facts, 
to  the  prospective  designs  of  A.  Lincoln 
&  Co.,  to  know,  absolutely  and  beyond 
doubt,  that,  though  they  may  destroy 
southern  society,  and,  from  inexorable 
necessity,  drag  the  North  into  the  com- 
mon ruin,  they  cannot  change  the  ele- 
ments of  that  society  or  the  natural  re- 
lations of  the  races,  for  God  does  not 
permit  them  to  reform  His  work,  and 
our  daily  experience  confirms  their  im- 
potency.  Or  in  other  words,  though 
they  may  murder  a  certain  number  of 
whites  and  negroes  in  their  experi- 
ment, and  inflict  calamities,  horrors 
and  miseries  unspeakable  and  illimit- 
able on  miliums  beside,  they  cannot 
abolish  the  natural  order,  or  force  dif- 
ferent beings  to  live  under  the  same 
condition,  or,  as  they  say,  in  "  impar- 
tial freedom." 


182 


SHAKSPEARE   AND   THE    GREEK   POETS. 


[April, 


SHAKSPEARE  AND  THE   GEEEK   POETS. 


The  question  so  long  mooted,  as  to 
whether  Shakspeare  was  a  man  of 
classical  learning  or  not,  would  seem 
to  be  settled  by  the  resemblances  in 
many  of  his  liner  passages  to  the 
Greek  poets.  In  many  places  he  shows 
an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Plato, 
Horner,  Lucien,  and  Theocrites.  For 
example,  the  following  exquisite  lines 
bear  a  remarkable  likeness,  in  perfec- 
tion, sweetness,  richness,  refined  alle- 
gory, and  divine  enthusiasm,  to  the 
great  poetic  philosopher  of  Greece  : 

How  sweet  the  moonlight  sleeps  upon  this 
bank! 

Here  will  wc  sit,  and  let  the  sounds  of  mu- 
sic 

Creep  into  our  ears  ;    soft  stillness  and  the 
night 

Become  the  touches  of  sweet  harmony. 

Sit,  Jessica  ;  look  how  the  floor  of  Heaven 

Is  thick  inlaid  with  patters  of  bright  gold. 

There's  not  the  smallest  orb  which  thou  be- 
holdest 

But  in  his  motion  like  an  angel  sings 

Still  quiring  to  the  young  eyed  cherubim. 

Such  harmony  is  in  immortal  souls! 

[Merchant  of  Venice,  Act  5,  Scene  1. 

The  corresponding  passage  of  Plato 
is  too  long  for  quotation.  It  is  in  his 
tenth  Bock  de  Republica,  where  he  ter- 
minates with  the  harmony  of  the 
spheres,  and  represents  a  syren  sitting- 
on  each  of  the  eight  orbs,  and  singing 
to  each  in  its  proper  tone,  while  they 
are  thus  guided  through  the  heavens 
in  a  diapason  of  perfect  harmony — the 
Fates  themselves  chaunting  to  this  ce- 
lestial music.  No  poet  more  resembles 
Plato  in  fondness  for  music  than  Shaks- 
peare. He  abounds  in  songs  exqui. 
sitely  adapted  to  music  ;  and  abounds, 
like  Plato,  with   allusions  from   it  to 


civil  polity  and  the  moral  harmony  of 
life. 

Thus  in  Trolius  and  Cressida  ; 

Take  but  degree  away,  untune  that  string, 
And  hark,  what  discord  follows  ;  each  thing 

it  meets 
In  mere  oppugnancy. 

This  play  of  "  Trolius  and  Cressida'' 
is  Platonic  in  its  sonorous  dignity 
throughout — abounding  in  high  and 
weighty  aphorisms,  in  the  more  eleva- 
ted metaphysics  of  poetry,  and  often 
in  a  term  and  manner  classically  afi- 
tique. 

Give  me  to  drink  mandagora, 

That  I  may  sleep  out  this  great  gap  of  time  ; 
My  Anthony  is  away. 

The  word  mandagora  (Greek,  man* 
dagoras)  occurs  three  times  in  Shaks- 
peare, and  always  with  the  perfect 
Greek  quantity  and  accent.  The  sop- 
orific qualities  ascribed  to  this  plant, 
the  mandrake,  furnish  allusion  for  both 
Plato  and  Demosthenes.  The  latter 
reproaches  his  countrymen  almost  in 
the  very  terms  used  by  Shakspeare, 
that  they  were  plunged  in  such  apathy 
as  if  they  had  drank  mandagoras,  "or 
some  sleepy  drug  that  takes  the  sen- 
ses prisoner."* 

There  is  a  remarkable  similarity 
between  Shakspeare's  monster  Caliban 
and  Homer's  monster  Polyphemus. 
Thus  in  the  "Tempest,"  Scene  2, 
Act  2d : 

(Enter    Caliban  with   a  bundle   of   wood. 
Slephano  gives  Caliban  some  wine,  who  having 
drank  twice  and  being  pleased  with  it,  says:) 
Caliban — That's  a  brave  god,  and  bears  celes- 
tial liquor. 

*  Eoikate  tois  mamlragorar  pcpokosi. 


1865.] 


SHAKSPEARE    AND   THE    GREEK    P0ET3. 


183 


Homer's  "  Odyssey,  Book  ix.: 

(Polyphemus  enters  bearing  a  great  burden. 
Df  dned  wood.  Ulysses  gives  Polyphemus 
some  wine  :) 

He  took  and  drank,  and  hugely 

pleased 
With  that  delicious  bevr'age,  thus  inquired, 
Give  me  again  and  spare  not. 

0,  this  is  far  above  -a  stream 

Of  nectar  and  ambrosia,  all  divine. 

The  scene  in  "Hamlet"  between  the 
Prince  and  Ploratio,  at  Ophelia's  grave 
is  like  one  of  Lucien's  in  the  shades 
between  Mem'ppus  and  Mercury. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare: 

Hamlet  (holding  Yorick's  skull  in  his  hand) 
—Now  get  you  to  my  lady's  chamber,  and 

tell  her, 
Let  her  paint  an  inch  thick,  to  this  favor 
Must  she  come. 

Thus  in  Lucien : 

Merdp. — But  show  me  Helen  (so  famed  for 
her  beauty),  for  I  cannot  distinguish  her. 

Mercury. — See  you  this  bare  skull — this  is 
Helen. 

In  the  "  Taming  of  the  Shrew"  there 
is  a  passage  which  is  little  more  than 
a  translation  of  an  epigram  in  the 
Geeek  Anthology. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare : 

Happy  the  parent  of  so  fair  a  child  ; 
Happier  the  man  whom  favorable  stars 
Alot  thee  for  his  lovely  bedfellow. 

Thus  in  the  Anthology  : 

Happy  the  man  who  sees  thee  ;  thrice  happy 

he 
"Who  hears  thee  ;  a  demi-god  who  kisses  thee, 
And  a  perfect  god  who  has  thee  for  his  bed- 
fellow. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare  : 

lago—  You  have  lost  no  reputation  at  all, 
Unless  you  repute  yourself  such  a  loser, 

Thus  Menander,  in  Plutarch  : 

Thou  hast  suffered  no  wrong,   unless  thou 
dost  fancy  so. 


Thus  in  Shakspeare  : 

Othello — He  that's  robb'd,  not  wanting  what  is 

stolen, 
Let  him  not  know  it  and  he's  not  robb'd  at 

all. 

Thus  in  Epictetus  : 

For  then  only  wilt   thou  be  wronged  when 
thou  dost  think  thyself  wronged. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare  : 

Macbeth— Will    all    great   Neptune's    ocean 

wash  this  blood 
Clean  from  my  hand  ? 

Thus  in  JEschylus  : 

ill  the  streams  rushing  from  one  mouth  to 
wash  away  the  blood  of  this  hateful  deed 
would  wash  in  vain. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare : 

Ophelia— Then  up  he  rose,    and  don'd  his 

clothes, 
And  dupt  the  chamber  door, 
Let  in  a  maid,  that  out  a  maid 
Never  returned  more. 

Thus  in  the  twenty-second  Idyllium 
of  Theocrites  : 

I  came  in  here  a  maid,  I  shall  return 
home  a  woman. 

Thus  in  Shakspeare  : 

Juliet— Eomeo  is  banished— to   speak  that 

word 
Is  father,  mother,  Tybalt,  Romeo,  Juliet, 
All  slain — all  dead ! 

Thus  in  the  Uliad  of  Homer  : 

Yet  while  my  Hector  still  survives,  I  see 
My  father,  mother,  brethren,  all  in  thee. 
Alas !  my  parents,  brothers,  kindred,  all 
Once  more  will  perish  if  my  Hector  fall. 

The  one  sets  the  same  value  on  Bo- 
rneo that  the  other  does  on  Hector. 
Very  many  instances  more  might  be 
given  to  show  that  Shakspeare  was  a 
profound  student  of  the  Greek  poets. 
Homer,  especially  lie  must  have  stud- 
ied with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  a  devo- 
tee.     Homer   is  the  great  master    of 


184 


AN    ITALIAN    EPIGRAM. 


[April, 


grandeur  and  sublimity.      His  images  a  copy  of  the  "  Choephorae"  of  iEschy- 

are  finished  and  perfect  pieces.     He  is  las.     Hamlet  and  Horatio  are  caunter- 

a   master   in    all  professions — a  poet,  parts   of   Orestes   and  Pylades,  in  the 

actor,  mathematician,  philosopher,  as-  "  Choephoree."      So   kve  &gisthu&  and 

tronomer,  geographer,  metaphysician,  Clytemnestra  of  Claudius  and  Gertrude. 

and  wit.  But,in  all  these  things,  the  En-  In  the  the  "  Ghoephoroe,"  JEgisthus,  in 

glish  pupil  equaled,  and  in  some,  sur-  connivance  with  Clymnestr a,  the  king's 

passed  his  great  Greek  master.  In  the  wife,  murders  A gamemnon  to  obtain  his 

plays  of  iEschylus,  who  mry  be  called  throne.       In    "Hamlet"    Claudius,    in 

the  inventor  of  tragedy,  are  found  the  common    with    Gertrude,    the    Queen, 

highest  models  of  everything  that  re-  does  the  same.     iEgisthus  was  cousin 

gards  mechanism  and  theatrical  deco-  to  the  murdered  Agamemnon.     Claudi- 

ration.     Such  a  master  of  the  passions  us  was  brother  to   the  murdered  king 

was  the  genius  of  ^Eschylus  that  after  in  "  Hamlet."       iEgisthus  is  killed  by 

the  performance  of  one  of  his  martial  the    son    of  the    murdered   king;  the 

tragedies  the  people  marched  immedi-  same  in  "Hamlet."      Both  were  incit- 

ately  from   the   theatre  to  the  battle-  ed  by  supernatural  means  ;  the  one  by 

field  of  Marathon.     Forty  of  the  trage-  an  oracle,  the   other  by  a  ghost.     Not 

dies  of    this   great   master  were   re-  only  the    plots  but  manv  expressions 

warded   with   the   public   prize.     The  in  the  two  tragedies  are  the  same* 
plot  of  "  Hamlet"  is,  in  many  respects, 


AN  ITALIAN  EPIGRAM. 


JPentiti  a  un  dissohdo  moribando, 
D'tsse  un  Frate,  per  die? 

Ho  della  scala  in  fondos 

Visto  il  demonio  che  venia  per  te» 

Sotto  qualftgura  ? 

If  un  ctsino — eh  badaie, 

La  vosira  ombro  v'avra  j'atio  panra. 
11  Repent,  repent  ye  ! "  a  friar  was  crying, 
To  an  old  debauchee  who  lay  dying, 
"Because  at  the  toot  of  the  stairs,  it  is  true, 
I  just  saw  the  devil  awaiting  for  you." 
"  O  say !  in  what  shape  ?"  cried  the  sinner,  "  Alas!" 
"Why,"  said  the  friar,  "in  the  shape  of  an  ass." 
»« Ah,  then,"  said  the  man,  "  I  may  need  not  your  prayers — 
Your  shadow  you  saw  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs." 


1865.J 


CONSERVATIVE    AND    RADICAL  DEMOCRATS. 


185 


"CONSERVATIVE"  AND  "RADICAL"  DEMOCRATS. 


The  words  "  radical  and  "  conserva- 
tive," as  applied  to  Democrats,  are 
used  in  an  inverted  sense  ;  that  is,  for 
just  the  reverse  of  their  true  meaning'. 
To  conserve  is  to  preserve.  Webster 
defines  a  conservative,  "  One  ivho  aims 
to  preserve  from  ruin,  innovation,  or 
radical  change."  Radicalism  he  de- 
fines, "  The  doctrine  or  principle  of 
making  radical  reform  in  government, 
by  overturning  or  changing  the  existing 
state  of  things.11 

"  Conservative  Democrat"  is,  there- 
fore, a  preservative  Democrat,  or  one 
who  seeks  to  preserve  the  time-honor- 
ed records  and  principles  of  the  party. 
A  "  radical  Democrat"  is,  properly 
speaking,  one  who  inclines  towards 
the  revolutionary  radicalism  of  the 
Republican  party  sufficiently  to  give 
aid  and  support  to  its  war.  A  radical 
Democrat  is  more  or  less  a  Lincolnized 
Democrat.  The  nearer  he  approxi- 
mates to  the  extreme  theory  of  the 
right  of  the  federal  servant  to  wage 
war  upon  its  sovereign  masters,  the 
States,  the  more  radical  he  is.  The 
more  he  is  like  Lincoln,  Sumner,  Wade, 
Seward,  and  all  that  cabal  of  war- 
begetting  and  war-supporting  vaga- 
bonds ;  the  more  he  is  to  be  decried, 
and  to  be  called  radical.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  more  widely  he  departs  from 
all  sympathy  wi/h  this  class,  and  the 
more  firmly  he  adheres  to  the  old  doc- 
trines of  the  Democratic  party,  the 
more  conservative  he  is.  lie  is  a  pre- 
server of  Democracy — a  supporter  of 
its  old  landmarks — a  defender  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  self-govern- 
ment, on  which  the  party  was  first  or- 
ganized, and  on  which  it  rested  in 
every  campaign   from   1800  to  18G0. 


These  principles  were  ever  clearly  de- 
fined. They  were  never  brought  into 
controversy  in  any  general  convention 
of  the  party.  They  affirmed  the  un- 
impaired sovereignty  of  the  States, 
and  the  consequent  subordination  of 
the  federal  government,  and  its  re- 
strictions within  the  limits  of  the 
Constitution,  strictly  interpreted.  Un- 
der such  an  interpretation  of  the 
limits  of  federal  power,  and  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  no  war  like 
this  could  ever  have  occurred.  It  is 
the  quality  of  sovereignty  that  it  can 
have  no  master.  It  may  have  many 
servants — many  agents  of  its  will — but 
it  has  no  master.  The  conservative 
Democrat  still  holds  on  to  those  grand 
principles.  The  war  is  based  upon  an 
exactly  opposite  theory,  or  upon  the 
anti-Democratic  theory  that  the  States 
are  the  subjects  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, and  may  be  coerced  by  it,  the 
same  as  the  colonies  of  a  monarchical 
or  despotic  government  may  be  subju- 
gated to  the  imperial  will.  The  radi- 
cal Democrat,  if  he  does  not  hold  these 
preposterous  notions  of  monarchism, 
supports  a  war  waged  in  their  defense. 
The  most  decent  thing  for  this  sup- 
porter of  a  war  against  every  princi- 
ple of  Democracy  would  be  to  drop 
the  name  of  Democrat  altogether,  and 
to  go  over  in  name  where  he  has  gone 
in  sympathy  and  acts,  to  the  enemy  of 
Democracy.  The  radical  Republican 
and  the  radical  Democrat  are  one  in 
action.  They  agree  in  the  despotic 
principle  which  seeks  to  overthrow 
the  right  of  self-government  and  of 
State  sovereignty,  by  the  power  of 
armies.  The  conservative  Democrat 
denies  this  right,     lie  still  adheres  to 


186 


CONSERVATIVE  AND  RADICAL  DEMOCRATS. 


[April, 


the  old  Democratic  theory  of  the  foun- 
ders  of  the   Union,    that  the   federal 
government  is  the  subject  or  the  agent 
of  the  joint  sovereignties  of  the  States, 
and  can  lawfully  employ  no  coercion, 
except    that    of    laws,    against     the 
States.      The   conservative   Democrat 
affirms  the  Resolutions  of  1198,  which 
have  been  the  creed  of  the  party  ever 
since  their  adoption  ;  indeed  the  party, 
as  a  political  organization,  grew  out 
of  those  resolutions.     The  radical,  or 
the    partially   Lincolnized    Democrat, 
throws  those  resolutions  overboard  as 
inexpedient,  or,  perhaps,  as  incompati- 
ble with  the  revolutionary  notions  of 
the  hour.     The  conservative  Democrat 
is  an  admirer  and  a  supporter  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  government 
on  which    the    federal    system    was 
based.       The   radical   Democrat  is   a 
wanderer   from   those    safe  and  well- 
proved  paths,  and  an  adventurer  into 
the  regions  opened  by  the   agitation 
and  the   sword  of  abolitionism.     The 
conservative  Democrat  keeps  company 
with    the    counsels    of    Washington, 
Jefferson,  Madison,  and  all  the  fathers 
of  our   country.     The   radical   Demo- 
crat keeps  such  company  as  Sumner, 
Lincoln,  Seward,  and  old  John  Brown  ; 
or,  if  he  does  not  keep  their  company, 
he  lends  a  helping  hand  to  their  prin- 
ciples.    The  conservative  Democrat  is 
a  believer  in  truth,  honesty,  and  man- 
hood.    The  radical  Democrat  is  a  be- 
liever  only  in  cunning,  trickery  and 
policy.     The  conservative  Democrat  is 
a  man  of  courage.     The  radical  Demo- 
crat is  a  coward.     In  a  word,  the  con- 
servative is  a  Democrat ;  the  radical 
is  something  else — more  or  less  Lincoln- 
ized, or  abolitionized.    To  use  a  phrase 
not   altogether    original,    the    radical 
Republicans   and   the  radical    Demo- 


crats are  links  of  the  same  sausage, 
made  out  of  the  same  dog.  They 
agree  in  the  right  of  State-coercion. 
They  agree  in  the  virtue  or  necessity 
of  the  war.  They  agree  in  sending 
more  men  to  the  slaughter-pen,  and 
in  heaping  more  debt  upon  the  people. 
In  short,  every  Democrat  who  sup- 
ports the  war  should  be  put  down  in 
the  list  of  radicals.  Destructives, 
aiders  and  abettors  in  the  overthrow 
of  the  great  American  principle  of 
self-government,  which  it  is  the  grand 
purpose  of  the  conservative  to  pre- 
serve. The  habit  of  calling  these 
conservatives  "extreme  men"  is  wrong 

and  senseless.  Those  are  the  "  ex- 
treme men"  who  have  been  drawn 
away  from  the  time-honored  princi- 
ples of  Democracy  in  the  fiery  and 
bloody  paths  of  Republican  radical- 
ism— -into  a  support  of  its  barbar- 
izing war.  Is  he  "  extreme"  who 
stands  fast,  grounded  upon  the  ancient 
and  immutable  principles  of  Demo- 
cratic truth  ?  Is  he  "  extreme"  who 
can  be  neither  drawn  away  nor  driven 
away  from  the  ancient  landmarks  of 
the  party  ?  Is  he  "  extreme"  who  can 
be  neither  bribed  by  office  nor  fright- 
ened by  bastiles  to  forsake  the  funda- 
mental doctrine  of  Democracy  ?  Men 
talk  like  fools  when  they  call  such 
men  "  extreme"  and  "  radical."  They 
are  the  true  conservatives — the  staunch 
preservers  of  the  records  and  princi- 
ples of  the  party.  The  fundamental 
principles  of  government  do  not  change. 
The  policies,  tricks,  and  cheatery  of 
politicians  change,  and  demagogues 
and  men  of  light  moral  weight  change 
with  them  ;  but  the  true  conservative 
holds  fast  to  the  immutability  of  prin- 
ciple, and  stands,  like  another  Aga- 
memnon, in  the  midst  of  the  battles 
raised  by  the  firey  spirit  of  radical 
madness.  The  conservative  Democrat 
stands  where  Jefferson  and  Madison 
stood.  The  radical  Democrat  stands 
with  the  supporters  of  this  abolition 
war  upon  sovereign  States. 


1865.] 


LAUGHING  AT  ALL  THE  FOOLS. 


18T 


LAUGHING  AT  ALL  THE  FOOLS. 


Sitting   alone  in   my   study   a  few 
nights  ago,  reflecting  upon  the  world 
and  its  inhabitants,   I  almost  uncon- 
sciously began  to  map  out  mankind 
into  two  grand  divisions — the  one  the 
theatre  of  fantastic  misery,  the  other 
of    equally   fantastic    merriment.       I 
said,  now  which   shall   I   do,  lament 
with    Heraclitus,    the   weakness    and 
wretchedness   of    the   one,    or   follow 
Democritus,  and  laugh  at  all  the  fools 
and   knaves  of  the   other.      I  remcm 
bered   that   Montaigue    preferred  the 
laughing  Democritus  to  the  weeping 
Heraclitus  :  "not,"  says  he,   "because 
it  is  more  pleasant  to  laugh   than  to 
weep,  but  because  it  is  more  scornful, 
and  more  expressive  of  contempt,  than 
the   other."       Montaigue    adds   these 
terrible  words  ;  "  I  think  we  can  never 
be  enough  despised."      When  Brutus 
sought  to  draw  Statilius  into  the  con- 
spiracy  against   Csesar,    Statilius   re- 
plied that  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  of 
the  justice  of  the  cause,  but  he  did  not 
think  mankind,  and  especially  the  Ro- 
mans of  that  day,  deserved  the  sacri- 
fices of  a  wise  man.     It  was  a  saying 
of  Theodorus  that  he  "  would  not  have 
a  wise  man  run  any  risks  for  a  com- 
pany  of   fools."     A  remembrance   of 
these  little  snatches  of  historic  exam- 
ple determined  my  course,  so  I  said 
henceforth  I  will  weep  no  more  at  the 
mistakes   of  my   countrymen — I   will 
laugh   at   all    the   fools   and   knaves. 
"Why  should  I  make  myself  wretched 
for  a  generation  which  may  be  classi- 
fied as  imbeciles  or  vassals  ?      In  every 
age  where  a   people   is    found   fit   to 
wear  chains,  a  class  will  spring  up  to 


put  them  on.     Why  should  I  wear  out 
my  life  in  weeping  for  the  one  ?     Why 
should   I   not  show   my  contempt   by 
laughing  at  the  other  ?     A  free  people 
but  yesterday — boasting  of  their  high 
intelligence,  and  their  proud  spirit — 
to-day  allowing  their  manhood  to  be 
broken  as  upon  a  wheel,   and  submit- 
ting, with  the  docility  of  asses,  to  the 
lash  of  super-ignorant  rascals  !     Shade 
of  Democritus,   help   us  to   laugh   at 
fools,  who  still  prate  of  freedom  under 
their   chains  ! — who  talk   of  national 
honor  out  of  the  very  bowels  of  crime  ! 
— who  call  a  debt,  that  must  beggar 
toil,  and  bankrupt  capital,  a  blessing! 
— who,   delighting    in    human   blood, 
like  Fanish  cannibals,  think  they  are 
"advancing  to  a  higher  civilization!" 
— who  murder  a  thousand  white  men 
to  free  one  negro  !     Widow   and   or- 
phan makers  calling  themselves  "phil- 
anthropists !"     Ministers  of  Christ  do- 
ing  the   work   of    Satan  !      Counter- 
jumpers  assuming  the  airs  of  states- 
men !     Thieves,  setting  themselves  up 
as.   the    censors    of    public    morals  ! 
Bankers,  rejoicing  to  lend  their  capi- 
tal to  a  bankrupt  spendthrift  !     The 
people  supporting  a  war  that  devours 
them   by   conscriptions  1      What   are 
all  these,  but  fit  subjects  for  the  con- 
tempt   and    laughter   of   wise  men  ? 
Why  spend   our    breath  in  trying  to 
bring    such    dolts    to    their    senses? 
Why  foolislily  expose  ourselves  to  the 
heels  of  an  ass,  or  vainly  attempt  to 
enlighten  his  intellect  ?     Let  the  ass 
go  its  ways  ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  I 
will  sit  down  here  and  lau^h. 


188 


PURITAN   INSOLENCE. 


[April,  1865,] 


PURITAN  INSOLENCE. 


A  few  weeks  ago  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton had  what  was  called  a  u  Savannah 
Meeting."  It  was  a  characteristic  ga- 
thering-— intensely  Bostonian  and  pu- 
ritanic. It  was  the  last  meeting  at- 
tended by  Edward  Everett,  at  which 
he  made  a  speech,  which,  for  its  so- 
phistry, insolence,  and  ignorance  of 
matters  discussed,  was  worthy  of  the 
Abolition  tories  of  Massachusetts. 
What  brought  down  the  thunders  of 
applause  from  the  "  frog-pondians,"  as 
Poe  used  to  call  the  denizens  of  Bos- 
ton, was  such  a  sentence  as  the  follow- 
ing :  "  Kino:  Petroleum  bids  fair  to 
sway  the  markets  of  the  world,  as 
King  Cotton  did."  Ah  !  we  think  we 
see  the  "frog-pondians"  dressed  out 
in  a  full  suit  of  Petroleum,  coat,  vest, 
pantaloons,  shirt  and  all.  Pray  hea- 
ven that  some  ill-minded  person  does 
not  take  it  into  his  head  to  set  fire  to 
these  sagacious  political  economists  ! 
What  a  calamity  such  a  conflagration 
would  be  !  for  then  Petro  eum  would 
be  left  without  an  orator  to  persuade 
the  stupid  people  of  this  world  that  it 
is  not  merely  an  article  of  luxury,  but 
of  necessity,  like  food  and  clothing. 
Besides,  King  Petroleum  has  a  great 
enemy  to  his  throne,  which  nothing 
but  the  insolence  of  a  puritan  can  van- 
quish, in  the  fact  that  in  England  Pe- 
troleum can  be  manufactured  from  the 
coal,  to  any  extent,  at  a  cost  of  seventy 
cents  per  gallon. 

But  let  us  hear  again  from  the 
mouth-piece  of  puritan  wisdom  :  "  By- 
and-bye  we'll  take  their  rice  and  the 
cotton,  and  give  them  our  food  and 
our    fabrics    in    return."     Our  food! 


What  food  ?  New  England  never  yet 
produced  half  food  enough  for  herself. 
There  are  several  of  the  "  slave"  States 
which  singly  produce  more  food  than 
all  the  New  England  States  together. 
Then  what  would  New  England  "fa- 
brics" be  without  the  raw  material  of 
the  South  ?  Not  enough  to  cover  the 
nakedness  of  a  mouse.  But  for  the 
staples  of  wealth  which  New  England 
has  annually  received  from  the  South, 
her  people  would  be  to-day  compara- 
tively poverty-stricken. 

Again,  the  orator  of  the  "  Savannah 
Meeting"  exclaimed  :  "  Poor  war-strick- 
en, starving  Savannah  !"  How  came 
Savannah  to  be  war-stricken  and  starv- 
ing? Was  it  anything  but  puritanism 
that  inflicted  this  curse  upon  Savan- 
nah ?  Until  puritan  anarchism  swept 
over  the  fruitful  fields  of  Georgia,  that 
State  had  provisions  so  far  in  excess 
of  the  wants  of  its  own  population, 
that  it  could  have  spared  millions  of 
bushels  to  the  barren  States  of  New 
England.  The  country  round  about 
Savannah  was  laid  waste  by  the  puri- 
tan army.  The  city  was  seized  by  us, 
and  what  provisions  were  in  it  were 
taken  for  our  soldiers,  and  then  the 
''frog-pondians"  turn  up  the  whites  of 
their  eyes,  and  lift  up  their  palms  to 
heaven,  exclaiming,  with  the  insolent 
boasting  sneer  of  the  puritan,  "  poor, 
starving  Savannah  !"  If  the  Bosto- 
nians  can  swallow  this  stuff,  let  us 
send  no  more  missionaries  to  the  snake- 
worshipping  negroes  of  Africa,  until 
we  have  enlightened  the  negro-wor- 
shipping heathen  of  New  England. 


EDITOR'S    TABLE. 


— "We  lately  had  the  pleasure  of  spending  a 
portion  of  an  afternoon  with  the  venera- 
ble ex-President,  James  Buchanan,  at  his 
home  at  "Wheatland."  At  the  age  of  84 
years  he  is  in  the  enjoyment  of  good  health, 
with  his  faculties  unabated,  and  his  spirits 
apparently  as  fresh  and  joyous  as  when  we 
last  saw  him,  the  night  before  he  sailed  for 
England  as  minister  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James,  twelve  years  ago.  We  have  nut  no 
man  that  evinces  a  prof o under  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  our  country  than  Mr.  Buchauan, 
and  none  who  is  more  perfectly  posted  in  all 
the  political  movements  of  the  day.  Even 
the  local  politics  of  the  various  states  seem  to 
lie,  as  in  charts,  before  his  mind.  To  those 
who  are  despondent  of  the  ultimate  redemp- 
tion of  our  country  from  the  abolition  spoilers, 
a  visit  to  "  Wheatland"  will  prove  a  great  re- 
lief. Mr.  Buchanan  entertains  no  doubts  of 
the  final  triumph  of  the  Democracy,  and  of 
the  consequent  salvation  of  our  country  ;  and 
he  gives  such  reasons  for  this  faith,  as  will 
go  far  to  remove  the  doubts  of  the  most  des- 
ponding. For  our  own  part  we  have  never 
feared  for  the  ultimate  triumph  of  truth  and 
liberty,  nor  doubted  the  overthrow  and  pua- 
ishment  of  Liucoln  and  the  partizaus  in  his 
despotism.  Bat  we  know  of  many  who  do 
doubt— ft  visit  to  Wheatland  would  go  far  to 
reassure  them.  Mr.  Buchanan  has  prepared 
a  documentary  history  of  the  latter  part  of 
his  administration,  which  will  be  published 
the  coming  summer.  It  will  thoroughly  ex- 
plode the  whole  arsenal  of  lies  which  has 
supplied  powder  for  the  Republican  party  for 
four  years,  by  the  publication  of  documents, 
figures  and  facts  which  will  not  and  cannot 
be  disputed.  Such  a  history  is  most  timely. 
It  will  do  much  to  unmask  the  hypocrisy 
and  crime  of  the  despots  in  power  and  to 
save  our  country. 

— Barnum  has  delivered  a  lecturo  on  "The 
Art  of  Money-Getting.''  The  funds,  it  was 
announced,  were  to  bo  expended  in  printing 
tho   lecturo   to  send  it  to  the  soldiers.     Of 


whit  use  could  a  lecture  on  the  art  of  money 
getting  ba  to  soldiers  ?  If  it  were  on  the  art 
of  getting  their  honest  dues  from  tlie  govern- 
ment ic  might  be  of  soaii  service  to  the  poor 
fellows.  Or  if  it  is  designed  to  be  up  to  ill e 
moral  standard  of  the  Abolition  war,  it  ought 
to  be  entitled  "the  art  of  stealing  spoons  and 
negroes."  But  that  is  a  lecture  that  should 
be  delivered  by  Ben  Butler,  and  not  by  Bar- 
num. We  never  heard  Barnaul  accused  of 
such  business. 

— The  Fourth  of  March  (inauguration  day), 
was  the  bleakest,  til  i  wettest,  and  altogether 
the  most  disagreeable  day  of  the  whole  year. 
As  if  nature  shuddered  at  the  calamity  of  a 
second  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
heavens  above  wept,  and  the  earth  beneath 
groaned  under  depths  of  filth.  For  a  short 
time  towards  noon,  the  clouds  lifted  a  little, 
but,  at  the  precise  hour  of  the  inauguration, 
they  settled  down  again  with  a  density  and 
blackness  truly  terrible.  It  would  seem  that 
God's  own  hand  had  drawn  a  wet  pail  over 
the  face  of  the  land,  at  the  moment  when  the 
perjured  usurper  was  to  go  through  the  dar- 
ing mockery  of  again  taking  an  oath  to  sup- 
port a  constitution  he  is  striving  to  destroy. 

— The  Rev.  Stuart  Robinson,  of  Kentucky, 
details  a  state  of  crime  and  bestiali.y  on 
the  part  of  some  of  our  generals,  which  ought 
to  make  a  man  of  even  Lincoln's  obscene 
mind  blush.     He  says  : 

"Thus,  again,  your  Gen.  Stcdman,  while 
"enjoying  the  free  hospitalities  of  my  house, 
"failed  to  restrain  Turchin's  infamous  sol- 
"diersfrom  running  naked  in  open  dajr  in 
"crowds  through  my  shrubbery,  and  driving 
"our  negro  servant  women,  by  their  shocking 
"  shamelessness  and  obscenity  from  the 
"kitchen.  Thus  your  General  Gordon  Gran- 
"ger  wantonly  encamped  his  hosts  in  our 
"lawn,  to  kindle  their  camp-tires  at  the 
"roots  of  our  noblo  forest  trees,  tether  their 
"horses  in  our  young  orchards,  and  pluiuhr 
"  the  promises  generally,  whilo  their  general 
"pitched  his  tent,  with  a  mulatto  strumpet 


190 


EDITOR  S    TABLE. 


[April, 


"in  it,    under  the  window  of   our    family 
"chamber." 

Perhaps  we  deceive  ourselves  in  expect- 
ing Lincoln  to  blush  at  anything  ;  or,  in 
looking  for  the  evidence  of  shame  in  the 
clerical  wretches  who  support  all  these  abom- 
inations. 

—  Andy  Johnson,  when  he  took  his  seat  in 
the  eh  air  of  the  Vice-President,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  made  the  following  startling  an- 
nouncement :  "I  am  going  to  tell  the  truth 
here  to  day."  The  truth  in  such  a  p'ace,  and 
from  such  a  man,  must  have  been  astounding. 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  enjoyed  the  service  of  a 
vast  number  of  prominent  liars  ;  but  none, 
not  even  Ben  Butler,  have  be.n  a  match  for 
Andy  Johnson.  The  sight  of  such  a  doubly- 
perjured  wretch  taking  an  oath  to  support 
the  Constitution,  must  have  made  the  devil 
himself  grin  with  infernal  delight.  We  have 
replied  to  two  or  three  of  Johnson's  cam- 
paign speeches,  and  we  declare  that  nev- 
er before  did  we  meet  with  such  an  offensive 
mass  of  ignorance,  impudence  and  falsehood. 
The  truth  is  not  in  him. 

— The  Thirty- eight  Congress  is  dead.  After 
a  vagabond  life  of  two  years  it  expired  at 
Washington  on  the  4th  of  March.  It  was  a 
great  tyrant,  a  great  thief,  a  great  liar,  a 
great  fool,  and  a  great  scoundrel.  We  can- 
not say  "peace  to  its  ashes,"  because  it  was 
an  enemj7  to  the  peace  of  the  country. 

— What  is  now  called  "  the  government"  of 
this  country  is  a  sight  to  behold.  The  Pres- 
ident an  obscene,  joking  old  rail-splitter. 
The  vice-President  an  ignorant,  insolent, 
crunk  en  sot.  The  Chief  Justice,  a  man 
who  is  neither  a  lawyer  nor  a  Christian. 
Congress,  a  cabal  of  fanatics,  thieves,  and 
butchers.  Negroes  the  favored  guests  in  the 
parlor  of  the  White  House.  White  men 
more  degraded  than  negroes,  in  all  the  chief 
seats  of  office.     Alas !  poor  country ! 

— Governor  Brough,  of  Ohio,  in  his  late  mes- 
sage states  that  more  than  twenty  thousand 
men  have  fled  from  Ohio  to  save  themselves 
from  the  draft.  He  says  in  many  places 
"  there  are  not  men  enough  left  to  fill  the 
quotas."  The  same  we  know  to  be  true  of 
some  townships  in  New  Jersey.  It  is  an 
awful  sight  to  see  men  fiieing  from  their 
homes  to  avoid  being  seized  by  "  the  govern- 
ment, '  and   dragged  away  to  be  murdered 


for  the  benefit  of  negroes.  A  sight  which 
ought  to  make  the  cheek  of  every  American 
burn  with  shame !  The  man  who  can  glory 
in  such  a  state  of  things  deserves  a  halter  or 
a  straight  jacket. 

—We  have  before  us  a  volume  of  208  pages, 
written  by  Parson  Brownlow,  and  published 
at  Nashville  in  1856.  On  pages  68,  69,  70, 
71,  72  and  73  of  the  took  the  Parson  attempts 
a  description  of  the  character  of  Andrew 
Johnson.  This  part  of  the  book  was  deliv- 
ered as  a  public  lecture,  in  Nashville,  the 
city  of  Mr.  Johnson's  residence.  It  seems 
that  Johnson  had  slandered  Major  Andrew 
Jackson  Donelson,  and  to  save  himself  from 
chastisement,  denied  his  own  words.  So 
says  Parson  Brownlow.  We  give  be)  ow  a  few 
passages  from  this  lecture,  as  published  in 
Brownlow's  book  : 

"  Did  he  lie  out  of  the  scrape?    He  did  : 
"  Aye,  he  inglorionsly  lied  out  of  what  he  had 
"said — leaving  Major  Donelson  no  ground 
"for  any  difficulty  with  him,  although  the 
"  Major  had  a  right  to  suppose  that  any  man 
"  base  enough  to  make  such  charges  would 
"have    no   hesitancy    in    lying   out   of  hi9 
"disreputable     and     cowardly     abuse.        I 
"therefore   pronounce  Johnson,  here  in  his 
"  home,    an  unmitigated  liar  and  calumniator, 
"and  a  villainous  coward,  wanting  the  nerve 
"to  stand  up  to  his  own  words.    *    *   *   And 
"from   Johnson  to  Shelby  counties,  during 
"  the  entire  summer,  this  low-flung  and  ill-bred 
"  scoundrel  pursued  this  same  strain  of  vulgar 
"and   disgusting  abuse.     With  him,  a   vile 
"demagogue,  whose  daily  employment  is  to 
"administer  to  the  very  worst  appetites  of 
"  mankind,  no  honor, no  truth  exists  anywhere 
"but   such   as   are  corrupt  enough  or  fool 
"enough  to  follow  him.     For  such  a  wretch 
"I  have  no  sj'inpathy,  and  no  feelings  but 
"those  of  scorn  and  contempt,  and  hence  it 
"is  that  I  speak  of  him  in  such  terms.     *     * 
"  It  would  be  both  cruel  and  unbecoming  in 
"me  to  speak  of  what  the  dishonest  and  v.l- 
"lainous  relatives  of  Johnson  have  done,  if 
"he  conducted  himself  prudently,  and  did  not 
"  abuse  others  with  such  great  profusion.    He 
"  is   a  member    of  a  numerous    family   of 
"Johnsous,   in  North    Carolina,    who    are, 
"generally,  thieves  and  liars ;  and  though  he 
"is  the  best  of  the  family  I  have  ever  met 
"with,    /  unhesitatingly   affirm  to-night    that 


1865.] 


editor's  table. 


191 


"there  are  better  men  than  Andrew  Johnson  in 
"  our  Penitentiary  t*  His  relatives  in  the  Old 
"North  State  have  stood  in  the  stocks  lor 
"  crimes  they  have  committed.  And  his 
"own  born  cousin,  Madison  Johnson,  was 
"  hung  in  Raleigh  for  murder  and  robbery. 
<<*  *  *  We  do  not  make  the  point  of 
"mean  kin  against  Johnson,  only  so  far  as 
"  it  may  offset  his  abuse  of  others.  But  one 
•'point  is  his  deliberate  lying  before  a  Jones- 
"  boro  audience." 

It  seems  that  Johnson  had  publicly  denied 
that  he  tried  to  induce  the  Governor  to  par- 
don his  cousin,  and  the  inexorable  parson 
produces,  in  his  book  a  mass  of  letters  and 
documents  to  nail  the  lie  upon  him.  Brown- 
low  closed  his  remarkable  speech  by  saj'ing  : 
"If  Johnson  or  any  of  his  friends  in  this 
"  city  think  I  have  said  anything  offensive 
"  they  know  where  to  find  me.  When  I  am 
"  not  on  the  streets  I  can  be  found  at  No.  43, 
"on  the  lower  floor  of  Sam  Scott's  Hotel, 
"opposite  the  ladies'  parlor.  I  shall  remain 
"  here  for  the  next  ten  days  only,  and  what- 
"  ever  punishment  any  one  may  wish  to  in- 
"  flict  upon  me  must  be  done  in  that  time. 
"  I  say  this,  not  because  I  seek  a  difficulty, 
"  but  because  I  don't  intend  it  shall  be  said 
"  that  I  made  this  speech  and  took  to  flight.*' 

— For  more  than  three  years  it  has  been  held 
a  crime  by  the  Abolition  butchers  to  speak 
or  pray  for  peace.  Tiie  natural  fruits  of  such 
a  barbarous  temper — demoralization  and  ex- 
haustion— are  now  apparent.  We  are  long 
since  out  of  real  money,  and  we  are  nearly 
out  of  men.  Republicans  who,  two  years 
ago,  would  be  glad  to  cut  the  throat  of  any 
man  who  spoke  of  peace,  now  begin  to  show 
signs  of  thoughtfulness  and  doubt.  As  yet 
tins  men  who  believe  in  the  war, — whose  fa- 
naticism and  bad  passions  produced  it — have 
not  felt  its  dreadful  hand  upon  themselves. 
But  if  it  goes  on  another  year  they  must  feel 
it.  Their  own  blood  or  the  blood  of  their 
sons  must  flow  in  the  cause,  or  the  war  must 
stop. 

— An  old  friend  and  classmate  from  New 
England,  whose  heart  we  believe  is  right, 
but  whose  brain  is  so  complctly  puritanized 
that  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  judge  cor- 
rectly in  the  matters  now  at  issue,  writes  us 
to  say  that  he  "cannot  understand  our  posi- 
tion, nor  get  at  what  we  wish  to  recommend.'* 


Our  position  is  plain — it  is  that  of  simple, 
unmixed  patriotism.  We  want  the  govern- 
ment, as  it  was  established  by  our  fathers, 
preserved ;  we  want  the  Union,  as  they 
made  it,  to  stand.  The  party  in  power  is  de- 
termined to  overthrow  that  government,  and 
to  fix  upon  its  ruins  a  centralized  despotism. 
It  is  resolved  that  the  Union  and  the  Consti- 
tution shall  not  stand.  That  is  why  we  op- 
pose the  administration.  We  believe  it  to 
be  a  blood-stained,  gallows-deserving  traitor. 
That  is  why  we  oppose  it  with  all  the  might 
we  possess. 

— A  kind  cotemporary  wonders  that  "  the 
editor  of  The  Old  Guard  seems  to  be  pejfr 
fectly  indifferent  to  the  heavy  loads  of  abus$ 
heaped  upon  him  by  the  Abolition  press." 
The  reason  is  that  we  know  of  no  way  in 
which  the  rascals  could  praise  us  except  by 
their  abuse.  Their  approval  would  be  of- 
fensive it  not  intolerable.  We  are  fortunate 
as  old  Athengoras  who  never  felt  pain  when 
stung  by  a  scorpion. 

— When  Saladin,  the  war-engendering  tyrant 
of  Persia,  whose  name  was  a  terror  among 
men,  lay  dying,  he  ordered  one  of  his  chiefs 
to  take  his  winding-sheet  and  hang  it  upon  a 
staff  in  the  manner  of  a  banneret,  and  march 
with  it  througii  the  streets  of  Damascus  say- 
ing— "  This  is  all  that  Saladin,  the  Emperor 
of  Persia,  hath  left  of  his  many  conquests — 
this  is  all  he  hath  left  of  all  his  victories.'' 
When  the  bloody  hour  of  Lincoln's  life  is 
over,  we  think  we  see  a  funeral  procession, 
at  the  head  of  which  marches  a  man  bearing 
a  negro's  skull,  and  the  impaled  body  of  a 
white  man,  exclaiming,  "Behold  the  em- 
blems of  all  he  accomplished  by  the  slaughter 
of  two  millions  of  people,  and  the  crushing 
of  unborn  generations  beneath  the  mountain 
of  his  debts."  The  only  fitting  ceremony  at 
the  funeral  of  such  wretches  is  not  Christian, 
but  heathenish,  and  should  be  conducted  by 
a  tiylla  who  stirs  her  blood  and  makes  up  a 
Ctntaurs  banquet. 

— A  cotemporary  is  astonished  to  see  "the 
Yankee  water-drinking  Abolitionists  cany  on 
about  the  election  as  though  they  were  in- 
toxicated." They  are  drunk  on  the  vinwn 
dcemonum. 

— The  Democracy  of  Michigan  knocked  off, 
in  the  late  election,  20,000  of  the  25,000  ma- 
jority Mr.  Lincoln  had  in  1800. 


192 


editor's  table. 


[April,  1865.] 


—A  gifted  literary  lady  asks  us  in  a  letter, 
"  Why  do  you  so  bitterly  oppose  the  war?" 
Because  we  are  profoundly  and  sincerely  at- 
tached to  the  Union.  Our  hatred  of  the  war 
is  in  exact  ratio  to  our  love  for  the  Union. 
To  believe  that  war  can  save  the  Union  is  to 
be  &  fool.  To  say  that  war  can  save  it  when 
we  don't  believe  it  is  to  be  a  knave.  We  do 
not  intend  that  posterity  shall  call  us  either. 
We  look  upon  the  deluded  people  who  sup- 
port this  war  as  Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden, 
regarded  war-maddened  France,  when  she 
said — "France  is  like  a  wounded  person 
who  suffers  that  arm  to  be  cut  off  which  pa- 
tience and  gentle  treatment  would  have 
cured. "  That  is  just  the  lolly  of  the  northern 
people  to-day.  They  are  cutting  oft  an  arm 
of  the  Republic  that  might  have  easily  been 
saved. 

PEPUBLICAN  CHEMISTRY. 

Old  Abe  and  his  rubble 
'  In  chemistry  dabble, 

Unlike  the  philosophers  old. 
Why  ?     The  answer  is  quick, 
For  they've  learned  a  new  trick, 
Of  making  o'd  rags  do  for  gold. 

—Some  time  ago  we  took  the  liberty  to  laugh 
at  the  great  number  of  generals  in  our  army 
by  allowing  them  to  remind  us  of  the  swarms 
of  insects  upon  a  cabbage  leaf.  For  this  we 
were  denounced  as  a  "sympathiser"  by  we 
cannot  ted  how  many  ignoramuses.  But  we 
are  sustained  by  no  less  authority  than  the 
great  General  Monte cuculi,  who  wrote  "Com- 
mentaries on  the  art  of  War,"  who  says— "A 
great  number  of  generals  is  as  pernicious  to 
an  army  as  a  great  number  of  physicians 
is  to  a  sick  man."  Then  our  army  must  in- 
deed be  in  a  critical  condition. 

—A  truthful  young  gentleman  tells  us  that 
in  the  country  last  summer  he  asked  a  very 
pretty  girl  to  give  him  a  kiss,  and  she  flatly 
told  him  she  wou-d  not,  that  he  was  old 
enough  to  help  himself. 
—A  cotemporary  calls  the  leaders  of  the  Ke- 
publican  party  Puritans  and  Roundheads. 
But  is  it  correct  to  call  such  fiats  round- 
heads ? 

—A  correspondent  asks  us  if  history  gives 
any  other  example  of  a  free  people  throwing 
away  their  liberties  as  if  from  curiosity  to 


see  how  despotism  would  seem  ?  Perhaps 
not  of  a  people  ;  but  histroy  gives  the  case  of 
an  individual,  in  the  person  of  Empedocles, 
who  threw  himself  into  the  flames  of  Mount 
iEtna  in  a  transport  of  curiosity  to  know 
from  what  source  those  eternal  fires  were  de- 
rived. Was  not  his  foolishness  something 
like  a  match  for  our  people  who  seem  to  take 
pride  in  the  act  of  vaulting  at  one  bound  in- 
to the  lowest  depths  of  despotism  ? 

— Rev.  John  S.  C.  Abbot,  the  author  of  a 
a  great  number  of  juvenile  books  of  a  very 
windy,  or  wordy  character,  is  delivering  lec- 
tures laudatory  of  the  great  military  genius 
of  Gen.  Grant.  The  same  facile  gentleman 
delivered  a  sermon  (so  says  the  Hartford 
Times)  in  the  Col  ege  street  church,  New 
Haven,  three  years  ago  in  which  he  called 
upon  the  government  to  remove  Grant,  whoso 
drunkenness  and  imbecillity,  as  he  claimed, 
caused  the  disaster  at  Shiloh.  He  is  a  speci- 
men of  the  sincerity  and  honest}7'  of  the 
Abolition  ministers.  Three  years  ago  he 
abused  Grant  without  cause,  and  he  now 
praises  him  with  a  reckless  disregard  of 
truth. 

— The  Republican  papers  are  rejoicing  over 
the  idea  that  the  Democratic  party  has  but 
7,000  votes  in  New  Jersey.  Has  it?  The 
Democratic  party  of  the  State  polled  at 
the  late  election,  6,709  more  votes  than  it 
did  for  Parker  in  1862,  Notwithstanding  all 
the  men  sent  from  the  State  into  the  ar- 
my, there  were  20,000  more  votes  polled  this 
fall  than  in  1862.  The  Rerrablicans  have  a 
knack  of  getting  an  incomprehensible  num- 
ber of  votes  into  the  ballot  boxes.  We 
should  think  they  might  get  a  patent  for 
stuffing  ballot-boxes. 

— The  editor  of  the  Wilmington  Journal, 
(Cal.,)  says  he  prefers  "  water  gruel"  to  The 
Old  Guard.  Of  course  you  do.  And  if 
your  stomach  is  not  stronger  than  your  head 
we  council  you  to  keep  strictfy  to  your  favor- 
ite water  gruel  diet. 

EPITAPH  ON  THE  THIRTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS. 

Here  lies,  defunct,  a  foolish  knave  ; 

Whether  most  fool  or  knave  none  know  ; 
Old  Satan  who  its  spirit  gave, 

Beceives  its  manes  in  hell  below. 


THE  OLD  GUARD, 


A  MONTHLY  JOURNAL,   DEVOTED   TO   THE  PRINCIPLES   OP   1776   AND   1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — MAY,    1865.  — No.    V. 


WHITE  SUPREMACY  AND  NEGRO  SUBORDINATION. 


The  supremacy  of  the  white  race, 
and  the  consequent  subordination  of 
the  inferior  or  negro  race,  was  one  of 
the  prominent  ideas  on  which  the  Fe- 
deral Union  was  established.  It  is  an 
idea  which  has  been  faithfully  adhered 
to,  especially  by  the  Democratic  party, 
from  the  foundation  of  the  Uuion  down 
to  1861.  Since  1861,  a  portion  of  the 
party  has  been  supporting  a  war  de- 
signed to  overthrow  this  grand  idea  of 
white  supremacy,  by  attempting  to 
bring  the  negro  into  an  equality  with 
the  white  race,  in  the  sovereignty  of 
the  country. 

It  is  proper  to  say  that  the  Demo- 
cracy has  not  adhered  so  tenaciously 
to  this  idea  of  white  supremacy  with 
any  spirit  of  intolerance  towards  the 
inferior  race,  but  only  as  a  means  of 
preserving  our  own  race  from  the  de- 
plorable consequences  of  hybridism, 
and  of  saving  our  country  from  that 
mongrelism  which  has  destroyed  some 
flourishing  republics,  which  now  live 
only  in  history.  But  the  fundamen- 
tal thought  whicli  has  guided  the 
Democracy  in  this  matter  is  the  wish 
to  preserve  this  Government  as  it  was 


formed  by  the  great  and  wise  men  of 
the  Revolution.  This  was  a  white 
mail's  government,  nor  did  any  one 
dream,  at  the  time  of  its  foundation, 
that  the  negro  race  would  ever  be  ad- 
mitted to  an  equality  of  citizenship  in 
the  Federal  Union.  Had  such  a  thing 
been  imagined  as  lying  within  the 
bounds  of  possibility  in  the  future, 
the  Union  would  never  have  been 
formed.  Not  even  Massachusetts 
would  have  joined  the  Union  had  she 
imagined  that  the  time  would  ever 
come  when  her  citizenship,  under  the 
Federal  Government,  would  be  brought 
to  an  equality  with  negroes.  The  "  so- 
vereignty,"  the  governing  power,  of 
these  States,  was  in  the  white  race  ; 
and  never,  in  a  single  instance,  did  the 
word  "  sovereignty,"  or  the  phrase, 
"  the  people  of  the  United  States,"  in- 
clude negroes.  Sovereignty  always 
meant  white  sovereignty,  never  negro 
sovereignty.  At  the  time  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  in  no  State 
were  negroes  regarded  as  a  part  of  the 
civil  community,  or  embraced  in  tho 
general  term  of  "citizen."  In  the 
Dred  Scott   decision   of  the    Supreme 


194 


WHITE    SUPREMACY 


[May, 


Court,  Chief  Justice  Taney  clearly 
stated  the  facts  in  the  following  lan- 
guage : 

"The  words  'people  of  the  United  States' 
and  'citizens,'  are  synonymous  terms,  and 
mean  the  same  thing.  They  both  describe 
the  political  body  who,  according  to  our  re- 
publican institutions,  form  the  sovereignty, 
and  who  hold  the  power  and  conduct  the 
Government  through  their  representatives. 
They  are  what  we  familiarly  call  the  '  sove- 
reign people,' and  every  citizen  is  one  of 
this  people  and  a  constituent  member  of  this 
sovereignty.  The  question  before  us  is, 
whether  the  class  of  persons  described  in 
the  plea  in  abatement  compose  a  portion  of 
this  people,  and  are  constituent  members  of 
this  sovereignty  ?  We  think  they  are  not, 
and  that  they  are  not  included,  and  were 
not  intended  to  be  included,  under  the  word 
'citizens'  in  the  Constitution,  and  can  there- 
fore claim  none  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  that  instrument  provides  for  and  se- 
cures to  citizens  of  the  United  Slates.  On 
the  contrary,  they  were  at  that  time  consi- 
dered as  a  subordinate  and  inferior  class  of 
beings,  who  had  been  subjugated  by  the  do- 
minant race,  and,  whether  emancipated  or 
not,  yet  remained  subject  to  their  authority, 
and  had  no  rights  or  privileges  but  such  as 
those  who  held  the  power  and  the  Govern- 
ment might  choose  to  grant  them." 

This  decision  caused  a  universal 
howl  from  the  advocates  of  negro 
equality,  which  was,  however,  as  sense- 
less as  it  was  noisy.  It  was  easy 
enough  to  rave  against  it,  but  no  one 
attempted  to  answer  it.  It  was,  and 
is,  unanswerable.  In  his  debates  with 
Judge  Douglas,  Mr.  Lincoln  went  so 
far  as  to  counsel  the  people  to  totally 
disregard  and  set  at  naught  this  deci- 
sion of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  only 
reason  he  attempted  to  give  for  this 
counsel  to  insurrection  and  revolution 
was  that  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence declared  that  all  men  are  created 
free  and  equal.  In  reply,  Judge 
Douglas      showed     that    the      word 


"equal"  did  not  embrace  negroes,  but 
only  the  white  race,  which  was  declar- 
ing its  independence  of  Great  Britain. 
His  language  was  : 

"I  hold  that  the  negro  is  not,  and  never 
ought  to  be,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
I  hold  that  this  government  was  made  on 
the  white  basis,  by  white  men,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  white  men  and  their  posterity  forever, 
and  should  be  administered  by  white  men 
and  none  others.  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
Almighty  made  the  negro  capable  of  self- 
government.  I  am  aware  that  all  the  Aboli- 
tion lecturers  that  you  find  traveling  about 
through  the  country  are  in  the  habit  of  read- 
ing the  Declaration  of  Independence  to 
prove  that  all  men  were  created  equal,  and 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  ina- 
lienable rights,  among  which  are  life,  liber- 
ty, and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln is  very  much  in  the  habit  of  following 
in  the  track  of  Lovejoy  in  this  particular,  by 
reading  that  part  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence to  prove  that  the  negro  was  en- 
dowed by  the  Almighty  with  the  inalienable 
right  of  equality  with  white  men.  Now,  I 
say  to  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  that  in  my 
opinion,  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  had 
no  reference  to  the  negro  whatever,  when 
they  declared  all  men  to  be  created  equal. 
They  desired  to  express  by  that  phrase  white 
men,  men  of  European  birth  and  European 
descent,  and  had  no  reference  either  to  the 
negro,  the  savage  Indians,  the  Fejee,  the 
Malay,  or  any  other  inferior  and  degraded 
race,  when  they  spoke  of  the  equality  of 
men.  One  great  evidence  that  such  was 
their  understanding,  is  to  be  found  in  the 
fact  that  at  that  time  every  one  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  was  a  slaveholding  colony, 
every  signer  of  the  Declaration  represented 
a  slaveholding  constituency,  and  we  know 
that  no  one  of  them  emancipated  his  slaves, 
much  less  offered  citizenship  to  them  when 
they  signed  the  Declaratien  ;  and  yet,  it  they 
intended  to  declare  that  the  negro  was  the 
equal  of  the  white  man,  and  entitled  by  di- 
vine right  to  an  equality  with  him,  they  were 
bound,  as  honest  men,  that  day  and  hour  to 
have  put  their  negroes  on  an  equality  with 
themselves.  Instead  of  doing  so,  with  up- 
lifted eyes  to  heaven  they  implored  the  di- 


1865.] 


AND    NEGRO    SUBORDINATION. 


195 


vine  blessing  upon  them,  during  the  seven 
years'  bloody  war  they  had  to  fight  to  main- 
tain that  Declaration,  never  dreaming  that 
they  were  violating  divine  law  by  still  hold- 
ing the  negroes  in  bondage  and  depriving 
them  of  equality." 

The  only  reply  Mr.  Lincoln  could 
make  to  this  conclusive  answer  was  to 
exclaim  that  if  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence does  not  include  negroes, 
11  let  us  get  the  statute-book  where  we  find 
it  and  tear  it  out.  If  it  is  not  true,  let 
us  tear  it  out."  That  is,  if  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  does  not  include 
negroes,  does  not  teach  negro  equality 
with  the  white  race,  let  us  tear  it  to 
pieces.  That  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  feel- 
ing in  1858,  and  no  one  can  fjay  that 
he  has  not  faithfully  adhered  to  it,  in 
his  grotesque  administration  of  the 
Government.  In  his  crusade  after  ne- 
gro equality,  he  has  torn  not  only  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  to  pieces, 
but  he  has  torn  the  Constitution  to 
pieces,  and  he  has  torn  his  country  to 
pieces.  This  is  the  heart  of  the  whole 
conflict.  If  he,  and  his  mob  of  vi- 
cious fanatics  in  Congress  were  to  give 
up  the  pursuit  of  negro  equality  to-day, 
they  would  disband  their  armies  to- 
morrow. There  is  neither  sap  nor 
marrow  in  the  war,  stript  of  this  idea 
of  negro  equality.  This  is  the  summum 
bonum  of  the  whole  thing.  It  is  an 
infidel,  murderous  revolution,  underta- 
ken for  the  purpose  of  making  negroes 
what  neither  God  nor  the  Constitution 
ever  designed  they  should  be,  the  equal 
of  the  white  race.  For  the  sake  of  de- 
luding the  people,  the  cunning  sup- 
porters of  this  revolution  sometimes 
say  that  they  mean  "  negro  equality  be- 
fore the  laws."  But  that  is  just  what 
the  negro  is  not,  before  (he  fundamen- 
tal laws  of  our  country.  The  Consti- 
tution and  laws  deny  him  this    equali- 


ty, and  there  is  no  way  of  giving  it  to 
him  but  by  revolutionizing  and  over- 
throwing the  Federal  Government. 
This  is  the  point  which  we  have  re- 
peatedly offered  to  discuss  with  the 
leaders  of  this  bloody  revolution  ;  but 
it  is  precisely  the  point  which  they  fly 
from,  and  which  they  dare  not  dis- 
cuss. 

In  relation  to  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, Chief  Justice  Taney  says: 

"But  it  is  too  clear  for  dispute  that  the 
enslaved  African  race  were  not  intended  to 
be  included,  and  formed  no  part  of  the  peo- 
ple who  framed  and  adopted  this  declara- 
tion ,  for  if  the  language,  as  understood  in 
that  day,  would  embrace  them,  the  conduct 
of  the  distingished  men  who  framed  the  De- 
claration of  Independence  would  have  been 
utterly  and  flagrantly  inconsistent  with  tho 
principles  they  asserted  ;  and  instead  of  the 
sympathy  of  mankind,  to  which  they  so  con- 
fidently appealed,  they  would  have  deserved 
and  received  universal  rebuke  and  reproba- 
tion." 

If  the  conduct  of  the  men  who  made 
the  Declaration  ot  Independence  was 
incompatible  with  the  idea  of  negro 
equality  before  the  laws,  how  much  more 
so  was  the  conduct  of  those  who  adopt- 
ed the  Constitution?  The  Preamble 
to  the  Constitution  sets  forth  by  whom 
and  for  whom  it  was  formed.  It  was 
formed  by  "We  the  people  of  the 
United  States,"  to  "  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our 
posterity."  Now  the  instrument  itself 
shows  that  "we  the  people,"  &c.,  did 
not  include  negroes.  They  were  not 
a  constituent  part  of  the  body  politic  * 
and  none  of  "the  blessings  of  liberty" 
which  it  sought  to  secure  were  intend- 
ed for  the  "  posterity"  of  negroes.  It 
was  formed  by  white  men,  for  the  pos- 
terity of  white  men.  The  Constitu- 
tion, in   several  places,  recognizes  ne- 


196 


WHITE    SUPREMACY 


|  May, 


groes  as  a  separate  and  inferior  class 
of  beings.  It  reserved  to  every  one 
of  the  original  States  the  right  to  im- 
port negroes,  and  provided  for  the 
raising  of  a  federal  revenue  from  that 
negro  importation.  Again,  it  protects 
the  owners  of  negro  labor  in  their 
rights,  just  as  it  does  any  other  spe- 
cies of  property,  and  promises  to  main- 
tain those  rights  as  long  as  the  gov- 
ernment shall  endure. 

At  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  negroes  were  regarded 
by  all  the  nations' of  Europe  as  an  in- 
ferior race,  not  entitled  to  equality 
with  the  white  race,  and  they  had  been 
so  regarded  for  more  than  a  century. 
The  authors  of  the  Declaration  of  our 
Independence  so  regarded  them.  The 
framers  of  the  Constitution  so  regard- 
ed them,  and  they  were  so  regarded  by 
all  the  States  which  adopted  it.  Ne- 
gro subordination  was  as  much  a  part 
of  the  general  system  of  the  Federal 
Government  as  that  of  the  liberty  and 
equality  of  the  white  race.  It  was  no 
more  intended  that  equality  should  ever 
be  given  to  the  negro,  than  that  the 
white  race  should  be  reduced  to  servi- 
tude. As  early  as  1705,  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts  passed  a  law  entitled 
"  An  act  for  the  better  preventing  of  a 
spurious  and  mixed  issue,"  which  for- 
bid marrying  between  whites  and 
blacks,  and  inflicted  severe  penalties 
upon  any  justice  of  the  peace  or  cler- 
gyman who  should  join  whites  and  ne- 
groes in  wedlock.  At  this  time  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  understood 
perfectly  well,  what  science  and  his- 
tory teach  to  all,  that  there  can  scarce- 
ly be  a  greater  curse  than  a  mongrel 
breed  of  men. 

In  1186  Massachusetts  passed  ano- 
ther law,  still  more  stringent  than  that 


of  1705,  against  marriage  between 
whites  and  negroes.  And  in  its  care- 
fully revised  code  of  1836,  it  made  one 
more  stringent  than  either  of  the  for-  * 
mer  acts,  in  which  the  penalty  for  mar- 
rying whites  and  blacks  was  six  months 
at  hard  labor  in  the  common  jail,  and 
the  marriage  to  be  absolutely  nulland 
void. 

Rhode  Island  passed  a  law  in  1822, 
which  was  re-enacted  in  its  revised 
code  of  1844,  forbidding  marriage  be- 
tween persons  of  color  and  whites,  un- 
der penalty  of  a  fine,  and  declaring  all 
such  marriages  to  be  null  and  void. 
In  1833,  Connecticut  passed  a  law  to 
punish  any  person  who  should  open 
any  school  for  teaching  negroes  not 
inhabitants  of  the  State,  or  for  har- 
boring persons  of  the  African  race 
with  a  view  to  their  instruction,  with- 
out a  written  permission  from  the  au- 
thorities of  the  town. 

The  laws  of  the  State  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, of  1815,  and  in  the  Revised  Sta- 
tutes of  1855,  exclude  negroes  from 
the  militia  of  the  State. 

We  refer  to  these  acts  to  show  that 
even  the  New  England  States  did  not 
regard  negroes  as  forming  any  part  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  State.  They 
were  ever  looked  upon  as  an  inferior 
race,  not  entitled  to  equality,  in  any 
sense,  with  the  white  race,  until  the 
unhappy  people  of  these  New  England 
States  became  demented  through  fana- 
ticism. While  reason  and  common 
sense  guided  their  action,  they  adher- 
ed faithfully  enough  to  the  grand  idea 
of  white  supremacy,  on  Which  this  gov- 
ernment was  based.  The  precise  doc- 
trines of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  were 
affirmed  by  the  Chief  Justices  of  Con- 
necticut more  than  twenty  years  be- 
fore Judge  Taney's  decision.  The  point 


1865.] 


AND    NEGRO    SUBORDINATION. 


191 


came  before  the  Court  of  the  State  of 
Connecticut,  in  the  case  of  Prudence 
Crandall,  who  was  indicted  for  violat- 
ing the  law  forbidding  the  instruction 
of  negroes  not  residents  of  the  State. 
The  counsel  for  defence  raised  the  point 
that  the  law  was  a  violation  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States;  that 
the  negroes,  instructed  by  the  said 
Prudence  Crandall,  were  citizens  of 
other  States,  and  therefore  entitled  to 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  State  of  Con- 
necticut. But  Chief  Justice  Dagget 
decided  that  negroes  were  not  "  citi- 
zens" within  the  meaning  of  that  word 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Chancellor  Kent,  in  his  Commenta- 
ries, declares  that,  with  the  exception 
of  Maine,  negroes  were  not  held  to  be 
citizens,  nor  entitled  to  the  civil  and 
political  rights  of  white  men  in  any- 
State  in  the  Union.  At  the  date  of 
Chancellor's  Kent's  writing,  a  negro 
in  Maine  was  as  great  a  curiosity  as 
a  live  ourang-outang  is  in  this  country 
at  the  present  time.  The  people  there 
could  have  had  no  practical  idea  of  the 
irredeemable  curse  of  the  spread  of 
mongrelism,  which  is  certain  to  follow 
the  elevation  of  negroes  to  an  equality 
of  whites  before  the  law.  Civil  dis- 
ability of  negroes  was  the  universal 
precautionary  rule  of  these  States,  to 
prevent  the  vice,  disease,  and  pauper- 
ism, which  inevitably  follow  hybridism 
from  the  mixture  of  the  white  and 
black  races.  The  word  "citizen"  and 
the  word  " sovereignty"  at  the  period 
of  the  foundation- of  the  Government, 
applied  exclusively  to  white  men,  and 
to  the  "posterity"  of  white  men.  On 
this  basis  the  Union  was  formed  ;  on 
this  basis  the  Union  must  stand,  if  it 
stand  at   all.      Whenever   one   portion 


of  the  States  succeeds  in  dragging  the 
Federal  Govornment  off  of  this  basis, 
and  incorporate  negro  sovereignty 
with  the  white,  the  remaining  portion 
will  be  relieved  of  all  obligation  of 
adhering  to  their  share  of  the  original 
compact.  Indeed  the  Union  would  be 
dissolved,  and  the  onus  of  dissolution 
would  be  on  the  heads  of  those  States 
which  dragged  in  this  contraband  ele- 
ment of  negro  sovereignty,  and  en- 
grafted it  upon  the  white  stock.  A 
State,  being  a  sovereign  body,  can,  of 
course,  make  whatever  change  in  its 
Constitution  and  laws  it  pleases  in  re- 
lation to  its  citizenship.  It  can,  if  it 
so  choose,  elevate  negroes  to  equality 
with  whites,  but  only  within  its  own 
boundaries.  It  cannot  compel  any 
other  State  to  .make  negroes  citizens, 
and  least  of  all  can  it  force  negro  so- 
vereignty to  become  a  constituent  ele- 
ment of  the  Government  of  the  Union. 
That  Government  is  the  common  pro- 
perty of  all  the  States — it  is  the  joint 
agent  of  all  the  States.  The  terms 
and  conditions,  the  extent  and  limita- 
tions of  that  agency,  are  definitely 
fixed  in  the  Constitution.  The  attempt 
to  engraft  negro  sovereignty  upon  that 
instrument  is  revolutionary,  and,  if 
successful,  is  the  overthrow  of  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  Union,  in  its  most  vi- 
tal part,  even  in  the  constituent  ele- 
ments of  its  sovereignty.  It  is  the  clear 
right  of  Massachusetts  to  live  on  what- 
ever terms  of  intimacy  with  negroes 
she  pleases.  Once  she  had  laws  pun- 
ishing her  ministers  with  hard  labor 
in  the  common  jail  for  marrying  ne- 
groes and  whites  ;  now,  if  she  pleases, 
she  may  make  laws  to  punish  then) 
for  refusing  to  marry  negroes  and 
whites.  But  should  she  attempt  to 
force  her  new  miscegeuation  principles 


198 


WHITE    SUPREMACY 


[May, 


upon  any  other  State,  that  State  would 
have  the  right  to  resist  these  embraces 
of  negro  sovereignty  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  Or  should  this  State  of 
Massachusetts,  by  banding-  other 
States  with  her,  seize,  or  in  any  way 
get  hold  of  the  Federal  Government, 
and  attempt  to  force  negro  sovereignty 
into  that  general  agency  for  the  States, 
every  State,  that  so  pleased,  would 
have  the  clear  right  to  take  up  arms 
to  defend  itself  from  this  offensive  and 
revolutionary  heresy  of  negro  sove- 
reignty. It  depends  entirely  upon  its 
own  sovereign  choice,  whether  it  would 
fall  quietly  into  the  embraces  of  mis- 
cegenation, or  resist  them  by  the  whole 
force  of  the  State. 

From  the  foundation  of  the  Confede- 
racy, down  to  the  election  of  Lincoln, 
there  was  never  a  respectable  body  of 
men  in  our  country  to  dispute  the 
soundness  of  this  position.  The  Dem- 
ocratic party,  especially,  has,  through 
a  history  of  more  than  seventy  years, 
been  a  tenacious  advocate  of  the  strict- 
est adherence  to  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  this  Constitutional  doctrine  of  white 
sovereignty  and  of  negro  subordination. 
It  has  always  held  that  any  attempt 
to  incorporate  negro  sovereignty  with 
federal  legislation,  was  revolutionary 
in  its  character,  and  must  result  in 
dissolving  the  constituent  elements  of 
the  Federal  agency.  In  a  word,  dis- 
solving the  Union.  There  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  stood  all  through,  a 
proud,  a  triumphant  history  ;  and  there 
it  must  stand  for  the  future,  or  lose  its 
identity,  and  break  like  a  bubble  into 
this  black  and  sluggish  pool  of  misce- 
genated  Kepublicanism. 

Some  men,  calling  themselves  Dem- 
ocrats, whether  from  ignorance  or 
treachery  we  shall  not  stop  to  inquire, 


tell  us  that  "  it  is  sound  policy  to  ig- 
nore the  negro  question  altogether." 
The  answer  is  short  and  conclusive — 
that  the  question  of  negro  sovereignty 
was  never  raised  by  the  Democratic 
party  :  but  being  raised,  it  is  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Democracy  to  lay  it.  It  is 
the  mission  of  Democracy  to  preserve 
this  Government  intact  upon  its  origi- 
nal foundations  of  white  sovereignty; 
and  whenever  an  effort  is  made  to  drag 
it  off  from  this  basis,  on  to  that  of  a 
black,  a  mixed,  or  mongrel  sovereign- 
ty, the  party  cannot,  without  eternal 
shame,  surrender  to  this  new  and  de- 
grading African  element.  That  is  our 
answer  to  these  g-entlemen  of  easy  po- 
litical virtue,  who  would  use  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  as  a  mere  machine  for 
official  plunder,  without  reference  to 
the  great  fundamental  principles  on 
which  this  Union  was  founded.  We 
stick  to  the  bond.  It  is  not  what  indi- 
vidual prejudices,  not  what  specula- 
tive morality  may  dictate,  but  what 
the  Constitution  allows,  that  must  for- 
ever control  our  political  action. 

And  this  is  our  position  none  the 
less,  since  the  so-called  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  by  resolution  of 
Congress.  No  matter  how  man}'-  State 
Legislatures  may  confirm  it,  it  is  still 
no  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  for 
the  simple  reason  that  the  subject  mat- 
ter of  the  resolution  was  never  in  the 
Constitution.  It  never  belonged  to 
the  Constitution.  The  Constitution 
may  be  amended  by  a  vote  of  three- 
quarters  of  the  States,  in  any  matter 
that  was  delegated  by  the  States  to 
the  Federal  Government ;  but  in  no- 
thing else.  Common  sense  ought  to 
teach  every  man  that  the  Constitution 
cannot  be  amended  in  what  does  not 
belong:  to  it.     This  is  not  an  amend* 


1865.] 


AND    NEGRO    SUBORDINATION. 


199 


ment,  it  is  a  subversion.  If  under  the 
title  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion three  quarters  of  the  States  may- 
take  away  the  property  of  the  other 
quarter,  they  may  just  as  easily  take 
away  the  wives  and  daughters,  nay, 
even  the  lives  of  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  remaining  States.  Had  we  a  fa- 
ther or  a  brother,  who  believed  that 
this  impudent  Abolition  dodge  was 
really  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  we  were  sure  that  he  was 
neither  a  fool  nor  a  rascal,  we  would 
send  him  to  the  insane  asylum  as  a  lu- 
natic 1  There  are  but  two  classes  of 
persons  who  will  claim  that  this  late 
farce  is  an  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution— one  of  these  deserves  to  be 
cured,  and  the  other  to  be  flogged/ 

But,  regardless  of  all  this  stupen- 
dous folly,  the  true  Democracy  will 
still  cling  to  the  glorious  old  Consti- 
tution, with  a  heart  ever  hopeful  of 
beinc;  able  to  reinstate  it  as  the  bond 
of  Union  between  all  these  States. 
But  there  are  no  just  grounds  for  such 
hope  except  in  a  firm  adherence  to  the 
original  idea  of  white  supremacy  and 
negro  subordination.  If  the  Union 
stands  at  all,  it  must  be  upon  its  ori- 
ginal basis.  If  it  stands  at  all,  the 
negro  must  be  left  where  God  and  the 
Constitution  placed  him.      To    make 


him  a  constituent  element  of  the  Fe- 
deral government,  is  to  overthrow  and 
destroy  the  character  of  citizenship 
under  the  Constitution — is  not  to  amend, 
but  to  destroy,  the  Constitution.  When 
the  Federal  administration  undertakes 
to  say  what  shall  be  the  status  of  the 
negro  in  the  States,  especially  when 
it  pretends  to  alter  the  status  of  the 
negro,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  States,  and  of  the  United  States, 
it  is  time  for  every  State  to  put,  and 
to  keep  itself,  in  a  defensive  attitude. 
The  Federal  administration  has  no 
more  right  to  force  the  people  of  the 
States  to  free  their  negroes  than  it  has 
to  compel  them  to  marry  negroes. 

The  only  hope  of  liberty  on  this 
continent  is  in  a  firm  adherence  of  the 
States  to  their  own  perfect  control  of 
all  such  matters.  Give  not  an  inch  of 
the  reserved  State  powers  to  the  Fe- 
deral administration.  Not  an  inch  I 
Better  a  thousand  times  that  every  of- 
ficer of  the  Federal  administration 
should  lose  his  head,  than  the  States 
should  yield  the  smallest  fraction  of 
their  sovereign  rights.  When  the 
heads  of  usurpers  and  tyrants  and  the 
rights  of  States  come  in  collison,  the 
conflict  ought  to  be  neither  a  long  nor 
a  doubtful  one. 


-<o»- 


THE  SNOW-FLAKE. 


A  snow-Hake  lit,  in  falling  fast, 
On  Helen's  breast  so  dear  ;  • 

Finding  its  whiteness  all  surpast, 
It  melted  to  a  tear. 


200 


DIFFERENCE    BETWEEN    GOVERNMENT 


[May, 


DIFFERENCE  BETWEEN  GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 


It  is  not  surprising*  that  the  masses  do 
not  clearly  understand  the  difference 
between  Government  and  Administra- 
tion, since  it  is  evident  that  neither 
the  President  nor  a  majority  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  understand  it. 
Or,  if  they  do  understand  it,  we  must 
hold  them  to  be  the  greatest  villains 
and  impostors  the  world  ever  saw.  To 
get  a  correct  view  of  the  subject,  let 
us  define  the  three  principal  kinds  of 
government  established  among  popu- 
lations. 

First,  there  is  the  pure  monarchy — 
monos  krateo — the  government  of  one 
man.  In  this  form,  the  government 
and  the  administration  are  one  and  the 
same.  The  governing  power  is  alone 
in  the  monarch,  who  administers  it 
himself. 

Second,  there  is  the  aristocracy — 
aristoi  krateo — the  government  of  a  se- 
lect or  privileged  few.  In  this  form, 
there  is  a  distinction  between  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  administration.  All 
the  powers  of  State  reside  in  a  class  ; 
in  the  lords,  nobles,  &c.  The  govern- 
ment is  in  these,  but  the  king  and  his 
ministers  administer  it. 

Third,  the  democracy — demos  krateo 
— the  government  of  the  people.  Here 
the  distinction  between  government 
and  administration  is  wide  and  com- 
plete. The  people  are  the  government; 
the  sovereign;  and  the  administration 
is  only  their  servant,  or  the  agent  of 
their  powers. 

In  a  democracy,  however,  the  gov- 
ernment is  not  in  all  the  people,  that 
is,  not  in  all   the   human  beings  who 


live  within   its  jurisdiction.     For   in- 
stance, women  and  aliens,  and  negroes, 
are  not  included  in  the  government  of 
this  country.     They  do  not  form  a  part 
of  the  constituent  element  of  its  sove- 
reignty.    A  government  which  was  in 
all  the  people  would  be  a  panocracy — 
pan  krateo.     The  object  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  appears  to   be   to   extend 
the  area  of  sovereignty  so  as  to  make 
it  embrace  negroes.     They  do  not  go 
so  far  as  to  include  women  and  aliens, 
but  only  negroes.     We  are  told  that  all 
this   country   lacked   to   make   it  the 
most  perfect  and  glorious  government 
on  earth,  was  the   addition  of  negroes 
to  the  constituent  element  of  its  sove 
reignty.     Upon  white  aliens   and  wo- 
men  they  do   not   propose  to  bestow 
this  new  distinction.     All   white  male 
citizens  and  negroes,  they  .wish  to  con- 
stitute  the   government.     When  they 
accomplish   this   proud   aim,  the  gov- 
ernment will  be  neither  a  democracy 
nor   a   panocracy,    but,    ultimately,  a 
muleocracy,  or    a   government   of  hy- 
brids.    A   nation  of  human    mules    is 
the  delightful  dream  of  these  madmen. 
The  end  would  be  that  a  mulatto,  or  a 
full-blooded  negro  could  be  eligible  to 
the  office  of  President.     So  a  majority 
of  both    Houses    of  Congress,  and    of 
the  Supreme  Court,  might  be  negroes. 
Then  the    administration    of  the   gov- 
ernment would  be  wholly  in  the  hands 
of  negroes.     The  theory  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts, or  the  New  England  school 
of  politicians,  is  that   this  will   never 
be  a  free  country  until  negroes  are  ad- 
mitted to  all  the  rights  of  citizenship. 


1865.] 


AND    ADMINISTRATION. 


201 


This  school  is  already  in  a  majority  in 
Maine,  Vermont,  MassachusettsLRhode 
Island,  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  and  Iowa. 
All  the  other  States  are  still  at  heart 
Democratic,  and  therefore  not,  as  yet, 
negroized.  But  should  the  Democratic 
party  continue  in  the  dubitant  or  cow- 
ardly policy  it  has  followed  for  the  last 
four  years,  a  majority  of  the  remain- 
ing States  of  the  North  will  fall  into 
the  gulf  of  miscegenation,  and  at  no 
remote  day  the  Government  would  be- 
come a  muleocracy  and  the  administra- 
tion, by  the  dominance  of  Massachu- 
setts' preference,  one  of  negroes  and 
mulattoes.  Shocking  as  this  idea  may 
be,  it  is  not  so  disgusting  to  a  majori- 
ty of  the  people  in  the  above-named 
States  as  Abolitionism  was,  even  to 
them,  thirty  years  ago.  Thirty  years 
ago  it  was  not  very  safe  for  Abolition- 
ism to  rear  its  head  very'  prominently 
even  in  one  of  these  States.  But  at  the 
present  time  a  muleocracy,  or  a  negro 
administration,  may  be  advocated  with 
approval  in  the  churches,  school-hous- 
es, and  lecture-rooms  of  all  these  States. 
An  itinerant  female,  by  the  name 
of  Dickinson,  not  long  ago,  declared 
to  an  immense  crowd  in  the  Cooper  In- 
stitute, amidst  thundering  applause, 
that  the  time  must  come  when  a  negro 
may  sit  in  the  seat  of  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  the  United  States.  Already  we 
see  her  prediction  half  fulfilled  ;  that 
is,  we  see  tluit  late  honored  chair  filled 
by  a  white  man  of  negro  principles. 
The  administration  of  the  Government, 
at  the  present  time,  is  in  the  hands  of 
white  men  with  negro  principles,  with 
a  decided  preponderating  leaning  to 
the  negro  side.  As  yet  the  govern- 
ment is  white,  but  the  administration 
is  black  It  could  scarcely  be  blacker 
if  it  were  in  the  hands  ot"   the  negroes 


themselves.  The  idea  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  his  partizans,  that  government  and 
administration  are  one  and  the  same, 
is  entirely  worthy  of  the  stupidity  of 
negroes. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  in  No.  11  of  the  Fede- 
ralist, says  : 

"The  administration  of  government,  in 
its  largest  sense,  comprehends  all  the  ope- 
rations of  the  body  politic,  whether  legisla- 
tive, executive,  or  judiciary  ;  but  in  its  most 
usual,  arid  perhaps  in  its  most  precise  signi- 
fication, it  is  limited  to  executive  details,  and 
falls  peculiarly  within  the  province  of  the 
executive  department.  The  actual  conduct 
of  foreign  negotiations,  the  preparatory  plans 
of  finance,  the  application  and  disbursement 
of  public  moneys  in  conformity  to  the  gene- 
ral appropriations  of  the  legislature,  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  army  and  navy,  the  direc- 
tion of  the  operations  of  war  ;  these  and 
other  matters  of  a  like  nature,  constitute 
what  seems  to.  be  most  properly  understood 
by  the  administration  of  government." 

This  definition  of  administration  is 
correct.  In  no  sense  whatever  does 
it  mean  government,  except  in  an  ab- 
solute monarchy.  In  our  system,  the 
whole  Federal  organization  is,  in  no 
sense,  a  government ;  it  is  simply  an 
administration.  Lincoln  and  his  party 
are  working  to  change  administration 
into  government.  The  government  is 
in  "  the  people  of  the  several  States." 
The  administration  is  striving  to  wrest 
the  government  from  the  people  and  fix 
it  in  itself.  This  is  not  only  revolution, 
but  if  enforced  by  arms,  as  Lincoln  is 
doing  even  in  the  northern  States,  it  is 
treason,  and  the  just  penalty  death. 
There  is  not  a  single  northern  State 
in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  may  not  be  ar- 
rested and  tried  for  treason  ;  for  hav- 
ing overthrown  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  Slate  by  military  power. 
His  whole  system  of  provost  marshals 
and   military  commissions,  backed    by 


202 


DIFFERENCE    BETWEEN    GOVERNMENT,    &(J. 


[May, 


armed  force  in  these  otherwise  peace- 
ful States,  is  an  overthrow  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  these  States  It  is  an  ac- 
complished war  upon  the  sovereignty 
of  these  States  ;  just  as  much  so  as  if 
the  same  crime  were  committed  by 
Great  Britain  or  France.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  has  no  more 
right  to  assume  the  duties  and  func- 
tions of  the  State  governments  than 
the  Emperor  of  France  has.  Much 
less  has  he  a  right  to  overthrow  the 
organic  and  statute  laws  of  the  States. 
For  what  Mr.  Lincoln  has  done  in  this 
direction,  it  is  within  the  power  of 
Congress  to  impeach  him,  and  of  the 
State  governments  to  hang  him.  Not 
only  him,  but  every  provost  marshal 
and  general  who  has  executed  his  il- 
legal orders  in  these  peaceable  and 
law-abiding  States.  As  old  John 
Brown  was  served  in  Virginia,  so  may 


any  one  of  these  wretches  be  legally 
and  justly  dealt  with  in  every  State 
where  they  have  suspended  the  civil 
laws  by  military  power.  The  revolu- 
tion now  going  on  to  make  adminis- 
tration government,  if  successful,  will 
end  the  republic,  and  establish  an  em- 
pire. This  the  people  of  all  the  States 
may  do  if  they  please.  That  is,  if  the 
peopld  of  all  the  States  should,  by  a 
fair  vote,  dotermine  to  change  admin- 
istration into  government,  then  the 
change  would  be  binding  upon  all. 
But  the  administration  itself  has  no 
power  to  introduce  such  a  change.  By 
attempting  it,  it  is  just  as  liable  to 
punishment  as  any  other  great  crimi- 
nal, or  violator  of  law.  The  differ- 
ence between  administration  and  gov- 
ernment is  as  great  as  that  between 
grantor  and  grantee,  or  between  a 
principal  and  an  agent,  in  law. 


-«o* 


A  SPANISH  EPIGRAM. 

Que  Fillis  con  tremore, 
Ponga  en  su  pecho  flor. 

Ya  lo  veo  ; 
Pero  clie  esto  astuccio  no  sea, 
Para  que  otra  nor  se  vea, 

Non  lo  creo. 


That  Fillis,  when  she  wants  a  beau, 
A  rose-bud  on  her  breast  will  show, 

I  easily  conceive  ; 
But  then  that  this  is  not  a  feat 
lo  show  she  has  a  flower  more  sweet, 

I  never  will  believe. 


1805.] 


THE   PEER   AND  THE   PRINTER. 


203 


THE  PEER  AND  THE  PRINTER. 
A  NOVEL. 


BY  THOMAS   DUNN   ENGLISH. 


CHAPTEK  X.— (Continued.) 


"  To  see  me  !  Bless  me  !"  exclaimed 
the  tradesman,  in  a  flutter  of  excite- 
ment. "  Get  me  my  best  coat,  Mrs. 
Guttenberg.  Mary,  tell  the  servant 
I'll  be  ready  presently.  His  lordship's 
own  coach  !  What  an  honor  !  Thank 
you,  my  dear.  Tidy  my  cravat  a  lit- 
tle, Mrs.  Guttenberg'.  It's  all  about 
you,  Ambrose.  Ill  be  conciliatory, 
but  firm." 

Firm  !  a  tradesman  with  an  earl ! 

"  There,  my  dear,  that  will  do.  Am- 
brose, take  charge  of  the  shop  till  I 
return." 

Whea  we  left  the  back  room  we 
found  Berkeley  and  the  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  the  regiment,  a  gray-haired, 
ramrod ish  individual,  named  Garden, 
chatting  with  Mary. 

14  Excuse  me,  gentlemen,  but  I  have 
to  go  to  the  castle  on  a  little  business. 
His  lordship  has  sent  for  me,  and  his 
lordship's  coach  is  waiting,  and  Am- 
brose and  Mary  will  attend  to  you" — 
and  with  this  off  went  the  delighted 
printer,  riding  grandly  for  the  first 
time  in  his  life,  in  a  coach  with  a  coro- 
net on  the  panels. 

"  He's  in  a  doosid  hurry,  to  be  sure," 
said  Berkeley.  "  Miss  Guttenberg,  the 
Colonel  wants  that  novel  1  had  yester- 
day.    Is  there  a  copy  in  V1 

"Two  oC  them,  Captain.  Which 
will  you  have,  -Colonel  J" 


"  Whichever  you  choose." 

"Take care,  Colonel,"  laughed  Berke- 
ley. "  One  is  dog's-eared,  and  the 
other  mortally  wounded  in  the  last 
leaf.  Now,  the  question  is,  dog's-ears, 
or  the  veteran." 

11  The  complete  one,  by  all  means, 
then." 

While  the  Colonel  was  examining 
some  stationery,  I  took  the  Captain 
aside. 

"  Are  you  engaged  to-night  ?"  I  ask- 
ed. 

11  No — at  least  to  nothing  which 
can't  be  put  off.     Why  ?" 

"  Can  you  spare  me  a  couple  of 
hours  ?" 

11  Yes." 

"  Then  meet  me  at  the  Crown  and 
Angel  at  seven." 

"  Of  course,  my  boy,  if  it  will  oblige 
you.     What's  up  ?" 

"I'll  tell  you  then." 

Out  went  the  brace  of  officers.  I 
went  to  the  desk  and  wrote  a  note  to 
Sharp,  requesting  him  to  meet  me  at 
the  Crown  and  Angel  at  seven,  if  he 
were  at  all  interested  in  a  matter  that 
concerned  me  very  much.  I  gave  this 
to  a  neighbor's  boy,  with  directions  to 
hunt  Sharp  up,  and  get  a  verbal  an- 
swer. In  about  an  hour  the  lad  re- 
turned with  the  reply  that  he  would 
attend  to  it. 


204 


THE    PEER    AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[May, 


Mary  was  on  nettles  all  the  time  to 
know  what  was  going  on. 

It  was  quite  late  in  the  day  when 
Mr.  Guttenberg  returned  in  the  noble 
man's  coach.  He  was  filled  with  news, 
and  called  me  into  the  back  room, 
where  Mrs.  Guttenberg  impatiently 
awaited  us. 

"  I  have  arranged  it  all  properly," 
he  said.  "  It  was  all  as  I  conjectured. 
His  lordship  has  been  very  much  de- 
ceived in  his  steward,  whom  he  has 
discharged.  His  lordship  is  very  much 
hurt  at  what  you  said  to  him,  but 
sends  his  regret  at  having  suspected 
you  even  for  a  moment ;  though  I  must 
agree  with  him  that,  under  the  circum- 
stances, the  suspicion  was  not  unna- 
tural. Of  course  I  promised  that  you 
would  apologize  for  your  very  rash, 
and,  I  must  say,  notwithstanding  the 
provocation,  very  offensive  words." 

"  This  I  cannot  do,  sir.  His  lordship 
was  a  party  to  the  whole  affair." 

"  How  unreasonable  and  absurd  you 
are,  Ambrose  ;  and  after  his  lordship, 
a  peer  of  the  realm,  has  condescended 
to  make  the  first  advances,  too.  He  a 
party  !  Why  he  is  perfectly  furious 
against  Mr.  Osborne  !" 

"  Is  he  ?  Will  he  have  his  steward 
arrested  for  his  attempt  to  fasten  crime 
on  me  ?" 

"  He  has  sent  him  away." 

"He  will  bring  him  back  in  good 
time." 

"  Now,  my  dear  boy,  you  surely 
won't  refuse,  when  I've  made  a  pro- 
mise. There's  nothing  disgraceful  in 
a  frank  apology  for  such  words  to  a 
superior." 

"  True,  sir  ;  but  here  the  apology 
would  involve  a  falsehood.  I  am  not 
the  least,  sorry  for  my  conduct,  which 
was  proper  enough." 


"Ambrose,"  said  Mr.  Guttenberg, 
"  I  need  not  remind  you  that  I  have 
always  done  my  duty  by  you.  I  have 
treated  you  like  a  son.  Can  you  re- 
fuse me  a  favor,  and  not  only  lose  me 
a  patron,  but  gain  me  an  enemy  ?" 

I  was  a  little  affected  by  this  ap- 
peal, but  none  the  less  firm.  I  an- 
swered promptly  : 

"I  am  grateful  to  you — I  would 
serve  you  in  almost  anything  ;  but  I 
will  not  apologise  to  Lord  Landys,  and 
certainly  will  never  hold  any  inter- 
course with  him.  He  is  an  unprinci- 
pled man,  and  my  enemy." 

"What  nonsense  !  He's  your  friend — 
spoke  of  you  in  the  warmest  manner, 
said  you  were  a  young  man  of  the 
highest  promise  ;  and  even  offered  to 
have  you  appointed  to  a  post  in  India, 
and  to  advance  a  thousand  pounds  for 
your  outfit.  A  thousand  pounds  ! 
Think  of  that !" 

"  Yes,  for  some  motives  of  his  own 
he  is  quite  anxious  to  exile  me  to  In- 
dia." 

II  Motives  !    What  could  he  have  ?" 
"  I  do   not  know  ;  but  I  do  know 

that  he's  a  scoundrel." 

"  Goodness  !  the  boy  is  mad  !  A 
scoundrel  !  An  earl !  a  nobleman  that 
will  be  a  duke  when  his  grace  of  Sel- 
lingbourne  dies — a  scoundrel  !  What 
folly  !  I  tell  you  what,  Ambrose,  you 
are  standing  in  your  own  light.  You 
will  be  of  age  in  a  few  days.  I  have 
the  papers  drawn  up,  all  ready  to  sign 
and  seal,  making  you  a  full  partner, 
not  only  in  the  printing  and  station- 
ery business,  but  in  the  Chronicle.  I 
had  always  -meant  you  should  share 
equally  with  Mary,  as  though  you 
were  my  own  son  ;  and  now  you  make 
me  go  back  of  my  word." 

II I  am  very  sorry,  but  I  can't  help  it.'* 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER 


sua 


"  Then  there'll  be  no  Guttenberg  & 
Fecit,  I  can  tell  you.  No,  sir  1  you'll 
be  no  partner  of  mine — no  anything 
here.  You  shall  leave  this  house.  I'll 
have  no  further  to  do  with  you  !" 

"  Oh,  don't  say  that,  John,"  sobbed 
his  wife.  "  Give  him  time.  He  won't 
be  so  obstinate  if  he  has  time  to  con- 
sider." 

I  shook  my  head. 

"  I'll  give  him  twenty-four  hours, 
and  not  one  moment  more.  Let  him 
make  up  his  mind  by  this  time  to-mor- 
row. If  he  chooses  to  sacrifice  his 
home  and  his  prospects,  and  to  repay 
me  with  ingratitude,  all  through  his 
selfishness  and  obstinacy,  let  him  do 
it— that's  all." 

Off  flounced  Mr.  Guttenberg  into 
the  shop,  really  believing  himself  a 
much-injured  man,  and  I  absolutely 
and  positively  heard  him  speak  snap- 
pishly to  a  customer.  Mrs.  Gutten- 
berg cried,  and  pleaded  with  me.  I 
answered  the  good  old  soul  kindly  and 
affectionately,  but  I  was  determined, 
nevertheless.  Mary  came  in  and  look- 
ed on  in  double  distress — a  two-head- 
ed misery  on  her  part — firstly,  on  ac- 
count of  the  general  unhappiness,  and 
secondly,  because  she  couldn't  tell 
what  it  was  all  about. 

That  night  I  went  to  the  Crown  and 
Angel,  called  for  a  private  room,  and 
directed  the  waiter  to  send  in  those 
who  inquired  for  me. 

Captain  Berkeley  came  in  about  ten 
minutes  before  seven. 

"  Here  I  am,  old  fellah,"  cried  he, 
"in   advance   of  time.     Now,  what  is 

it  r 

"  Wait  awhile,  Captain.  I  don't 
want  to  tell  the  same  story  twice." 

"  A  council  of  three,  eh  ?  Who's 
the  third  V 


"  Mr.  Sharp." 

"Whew  P  whistled  Berkeley.  "Old 
money-bags,  eh?  This  will  be  a  queer 
confabulation." 

"You  won't  have  to  wait  long,  Cap- 
tain, for  there  goes  the  first  stroke  of 
my  godfather." 

The  last  peal  of  the  great  bell  of  St. 
Stephen's  was  still  echoing  when  a 
tap  at  the  door  announced  the  servant 
who  came  to  usher  in  old  Sharp.  The 
latter  stared  in  surprise  at  Berkeley, 
and  then,  recovering  himself,  said  : 

"  Well,  what  is  it,  Ambrose  ?  Don't 
keep  me  waiting.     Time  is  money." 

"  I.  wish  the  bankers  agreed  with 
you,  old  fellah,"  said  Berkeley,  gaily. 

"  Pshaw  \n 

I  hastened  to  prevent  a  threatened 
explosion  by  telling  the  story  of  the 
Earl's  attempt,  as  I  had  told  it  before 
to  the  Guttenbergs.  I  did  not  give 
my  own  history — it  was  not  needed. 
Had  I  done  so  it  might  have  saved  me 
some  after  trouble.  But  who  knows 
his  future  ? 

"  Now,"  said  I,  when  I  had  finished, 
11  the  question  is — what  shall  I  do  ?" 

"  The  Countess  is  mad,  and  the  Earl 
is  madder,  and  Guttenberg  is  mad- 
dest. Mad  or  no  mad,"  said  Berkeley, 
"  he  wants  to  get  you  out  of  the  road, 
for  some  reason  best  known  to  him- 
self. It  is  quite  clear  to  my  mind  thai 
if  you  don't  go  he'll  do  you  a  mischief 
My  advice  is,  cut  and  run.  What  dc 
you  say,  Mr.  Sharp?" 

"  The  Captain  is  right,  Ambrose 
You  must  leave  Puttenham  for  the 
present,  and  quickly." 

"But  how,  and  when?" 

"At  once.  Four  wagons  start  for 
London  at  two  to-morrow  morning. 
Ono  of  these  will  take  you.  The  wag- 
oner will  not  disoblige    me  j  he    owes 


206 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[May, 


me  nine  pound  five  shillings  nop'nse 
ha'penny.  You  can  get  into  the  wagon 
just  out  of  town,  and  I'll  instruct  him 
what  to  do.  Don't  attempt  to  leave 
the  wagon  for  the  mail,  no  matter  how 
slowly  you  go.  When  you  get  to  Lon- 
don— but  have  you  any  friend  there?" 

'•  Yes  ;  one  I  can  rely  on,  I  think, 
Mr.  Paul  Bagby." 

"  Well,  go  to  him,  and  keep  quiet. 
Have  you  any  money?" 

"  About  five  pounds  ;  that  will  last 
me  until  I  get  employment  in  some 
printing-house." 

"  Let  me  give  you  some  money,  or 
you  may  get  into  trouble." 

Berkeley  raised  his  eyebrows  at 
such  an  offer  from  Sharp,  and  then  a 
second  time  when  I  declined  it. 

"  Very  foolish,"  muttered  the  old 
man.  "  Better  lean  on  a  friend's  staff 
than  be  struck  by  an  enemy's  cudgel. 
However,  I'll  give  you  a  sealed  letter 
to  my  bankers  when  you  leave,  and 
you  must  promise  to  avail  yourself  of 
it  when  you  are  in  need." 

I  promised. 

"  Now,  go  home,"  said  Sharp,  "get 
what  you  want  at  home  ;  but  don't 
encumber  yourself  with  a  large  bun- 
dle. Light  load,  more  speed.  Slip 
out  unobserved,  and  meet  us  at  the 
Reindeer  an  hour  after  midnight." 

"  But  this  looks  like  flight,  and  I  am 
not  sure — " 

"  Not  a  word,"  said  Berkeley.  "  You 
asked  us  to  do  your  thinking,  and  we 
have  done  it.  The  enemy  is  too  strong, 
and  you  must  retreat.  Leave  us  to 
cover  your  rear." 

I  could  see  no  help  for  it.  It  was  a 
choice  between  going  at  once  of  my 
own  accord,  or  of  being  kicked  out 
the  next  day  by  Mr.  Guttenberg.  So 
I  returned  home,  and  when  the  family 


had  retired,  made  a  bundle  of  a  spare 
suit  and  some  shirts,  took  the  rins* 
and  other  tokens  connected  with  my 
history,  rolled  up  Zara's  portrait,  which 
I  cut  from  its  frame,  and  at  a  few  mi- 
nutes after  one  o'clock,  let  myself 
quietly  out  into  the  street. 

I  found  the  Reindeer.  There  were 
several  large  wagons  in  the  yard.  I 
was  about  to  go  to  them,  when  some 
one  tapped  me  on  the  shoulder.  It 
was  Berkeley,  cloaked.  He  whispered 
to  me  : 

"  Keep  from  the  wagon.  We  have 
talked  with  the  wagoner,  who  will 
take  you  up  at  a  distance  from  town. 
You  know  St.  George  Clyst." 

This  was  a  church  on  the  high-road, 
nearly  five  miles  from  town. 

"  Yes." 

"  Well,  walk  on,  and  remain  in  the 
by-road  there.  The  wagon  has  one 
grey  horse  in  the  lead  ;  the  rest  are 
bays.  There  are  three  other  wagons, 
and  yours  will  start  last.  When  you 
see  it  approach  the  mouth  of  the  bye- 
road,  step  up  to  it,  and  say  to  the 
driver,  '  fine  night  for  a  race.'  He'll  tell 
you  to  get  in.  Keep  close  until  you 
arrive  in  London." 

Sharp,  who  had  come  forward  dur- 
ing the  utterance  of  these  instructions, 
slipped  the  promised  letter  into  my 
hand.  They  both  wished  me  good- 
speed,  and  I  promised  to  write  to  them, 
and  give  them  the  name  I  should  as- 
sume, for  it  was  not  deemed  advisable 
to  retain  my  own  in  London.  We 
shook  hands  and  parted,  and  I  pushed 
on  to  the  place  of  rendezvous. 

I  waited  at  the  spot  pointed  out  for 
a  long  while.  At  length  I  heard  the 
jingling  of  bells,  and  watched  first  one 
and  then  two  other  wagons  pass  as  I 
lay  in  the  shadow   of  the   wall.     The 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE   PRINTER. 


207 


fourth,  with  the  light  horse  in  the  lead, 
came  according  to  promise  in  its  turn. 
The  wagoner  was  walking  with  his 
horses,  evidently  expecting  some  one. 
I  advanced,  spoke  as  had  been  agreed 
on,  and  was  helped  into  the  wagon, 
which  only  contained  hay  and  a  cou- 
ple of  bags  of  feed.  The  train  was 
returning  empty.  I  buttoned  my  great 
coat  closely  around  me,  and  was  soon 
fast  asleep. 

I  waked  up  about  an  hour  after  day- 
dawn.  We  had  stopped  at  a  road-side 
tavern,  called  the  Fair-Mile  Inn,  and 
here  the  wagoner  secured  me  a  lunch. 
The  second  night  I  got  out  of  the  wag- 
on before  we  arrived  at  our  stopping- 
place,  and  took  lodgings  as  though  I 
were  a  foot-passer.  In  the  morning  I 
went  out  before  the  starting  of  the 
wagon,  which  picked  me  up  two  or 
three  miles  farther  on.  And  this  was 
the  daily  manner  of  the  journey. 

On  the  fifth  day  after  our  departure 
for  London,  when  within  two  miles  of 
the  town  of  Coppleton,  the  fore  axle- 
tree  broke  short  off  in  the  middle,  and 
our  progress  was  suddenly  checked. 
After  a  consultation  between  the  wag- 
oner and  myself,  it  was  agreed  that  I 
should  walk  to  the  town,  and  send 
back  a  wheelwright.  I  did  so,  although 
I  had  some  trouble  to  find  an  artizan 
disengaged,  and  more  trouble  to  induce 
him  to  go  so  far.  As  I  was  now  with- 
in forty  miles  of  London,  I  concluded 
to  remain  in  the  town  a  few  days  to 
recruit  myself  after  my  five  days' 
shaking.  So  I  took  lodgings  at  a  quiet 
looking  inn,  sent  for  my  scanty  lug- 
gage, and  bestowed  it  and  myself  in  a 
snug  apartment,  where  I  passed  a  very 
pleasant  night. 


CHAPTER  XL, 

In  which  Ifind  a  former  acquaintance,  and 
make  new  ones. 

The  town  of  Coppleton  is  of  modern 
growth,  and  owes  its  importance  prin- 
cipally to  its  glove  manufactories,  and 
two  large  establishments  for  the  manu- 
facture of  chemicals.     In  the  morning 
I  took  a  stroll  through  it,  to  see  what 
was  most  worthy  of  note.     As  I  roam- 
ed up  one   street   and   down   another, 
my  eyes  frequently  rested  on   flaming 
placards,  announcing   that  the  theatre 
would  open  on  the  following  Monday, 
with  a  new   and   efficient   company  ; 
and   that  the   performances,  by   com- 
mand of  his  worship  the  Mayor,  would 
be    "Speed   the   Plough,"   and    "The 
Turnpike  Gate."     I  concluded  that  the 
performance  would  be  as  good,  at  all 
events,  as  any  I  had  hitherto  seen  in 
Puttenham,    and   so   I   said,  thinking 
aloud  : 

"  I  think,  if  I  remain  here  so  long, 
I'll  go.     Why  not  ?" 

"  Why  not,  indeed  V  said  some  one 
at  my  elbow. 

I  turned.  My  echo  was  a  broad- 
shouldered  man,  rather  over  the  mid- 
dle size,  with  a  square  chin,  large 
mouth,  and  deeply-set  eyes.  He  was 
rather  shabbily  dressed  in  an  old  body- 
coat,  buttoned  closely  up  to  the  chin, 
trousers  polished  on  the  knees,  boots 
long  guiltless  of  Day  &  Martin's  ma- 
nufactured lustre,  and  a  hat  garnished 
with  brown  on  the  edges  of  the  crown. 
The  presumption  was  that  he  wore  a 
shirt,  that  being  supposed  to  be  a  ne- 
cessary part  of  an  Englishman's  ap- 
parel, but  there  was  no  ocular  evi- 
dence of  the  fact.  I  made  up  my  mind 
as  to  his  profession,  from  his  tone  of 
voice  and  manner,  and  rejoined  : 


208 


THE   PEER   AND   THE   PRINTER. 


[May, 


"  One  of  the  company,  I  presume  Vf 

u  Sir,  I  have  that  honor.  My  name 
is  Fuzzy — Oliver  Fuzzy.  You  will  ob- 
serve my  name  in  large  letters  on  the 
posters.  I  lead  the  business  on  this 
circuit — play  the  Hamlets,  Richards, 
and  others — and  occasionally  demean 
myself  by  assisting  in  a  broad-sword 
combat  between  the  pieces.  However, 
that  keeps  my  hand  in  for  Richard  and 
Macbeth,  and  '  I  dare  do  all  that  may 
become  a  man  ;  who  dares  do  more  is' 
not  Oliver  Fuzzy.  For  all  of  which 
old  Hare,  the  Gov.,  allows  me  a  miser- 
able sal.,  when  we  are  playing,  and 
nothing  and  nopence  a  week  when  we 
are  not." 

"You  have  a  prominent  position, 
Mr.  Fuzzy,  and  it  ought  to  be  profita- 
ble." 

"  '  I  do  believe  your  grace,'  it  ought 
to  be,  but  it  isn't.  We  don't  play  here 
till  next  week,  and  as  I'm  up  in  every 
thing  we  do  for  the  first  fortnight,  I 
have  nothing  to  study,  and  so  I  am 
roaming  through  the  town,  '  a  looker- 
on  here  in  Vienna,'  cogitating  on  the 
ways  and. means  of  raising  a  pot  of 
'arf-and-'arf." 

Here  was  a  character,  and  1  resolv- 
ed to  study  it. 

"  Suppose  you  join  me  in  a  pot,"  I 
said.  "  I  have  played  a  little  myself 
en  amateur,  and  have  a  sympathy  with 
the  profession." 

"  Will  I  ?     '  Come  on,  Macduff.' " 

"  But  you'll  have  to  point  me  out 
the  proper  place,  for   I  am  a  stranger 

here." 

"  Point  1  nothing  easier,  as  long  as 
you'll  point  when  we  get  there.  '  1  do 
remember  me  that  hereabouts  there 
lives,'  not  '  a  starved  apothecary,'  but 
a  well-fed  publican,  who  deals  in  most 


excellent  potations.     Shall   I   attend 
your  grace  ?" 

"  Lead  on  ;  I  follow,"  I  said,   catch- 
ing his  humor. 

We  soon  found  ourselves  in  a  little, 
quiet  ale-house,  in  an  alley  just  back 
of  a  plain  and  dingy-looking  building, 
which  my  companion  informed  me  was 
the'theatre.  By  the  numerous  portraits 
of  leading  actors  on  the  walls,  as 
well  as  from  its  proximity  to  the  play- 
house, I  inferred  that  the  place  was  a 
resort  for  actors  and  their  friends.  A 
couple  of  pots  of  half-and-half  were 
soon  foaming  before  us,  and  Mr.  Fuz- 
zy, blowing  off  the  froth,  and  exclaim- 
ing, "  Off  with  his  head  !  So  much  for 
Buckingham,"  took  a  hasty  draught, 
and  replaced  the  half  empty  pot  on 
the  table. 

"  With  some  bread  and  cheese,  and 
a  pipe  to  follow,"  he  said,  "  this  were 
a  banquet  for  the  gods." 

"  Wouldn't  a  chop  be  better  ?"  I  ask- 
ed. 

"  Chop  1  if  there  be  anything    for 
which  this  house  is  famous,  outside  of 
its  malt  liquors,  it  is  a  chop." 

So  I  ordered  the  chops,  and  while 
they  were  preparing,  I  asked  him  con- 
cerning the  actors. 

"  A  very  fine  company,  sir,"  said  he. 
"  It's  true  that  our  juvenile  man  is  ra- 
ther shaky — the  Governor  goes  in  for 
that  line  himself,  and  he's  past  it  now 
- — fifty  if  he's  a  day  ;  but  juvenility  is 
his  weakness.  Then  he  chews  his 
words  like  Charles  Kean — that  young 
man'll  never  make  an  actor  ;  I  know 
it.  I've  seen  him.  Otherwise  the 
company  is  tip-top,  for  a  poor  circuit. 
Cripps  is  our  low  comedy  man — more 
than  passable ;  we've  a  very  honest 
fellow  who   makes   an   admirable  vil- 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


209 


lain  ;  and  then  there's  Finch — a  good 
old  fellow  is  Charley  Finch — he  does 
everything  well,  and  has  to  do  every- 
thing, second  old  man,  heavy  fathers, 
high-priests,  eccentric  comedy,  and  so 
on  Then  there's  myself — well,  I  don't 
boast ;  but  I  could  have  trod  the  Lon- 
don boards  before  now.  Lots  of  city 
managers  have  made  me  offers  ;  but 
my  health,  my  health,  you  see — here's 
to  you,  sir  ?" 

"  And  the  women  ?" 

"  The  ladies  of  the  company  are  cle- 
ver— one  especially — Cecilia  Finch. 
She's  a  prodigy  ;  the  best  little  juve- 
nile, the  best  daughter,  and  in  cham- 
bermaids— well,  they  haven't  anything 
in  London  can  hold  a  candle  to  her. 
Ah,  she's  a  gem  I  and  everything  she 
does  is — done  to  a  turn,  I  declare." 

The  last  observation  had  reference 
to  the  chops,  which  the  waiter  then 
placed  upon  the  table,  and  which  my 
new  friend  attacked  with  a  vehemence 
and  vigor  highly  complimentary  to  the 
grazier  who  fed  the  sheep,  and  the 
cook  who  prepared  the  meal,  not  ne 
glecting  his  speech  in  the  intervals  of, 
mastication. 

"  We  have  a  vacancy  in  the  com- 
pany, though  ;  we  want  a  light  come- 
dy man.  We  had  one  engaged,  but  a 
screw's  loose  somehow.  I  suppose  the 
Governor  will  scare  one  up  somewhere 
in  time.  And  here  he  comes,  and 
Charley  Finch." 

I  looked  up,  and  there  was  my  old 
acquaintance,  Ilarcsfoot,  in  company 
with  a  slender,  pale  and  gentlemanly 
old  man.  Ilarcsfoot  caught  my  eye, 
and  recognized  me  at  once. 

"  Pray,  my  dear  sir,"  said  he,  shak- 
ing me  by  the  hand,  "  what  lucky  wind 
has  blown  you  to  our  coast?" 

"  An  accident,"  I  replied  ;  "  but  I  am 


right  glad  to  see  you.    You're  the  ma- 
nager, I  see." 

"  Yes,  and  a  very  troubled  one  just 
now.  The  most  unfortunate  thing  in 
the  world.  I've  announced  '  Speed  the 
Plough,'  and  here  my  light  comedian 
sends  me  word  three  days  before  we 
open,  that  he  is  laid  up  with  a  rheu- 
matism which  will  prevent  his  play- 
ing for  two  months-" 

u  Very  unfortunate." 

"  Unfortunate  !  ruinous  !" 

And  here  the  manager  fired  off  his 
peculiar  winks,  right  and  left,  with 
startling  rapidity. 

"  By-the-bye,  are  you  up  in  Bob 
Handy  ?" 

"  I've  done  it  a  good  while  since." 

"  Do  it  again.  I'll  announce  you  as 
a  distinguished  amateur ;  give  you 
every  chance.  They're  a  most  dis- 
criminating and  fashionable  audience, 
the  wealthiest  glovers  in  all  England ; 
fine  women  too  ;  set  'em  all  crazy.  It's 
a  chance  that  only  occurs  once  in  a 
life-time." 

I  thought  over  the  matter  a  little 
while.  There  was  a  love  of  the  stacre 
in  me.  I  liked  the  experiment  of  the 
thing,  and  had  never  any  of  its  rough 
experiences,  and  I  consented. 

Mr.  Haresfoot  was  in  a  state  of  de- 
light at  once,  and  fired  off  his  double 
winks  more  rapidly  than  ever.  It  was 
arranged  that  I  should  appear  on  the 
Monday  following,  and  if  I  made  a 
hit  a  permanent  engagement  was  to 
follow,  at  a  salary  about  equal  to  what 
I  could  earn  as  a  journeyman  printer 
with  two  one-third  benefits  during  the 
year.  It  was  also  arranged  that  my 
stage  name  should  be  Neville,  that  of 
Fecit  not  being  considered  eligible  ; 
ami  as  Mr.  Neville  I  was  formally  in- 
troduced to  Mr.  Finch  and  Mr.  Fuzzy, 


210 


THE    PEER    AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[May, 


over  a  pot  of  porter  a-piece,  which  Mr. 
Haresfoot  insisted  on  providing  in  ho- 
nor of  the  occasion 

General  conversation  ensued,  in 
which  old  Finch  bore  his  part,  and  I 
was  struck  with  the  manner  and  spirit 
of  the  old  man's  remarks.  He  was 
evidently  a  man  of  education,  and  the 
style  of  his  conversation  and  move- 
ments betokened  the  gentleman.  How 
such  a  man  could  ever  have  become  a 
strolling  actor  was  a  m}rstery,  and  I 
determined  to  fathom  it  if  possible. 
Finch  was  a  stage  name  ;  what  his 
real  name  was  I  felt  certain  I  would 
yet  know.  I  was  not  of  a  curious  na- 
ture, in  general,  but  here  there  was 
something  that  provoked  prying. 

I  pass  over  our  conversation.  As 
soon  as  it  closed  I  accompanied  the 
party  to  the  theatre,  where  rehearsal 
was  about  to  begin,  and  was  there  in- 
troduced to  Billy  Nuts,  who  combined 
in  his  person  the  offices  of  prompter, 
property-man,  and  wardrobe-keeper  to 
the  rest  of  the  company,  male  and  fe- 
male. 

The  rehearsal  commenced.  As  it 
was  manifestly  to  the  interest  of  every 
member  of  the  company  that  I  should 
succeed,  one  would  have  naturally 
supposed  that  I  should  have  received 
every  assistance  and  encouragement. 
But  actors  have  a  contempt,  generally 
well  founded,  for  amateurs  ;  and  do 
not  believe  that  any  one  can  ever  leap 
to  a  position  in  their  profession.  They 
think  that  the  only  way  to  attain  emi- 
nence is  to  climh  the  ladder,  round  by 
round  ;  a  belief  in  the  main  correct 
enough,  although,  those  who  have  self- 
possession,  occasionally  form  excep- 
tions to  the  general  conclusion.  I 
knew  of  this  feeling,  and  was  there- 
fore careful  to  make  no  attempt  at  act- 


ing during  rehearsal,  but  walked 
through  my  part  in  the  most  hurried 
and  business-like  manner.  Modest  as 
was  my  demeanor,  it  did  not  save  me 
from  sneers  and  contemptuous  looks 
from  every  one  on  the  stage  except 
from  Finch  and  his  daughter.  Instead 
of  daunting  me,  this  put  me  on  my 
mettle,  and  I  took  no  apparent  notice 
of  it,  much  as  I  chafed  under  the  ma- 
licious looks  and  words  of  my  col- 
leagues. 

The  announcement  of  "  a  distin- 
guished amateur;  his  first  appearance 
on  the  regular  stage,"  set  the  good 
people  of  Coppleton  in  a  fever  of  ex- 
citement, and  to  the  great  delight  of 
the  manager,  every  seat  in  the  lower 
tier  of  boxes  was  taken  in  advance. 
The  treasurer  informed  me  as  I  enter- 
ed the  theatre  on  Monday  morning  for 
the  last  rehearsal,  that  the  box-sheet 
presented  "  a  be-yu-tiful  appearance," 
and  Billy  Nuts  said  to  me,  as  I  came 
on  the  stage  : 

"  'Ere's  a  go  !  Coppleton's  waked 
up  !  There'll  be  a  crushin'  'ouse,  and 
if  you  fail  after  hall  this  blowin',  my 
heyes  !  won't  there  be  a  jolly  row  !" 

When  the  night  came,  the  little 
house  was-  jammed  long  before  the 
curtain  rose,  and  on  my  appearance  I 
was  warmly  received,  my  stage-pre- 
sence being  rather  striking,  and  my 
features  prepossessing.  But,  to  my 
utter  dismay,  a  powerful  stage -fright 
took  possession  of  me  ;  the  audience 
seemed  to  be  sitting  in  a  mist,  my 
tongue  refused  to  move,  and  my  knees 
trembled  so  much  that  I  was  scarcely 
able  to  stand.  A  dead  and  painful  si- 
lence fell  over  the  house  like  a  pall, 
interrupted  by  a  titter  from  one  of  the 
side-boxes.  I  was  about  to  turn  and 
flee  from  the  stage,  when  I  caught  a 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


211 


glimpse  of  the  face  of  Fuzzy,  mali- 
ciously triumphant,  at  the  wing. 

Tt  recalled  my  powers  instantly. 
The  stage-fright  left  me  as  suddenly 
as  it  had  come.  Through  the  part  I 
rattled  vivaciously,  my  spirits  rose 
with  every  scene,  never  was  I  more 
mercurial  ;  and  every  fresh  round 
of  applause  gave  me  new  spirit. 
The  curtain  dropped  on  the  epi- 
logue amid  a  deafening  shout  of  the 
audience,  and  I  was  called  before  the 
curtain  (a  rare  compliment  in  the 
town)  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm.  I 
was  announced  to  re-appear  in  the 
same  character  on  the  Wednesday 
following,  to  the  apparent  delight  of 
the  house  ;  and  the  performers  crowd- 
ed around  me  on  the  stage  to  offer 
their  congratulations  on  my  success. 

"Hit's  the  greatest  'it,  sir,"  said 
Billy  Nuts,  "  has  'as  been  made  'ere, 
by  hall  liodds.  You're  no  hamachure  ; 
you're  a  hactor." 

And  Billy,  in  the  exuberance  of  his 
delight,  qualified  his  assertion  by  an 
expletive  more  earnest  than  pious,  and 
quite  unnecessary  to  repeat. 


CHAPTER  XII., 

Wherein   Selgrove  quite    undoes  the  icork  of 
Copplelon,  until  we  set  two  Richards  in  the 
field. 

Our  season  at  Coppleton  was  a  great 
success.  I  became  the  fashion,  and  it 
was  considered  high  ton  among  the 
glove-makers  to  witness  the  perfor- 
mance of  Mr.  Neville,  "  an  artist,"  as 
the  Coppleton  Journal  observed,  "with- 
out a  peer  in  his  line  of  business."' 
This  should  have  been  true,  as  Hares- 
foot  was  an  undoubted  judge  of  act- 
ing, and  as  he  wrote  the  pull' and  paid 
for  its  insertion,  it  was  naturally  to  be 
presumed  that  such  was  his   unbiased 


opinion.  But  the  plain  truth  was  mere- 
ly that  I  was  no  actor  at  all,  and  owed 
my  success  to  a  fine  figure,  a  rather 
handsome  face,  a  strong  verbal  memo- 
ry, and  a  full  flow  of  animal  spirits. 
So  long  as  I  pleased  the  public,  the 
manager  did  not  care  to  enlighten  me 
as  to  my  deficiencies  ;  and  because  I 
pleased  the  public,  my  fellow-actors 
did  not  dare  to  ;  and  so  I  believed 
myself  to  be  a  capital  performer.  I 
know  better  now  ;  but  fortunately  I 
did  not  know  then  ;  and  the  occasional 
sharp  criticism  of  the  judicious  few 
fell  from  my  self-love  as  harmlessly  as 
the  rain-drops  from  the  back  of  a  wa- 
ter-bird. I  did  not  forgive  these  can- 
did critics,  nevertheless,  for  I  believ- 
ed, as  a  matter  of  course,  that  each 
had  an  especial  spite  at  me,  and  look- 
ed at  my  performance  with  the  eyes  of 
envy  and  hatred. 

1  became  intimate  with  none  of  the 
company  except  Finch  and  his  daugh- 
ter, both  of  whom  interested  me  very 
much — wonder  mingling  with  toe  in- 
terest in  his  case,  and  delight  ming- 
ling with  the  interest  in  hers.  Cecilia 
Finch  was  at  that  time  about  the  age 
of  seventeen,  and  though  her  features 
were  neither  classical  in  their  outline, 
nor  striking  in  their  general  effect, 
they  were  nevertheless  beautiful  from 
their  sweetness  when  in  repose,  and 
their  archness  of  expression  when  lit 
up  by  conversation.  I  have  said  that 
her  features  were  not  regular,  her  nose 
being  too  small  and  her  forehead  too 
high  ;  but  she  had  clear,  hazel-grey 
eyes,  large  and  lustrous,  and  a  pair  of 
lips  that  were  delightful  to  look  at  in 
repose,  and  were  highly  mobile  under 
emotion.  In  general  her  manner  was 
extremely  quiet ;  but  on  the  stage  she 
was  dashing,  without  being   bold,  and 


212 


THE    PEER   AND    THE    PRINTER. 


[May, 


piquant  without  being  pert.  She  was 
a  deserved  favorite  with  the  public,  for 
she  had  a  deal  of  talent,  capable  of 
still  further  development,  while  she  was 
respected  by  the  actors  in  the  compa- 
ny, aud  petted  by  the  actresses.  This 
popularity  was  not  courted.  She  kept 
herself  apart  from  the  rest,  and  de- 
voted herself  to  her  father,  to  whom 
she  was  a  shadow — seeming  never 
more  cheerful  than  when  with  him. 

That  Finch  had  been  born,  or  at 
least  bred  a  gentleman,  I  had  no  man- 
ner of  doubt.  His  manner,  language, 
and  evidently  liberal  education,  be- 
trayed the  fact.  It  was  not  very  long 
before  I  became  sufficiently  intimate 
with  him  and  his  daughter  to  gain  his 
confidence,  and,  little  by  little,  I  ob- 
tained the  leading  points  of  his  histo- 
ry. He  had  been  the  son  of  a 
man  of  wealth  and  family,  and  at 
the  age  of  twenty  had  gone  off  to  join 
a  company  of  strolling  players.  His 
father,  after  endeavoring  to  reclaim 
him  in  vain,  had  left  his  whole  estate 
which  was  not  entailed,  to  the  young- 
er brother,  and  shortly  after  died. 
Finch  married  a  member  of  the  com- 
pany to  which  he  was  attached.  This 
completely  severed  him  from  his  fami- 
ly connections,  and  his  lot  in  life  was 
fixed. 

I  should  have  said,  however,  that 
my  intimacy  in  the  company  extended 
to  one  more.  I  became  well  acquaint- 
ed with  Billy  Nuts,  necessarily  ;  for 
Billy  was  the  ubiquitous  and  energe- 
tic factotum  of  the  company,  and  whe- 
ther he  prompted  the  performers, 
painted  scenery,  made  properties, 
picked  out  dresses,  or  murdered  the 
King's  English,  he  did  it  with  a  tho- 
roughness quite  his  own.  I  soon  grew 
to  be  a  great  favorite  with  Billy,  prin- 


cipally, I  believe,  because  I  admired 
hugely  a  new  scene — an  interior — 
which  he  painted  for  us  at  Coppleton, 
and  which,  especially  when  we  consi- 
der the  scanty  materials  at  his  com- 
mand, was  a  really  clever  bit  of  art. 
Billy  was  full  of  stories,  too.  He  had 
been  nearly  everywhere,  had  tried  al- 
most every  line  of  life,  and  had  a  yarn 
apropos  to  every  occasion.  I  used  to 
spend  a  deal  of  time,  after  rehearsal, 
in  the  paint-loft,  where  Billy,  when  he 
had  nothing  else  to  do,  would  patch 
and  re-vamp  the  old  scenery,  chang- 
ing a  worn-out  English  landscape,  by 
the  introduction  of  a  palm-tree  here 
and  a  pyramid  there,  with  divers  daubs 
of  ochre  and  amber,  into  a  passable 
oriental  view  ;  and  by  a  few  upright 
strokes,  surrounded  by  zig-zag  lines, 
and  some  harlequin  patches  of  color, 
converting  a  plain  English  interior  in- 
to a  Moorish  palace.  In  all  this  my 
former  intercourse  with  Paul  Bagby 
enabled  me  to  give  Billy  a  hint  or  two 
at  times,  which  seemed  to  increase  his 
respect  for  me  amazingly. 

Finch,  who  had  a  taste  for  the  fine 
arts,  used  to  climb  to  the  paint-room 
occasionally,  and  there  we  three  held 
confabulation  on  various  matters  to 
our  hearts'  content. 

I  had  been  about  two  months  in  the 
company,  and  our  season  at  Coppleton 
was  about  to  close,  when  I  learned  the 
cause  of  Finch's  continued  melancholy. 
Tqe  poor  man  had  been  doomed  to 
death  by  his  doctor,  who  informed  him 
that  he  labored  under  a  disease  of  the 
heart  which  might  take  him  away  at 
any  moment.  This  was  the  spectre 
that  haunted  him  night  and  day  ;  that 
clouded  his  life  with  a  darkness  the 
most  terrible,  and  which  neither  the 
regard  of  those  around  him,  nor  the 


1865.] 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


213 


affectionate  ministrations  of  his  daugh- 
ter could  for  a  moment  disperse.  If  it 
fostered  melancholy,  however,  it  begat 
gentleness  ;  and  Charles  Finch  had 
never  had  a  harsh  or  unkind  word  for 
any  one,  and  never  appeared,  under 
any  circumstances,  to  lose  either  pa- 
tience or  temper. 

The  very  day  after  I  had  obtained 
these  facts  from  Finch,  we  were  in  the 
paint-room,  as  usual,  and  I  was  sketch- 
ing out  a  scene  in  charcoal  on  a  flat, 
for  the  use  of  Billy,  when  the  latter 
said  : 

11  That's  a  werry  goodidear,  Mr.  Ne- 
ville ;  Spanish,  is  it  not?"   . 

"  No,  Billy  ;  it  is  a  sketch  of  a  spot 
where  I  was  bred.'7 

"  It  looks  Spanish.  Lord  bless  you, 
we  haint  no  scenery  here  can  hold  a 
candle  to  some  in  Spain.  That  flat  the 
Governor's  so  fly  on,  I  painted  from 
memory,  but  it  don't  come  up  to  the 
real  thing.  If  I  could  draw  like  you 
now,  I'd  show  'em  some  paintin'." 

"  So  you've  been  in  Spain,  too?" 

"  I  was  a  walley,  sir,  to  a  gent  as 
traveled  in  the  Peninzelay — an'  that 
minds  me  of  an  event.  I've  been  puz- 
zlin'  my  'ead  hever  since  you've  been 
with  us,  about  your  face,  which  I 
know'd  I'd  seen  afore — and  now  I  know 
why.  I  seed  a  young  'oman  as  looked 
as  like  you  as  two  peas — let  me  see — 
the  matter  of  twenty  odd  year  ago. 
My  master,  Mr.  Teignham  an'  I  was  in 
Cadiz." 

Finch  started,  and  colored,  for  some 
unexplained  reason,  but  resumed  his 
self-possession  in  an  instant.  Nuts 
went  on  with  his  story. 

"  One  night,  he  sez  to  me,  sez  he, 
'  Villiam,  we're  goin'  to  the  Consulate.' 
'Wery    veil,  sir,'  sez    I.      Yen    ve    got 

there  1  found  he  vos  to  be  a  vitness  to 


a  veddin'.  I  seed  the  marriage  myself. 
I  didn't  know  their  names  ;  but  the 
young  'oman  vos  the  von  as  resembled 
you.  There  ;  that  kind  o'  startled  look 
you  put  on  brings  her  face  back  to  me 
right  away." 

"  What  kind  of  looking  man  was 
the  bridegroom  ?" 

"  Veil,  a  tall,  dark-complected  man  ; 
a  leetle  stiff,  but  a  nob,  every  hinch 
of  'im,  or  I'm  no  judge." 

"  Were  they  Spaniard's  ?" 

11 1  think  not.  They  vouldn't  'a  been 
married  at  the  Consulate  hunless  they 
vos  Henglish." 

The  conversation  soon  changed,  but 
I  thought  over  it  for  some  tirre.  Was 
I  always  to  be  reminding  every  one  of 
some  one  else,  and  never  to  know  even 
the  names  of  the  party  to  whom  I  bore 
so  strange  a  resemblance  ? 

Other  matters  drove  the  conversa- 
tion away  from  my  mind.  Our  season 
at  Coppleton  closed,  and  we  next  went 
to  Sel grove.  We  had  no  regular  the- 
atre there,  merely  a  temporarily-fitted 
room,  used  at  other  times  for  concerts 
and  assemblies,  spacious  enough,  how- 
ever, and  likely  to  afford  ample  room 
for  our  audience.  For  although  Sel- 
grove  was  a  theatrical  town,  the  resi- 
dence of  a  population  fond  of  amuse- 
ments, circumstances  robbed  us  of  our 
power  to  attract.  A  religious  revival 
had  taken  place  just  before  our  ad- 
vent, and  the  clergymen  of  the  place 
preached  furiously  against  the  drama. 
In  spite  of  the  reputation  I  bore  from 
Coppleton,  in  spite  of  the  most  flaming 
placards,  and  the  most  labored  adver- 
tisements, our  houses  were  meagre  at 
the  commencement,  and  fell  oil' visibly 
every  night,  until  an  audienc*  of  six, 
all  told,  caused  the  utmost  consterna- 
tion to  both  manager  and  actors. 


214 


THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER. 


[May, 


Well  might  we  be  alarmed.  The 
time  for  opening  at  Potterburn,  our 
next  town,  was  not  for  three  months, 
and  as  all  of  us,  except  Finch,  were 
rather  improvident,  there  was  but  a 
gloomy  prospect.  Haresfoot  managed 
adroitly  enough,  changing  the  pieces 
every  night,  and  trying  every  expe- 
dient his  wits  could  invent ;  but  all 
was  in  vain.  The  theatre  had  been  ta- 
booed, and  the  people  would  not  come. 
The  treasury  was  soon  emptied  of  the 
surplus  gained  at  Coppleton,  and 
though  half  salaries  were  submitted 
to,  the  houses  did  not  afford  even  these. 
At  length  a  council  was  held  to  deter- 
mine some  plan  by  which  we  might 
retrieve  our  losses,  or  fight  our  way 
until  the  time  announced  for  opening 
at  Potterburn. 

A  most  forlorn  and  distressed  set  of 
comedians,  to  be  sure,  gathered  in 
council  upon  the  stage  one  Saturday 
morning.  Some  had  been  confined  for 
a  week  to  a  single  meal  a  day,, others 
were  in  debt  for  their  lodgings,  and 
none  knew  what  to  attempt. 

"Now,  gentlemen,"  said  Haresfoot, 
when  we  had  all  assembled,  "  the  trea- 
sury is  barren.  Unless  some  one  can 
suggest  a  movement  likely  to  be  pro- 
fitable, we  shall  have  to  suspend  our 
performances  until  the  season  at  Pot- 
terburn opens." 

"  I  can  think  of  nothing  but  an  emp- 
ty belly,"  growled  Fuzzy.  "I've  been 
living  for  the  last  week  off  a  pair  of 
boots,  and  I  can  get  through  next  week 
on  a  coat ;  but  I  can't  eat  everything 
I  have  on  my  back,  you  know." 

I  was  aghast  at  this  for  a  moment. 
I  had  read  of  people  who  had  eaten 
leather  and  cloth  in  shipwrecks,  but 
such  a  thing  was  strange  in  civilized 
England   in   the   nineteenth    century. 


The  explanation  soon  flashed  over  my 
mind  that  the  articles  had  been  sold 
and  the  money  devoted  to  the  purchase 
of  food,  and  I  grew  easier.  Then,  as 
no  one  had  any  plan  to  propose,  I  spoke 
up  myself  and  said  : 

"  Have  you  ever  given  an  entirely 
new  local  piece  on  the  circuit,  Mr. 
Haresfoot  ?" 

"  No,  sir,  never.  In  the  first  place 
there  is  never  any  occurrence  here  to 
dramatise,  and  in  the  second  place  the 
London  play-wrights  ask  too  high  for 
their  pieces." 

"Why,"  I  said,  "the  occurrences 
may  be  invented,  and  as  for  the  piece, 
fudge  something  out  of  six  or  seven 
forgotten  plays,  give  the  thing  a  local 
name,  paint  new  scenery,  with  views 
of  all  the  principal  places  in  town,  an- 
nounce it  with  a  flourish  of  trumpets, 
and  the  thing  is  done." 

The  suggestion  was  hailed  raptu- 
rously by  all  save  Billy  Nuts. 

"  Hit's  all  wery  fine,"  said  that  wor- 
thy, "hit's  a  hidea  ;  lots  o'  tin  in  it,  I 
dessay  ;  but  where's  the  money  to 
come  from  to  paint  the  scenery?  I 
can't  daub  up  with  nothin'.  Prooshin 
blue  and  chrome  yaller,  an'  rose  pink, 
costs  money.  There's  ten  pound  o7 
whitin',  an'  a  paper  o'  lampblack,  an' 
a  pound  o'  glue  in  the  paint-loft ;  air* 
them  won't  do.  Mebbe  Mr.  Neville  '11 
show  us  how  to  make  paint,  as  he's  so 
clever." 

"  There's  a  chance  to  get  money  to 
mount  a  piece,"  said  Haresfoot,  "  tho' 
I  don't  like  the  way.  You  know  young 
Phipps,  the  butcher,  That  young  man 
is  bent  on  making  an  Edmund  Kean 
or  a  Judy  of  himself,  and  he  offers 
twenty  pounds  to  let  him  play  Richard 
for  one  night.  It  will  be  a  sorry  ex- 
hibition ;  but  the  money  is  tempting. 


1865.]  THE    PEER   AND   THE    PRINTER.  215 

Still,  Richard  by  Phipps — ugh  I"  "  True,  Mr.  Fuzzy,   but   under   such 

We  all  laughed  but  Fuzzy  ;  he  was  circumstances,  and  on  an  occasion — " 

indignant.  "  Occasion   me    no    occasions,    Mr. 

"  Richard  \n    exclaimed    the   trage-  Haresfoot.     Second  to  a  butcher  !  Ne- 

dian.     "  Why,    who's    to    play   Rich-  ver  !     It's  a  desecration  of  the  drama- 

mond  ?"  tic  temple — an  insult  to   the   memory 

"  We  expect  you  to  do  that,"  answer-  of  Bill  Shakspeare.     My  love  for  the 

ed  the  manager.  glorious   art   will    not   stand  it.     Be- 

"Me  !  I'm  only  to  play  second  to  a  sides,  Richard  falls  to  me  as  the  lead- 
London  star,  you  know.''  ing  man." 

(7b  be  continued.) 


-•♦*- 


OLD  TIMES. 


BY   C.    CHAUNCEY    BURR, 


Old  times  are  coming  back  to  me, 
Like  music  o'er  the  bounding  sea ; 

Old  times ! 
The  merry  times  when  I  among 
The  lads  and  maidens,  gay  and  young, 
Went  out,  where  joy  its  laughter  flung, 
Down  by  the  sounding  sea, 

Old  times,  when  I  was  free  from  care, 
And  joys  were  scattered  everywhere  ; 

Old  times ! 
We  danced  away  the  livelong  day, 
With  now  and  then  some  childish  play ; 
For  'twas  the  happy  month  of  May, 
Down  by  the  sounding  sea. 

Old  times,  when  boys  could  take  a  swing, 
With  maidens  in  the  pleasant  spring  ; 

Old  times ! 
When  careful  mothers  were  not  by, 
To  watch  with  a  religious  eye, 
The  '  vanities  beneath  the  sky,* 
Down  by  the  sounding  sea. 

Old  times  !     I  hate  the  present  time, 
When  every  heart  is  watched  fof  crime  ; 

Old  times! 
Give  me  old  times,  when  hearts  were  true, 
And  fresh  as  sunshine  in  the  dew— 
The  times  I  came  too  quickly  through— 
Down  by  the  sounding  sua. 


216  "bide  your  time."  [May 

"BIDE  YOUR  TIME* 

Ay!  "bide  your  time!" 
So  ever  since  the  world  began, 
Has  said  some  cold  and  cautions  man. 
What  though  the  tyrants  bow  you  down, 
"What  though  grim  Faction  frown, 
What  though  the  sneering  Error  reigns, 
And  vainly  Truth  complains, 
Brave  soldier  of  the  fearless  pen, 
So  wont  to  move  thy  fellow-men 
In  stately  prose  or  flowing  rhyme, 
Now  in  abasement  bowed, 
Jeered  by  the  brutal  crowd, 
Forbid  both  speech  and  song, 
In  silent  fortitude  be  strong, 

And  bide  your  time  ! 

Yield  to  the  storm  which  shakes  the  land, 

And  sweeps  the  oaks  on  every  hand — 

Bend,  reeds,  before  it  bend 

And  wait  the  coming  end  ; 

Their  way  to  crawling  minions  grant  ; 

What  though  our  Galileo  may  recant, 

Smit  by  the  tyrant's  rod  ; 
What  though  the  traitors  rave  and  rant, 
And  boldly  swear  and  say  that  they 
Are  patriots  who  the  land  betray 
To  ruin,  and  the  laws  to  shame  ; 
In  all  lands  it  has  been  the  same— 

The  earth  still  moves,  by  God ! 
Free  speech  they  now  may  crush  by  steel. 
By  roj>e  and  lead,  and  grim  Bastile, 
Free  thought  is  a  defiant  crime  — 

So  bide  your  time ! 

What!  yield  my  birthright  tamely  then, 
Fetter  my  tongue  and  break  my  pen, 
For  fear  of  those  deluded  men, 
Who  howl  to-day  against  my  speech, 
As  they  to-morrow  may  at  each 

Of  those  who  hark  them  on — 
The  mob  !  the  horde  of  ready  tools 

In  tyrants'  hands  themselves  to  break— 
The  mass  of  vile  and  wretched  fools, 

Who  yet  in  sore  surprise  may  wake 

To  find  their  freedom  gone. 
What !  bide  my  time,  and  yield  to  them  \ 

Cast  all  my  manhood  down ! 
Fling  all  my  rights  away ! 

Not  ior  the  glittering  diadem 

A  monarch  wears !  not  for  his  crown, 
His  sceptre  and  his  sway ! 
Ere  I  my  honor  so  delace, 
Be  false  unto  my  name  and  race, 
Let  loathsome  death  my  glances  dim, 
Pale  lips,  and  paralyse  each  limb, 
That  those  who  from  my  loins  have  sprang 
May  cry — "  Whate'er  he  said  or  sung 
Was  said  or  sung  because  his  soul 
Urged  to  the  utterance  ;  no  control 
Upon  it  save  his  own  free  will  ; 
That  failing,  hand  and  voice  grew  still ; 
He  left  no  work,  no  words  but  those 
Defying  his  and  freedom's  foes  ; 
And  this  he  left  for  brother  minds— 
•  A  freeman's  soul  no  tyrant  binds ! 
And,  for  defying  fraud  and  crime, 

All  time  's  the  time ! '  " 

THOMAS  DUNN  ENGLISH, 


1865.J 


juvemal's  satikjss,  &c. 


211 


JUVENAL'S  SATIRES  AND  MODERN  MANNERS. 


It  may  be  something"  to  surprise  us, 
and  it  may  be  not  a  little  mortifying 
to  our  republican  pride  to  discover 
that,  with  all  our  boasted  improvement 
in  the  philosophy  of  human  govern- 
ment, it  is  fairly  to  be  doubted  if  we 
have  any  profounder  insight  into  the 
core  of  the  Democratic  principle  than 
the  wisest  men  had  two  or  three  thou- 
sand years  ago.  No  modern  Democrat 
has  written  such  satires  on  the  preten- 
sions of  nobility  and  kingcraft  as  are  to 
be  found  in  Juvenal,  who  wrote  at  the 
beginning  of  the  first  century*.  Take 
as  an  illustration  the  opening  lines  of 
his  eighth  satire,  which  have  been 
thundering  into  the  large  ears  of  no- 
bility for  nearly  two  thousand  years, 
and  on  what  modern  page  may  we 
look  to  find  the  pfride  of  pedigree  ridi- 
culed with  equal  power  and  pathos? 

"  Your  ancient  house  !"  no  more.  I  cannot  see 
Tbe  wondrous  merits  of  a  pedigree  ; 
No,  Ponticus— nor  of  a  proud  display 
Of  smoky  ancestors,  in  wax  or  clay ; 
iErnilius  mounted  on  his  car  sublime, 
Curius,  half  wasted  by  the  teeth  of  time, 
Cornivus  dwindled  to  a  shapeless  bust, 
And  high-born  Gallea  crumbling  into  dust. 
What  boots  it  on  the  Lineal  Tree  to  trace, 
Through  many  a  branch,  the  founders  of  cur 

race, 
Time-honored  chiefs,  if,  in  their  sight,  we  give 

A  loose  to  vice,  and  like  low  villains  live  ? 
****** 

Fond  man  !  though  all  the  heroes  of  your  line 
Bedeck  your  walls,  and  round  your  galleries 

shine, 
In  wax  or  stone  ;  yet  take  this  truth  from  mo, 
Virtue  alone  is  true  nobility. 

And  where  could  you  find  better  de- 
mocracy than  in  these  lines  : 

Hall !    from  whatever  stock  you  draw  your 

bir.h, 
The  sou  of  Cossus,  or  the  son  of  Earth,. 


All  hail !  in  you  exulting  Rome  espies 

Her  guardian  power,  her  great  Palladium  rise. 

That  is  the  great  fundamental  demo- 
cratic idea,  enunciated  in  Home  at  the 
birth  of  the  Christian  era,  with  an  elo- 
quence and  a  philosophy  that  has  ne- 
ver been  surpassed  even  to  this  day. 
Every  way  did  Juvenal  strive  to  illus- 
tiate  and  enforce  this  truth,  which  un- 
derlies the  whole  superstructure  of  the 
democratic  edifice,  and  which,  within- 
finite  pains  and  experiment,  we  have 
been  endeavoring  to  fasten  upon  an 
immortal  basis  !  Alas,  we  fear  in  vain! 
For  what  does  this  fiery  spawn  of  fa- 
naticism propose  to  do  but  to  make 
Congress  a  king  over  a  portion  of  the 
land,  and  lock  it  up  with  laws  of  its 
own,  denying  the  inhabitants  the  right 
of  sovereignty  over  their  own  institu- 
tions ?  What  does  it  do  but  lift  on 
high  its  black  banner,  inscribed  with 
conditions  which  not  only  sunders  the 
Union,  but  ends  at  once  the  republic  ? 

But  let  us  return  to  Juvenal.  We 
find  him  defending  the  ability  of  the 
people  to  exercise  wisely  the  right  of 
suffrage,  in  the  following  strain  : 

Were  Nero,  Seneca,  proposed  for  choice, 
What  wretch  would  he-itate  to  give  his  voice, 
Had  he  the  right  of  suffrage,  (long  lost  since,) 
To  the  philosopher  before  the  prince  ? 

A  literal  prose  translation  of  this 
remarkable  passage  would  read  thus  : 
"  If  free  suffrage  were  given  to  the  peo- 
ple, ivho  is  so  abandoned  that  he  would 
hesitate  to  prefer  Seneca  to  Nero?"  It 
was  a  compliment  to  the  virtue  of  the 
masses  of  the  people  of  Koine,  in  the 
fust  century,  which  respect  for  truth 
might  well  cause  us  to  feel  some  deli- 


218 


JUVENAl/s   SATTBKS,    kC. 


May, 


cacy  in  paying  to  the  musses  of  this 
country  in  the  nineteenth.  No,  were 
we  Juvenal,  we  could  not,  without  a 
lie,  sing  such  good  things  of  these 
people  here,  as  he  did  of  those  old  Ro- 
mans away  back  there,  over  the  dust 
and  doom  of  twenty  centuries.  Not 
the  best,  is  surest  of  his  election  here  ; 
but  the  cunningest  man,  the  man  who 
can  spend  the  most  money  most  adroit- 
ly, who  has  the  sharpest  knaves  to 
work  for  him,  and  who  is  altogether 
least  scrupulous  in  the  rules  of  public 
and  private  virtue.  He  will  be  the 
successful  man  ;  while  'die  man  of  real 
attainments  and  incorruptible  virtue 
has  before  him,  we  much  fear,  only  a 
life  of  political  failure. 

But  we  gather  out  of  the  Satires  of 
Juvenal  that,  however  virtuous  the 
masses  might  have  been,  the  politicians 
of  his  day  were  not  much  better  than 
in  our  own,  for  in  describing  their 
whereabouts  he  exclaims  : 

Go  search  the  nastiest  tavern's  nastiest  hole, 
There  shall  you  find  his  honor,  cheek  by  jowl, 
With    cut-throats,   bargemen,    vagabonds, 

thieves,  slaves, 
Hangmen,  contractors  *'for  base  biers"  and 

graves. 

But,  if  Juvenal  sang  truly,  such  va- 
gabonds got  office  in  his  day  only  when 
the  Emperor  was  himself  a  knave  : 

But  'tis  not  wondrous,  when  the  Emperor  tunes 
A  scurvy  harp,  the  lords  should  turn  buffoons  ; 
The  wonder  is,  they  turn  not  fencers  too, 
Secutors,  Retiarians*— and  they  do  ! 

The  alarming  influence  of  wealth  in 
our  courts  of  justice  has  long  been  a 
subject  of  remark  and  of  satire  among 
our  editors,  authors,  and  reviewers, 
but  nowhere  has  this  modern  evil  been 
better  painted  than  by  Juvenal  : 

Produce  at  Rome  your  witness  ;  let  him  boast 
The  sanctity  of  Cybele's  fam'd  host. 


*  Names  of  gladiators. 


Of  Numa,  or  of  Him  whose  zeal  divine 
Snatched  pale  Minerva  trom  her  blazmg  shrine; 
First  to  explore  his  wealth  the  judges  haste, 
His  honor  and  his  honesty  the  last. 

These  weighty  matters  known,  his  faith  they 

rate, 
And  square  his  probity  to  his  estate. 

Can  it  be  possible  that  Juvenal  was 
speaking  of  Courts  of  Justice  in  Rome 
two  thousand  yeara  ago  ? 

But  again,  let  us  hear  Juvenal  laugh 
at  the  insane  and  immoral  pursuit  of 
wealth,  which  corrupted,  and  ultimate- 
ly destroyed  the  liberty  of  the  Ro- 
mans : 

But  here,  beyond  our  power,  arrayed  we  go 

In  all  the  gay  varieties  of  show ; 

And  when  our  purse  supplies  the  change  no 

more, 
Borrow,  unblushing,  from  our  neighbor's  store: 
This  is  the  reigning  vice  ;  and  thus  we  flaunt, 
Proud  in  distress,  and  prodigal  in  want ! 
Briefly,  my  friends,  here  all  are  slaves  to  gold, 
And  words,  and  smiles,  and  every  thing  is  sold. 

Is  not  the  laugh  just  as  good  for  us 
as  for  old  Rome  ?  What  is  there,  from 
manhood's  honor,  to  maiden  virtue, 
^hat  we  do  not  sell  ?  How  much  is  it 
worth — will  it  make  money  f  That  is 
the  great  question  I  That  blush  of 
beauty  on  the  virgin's  cheek — ask  the 
mother  it  she  does  not  hope  it  will 
buy  her  a  rich  son-in-law.  Yes,  she 
will  sell  that  too  !  Ask  the  wife, 
whose  husband  is  rich  only  in  genius, 
and  the  nobility  of  soul,  if  she  would 
not  swap  him,  did  the  law  allow  it,  for 
that  coarse-haired  Cyclops,  who  drives 
his  horses,  and  lives  in  a  proud  man- 
sion upon  the  avenue  ! 

We  learn  from  our  great  satirist 
that  the  ladies  of  ancient  Rome,  when 
fashionably  dressed,  were  quite  as  near 
naked  as  it  has  been  the  custom  of  our 
modern  belles  to  be  : 

Ah  !  how  shall  vice  be  shamed,  when  loosely 
drest, 


1865.] 


juvenal's  satires,  &c. 


219 


In  the  light  texture  of  a  cobweb  vest, 
Thou,  Creticus,  amidst  the  wondering  crowd, 
At  Procia,  and  Pollinea,  railest  aloud? 
These,  thou  rejoin'st,  are  "daughters  of  the 

game." 
Strike,  then,  yet  know,  though  lost  to  honest 

fame, 
The  wantons  would  reject  a  robe  so  thin, 
And  blusb,  while  suffering,  to  display  their 

skin. 

****** 

Anon,  from  thee,  as  from  its  fountain  head, 
Wide    and  more  wide  the  raging   pest   will 

spread, 
As  swine  take  meazles  from  distempered  swine, 
And  one  infected  grape  pollutes  the  vine. 
And  we,  erewhile,  shall  see  thee  lewdlier  clad, 
(For  none  at  once  become  completely  bad,) 
That  dire  circle  which  in  secret  decks, 
With  flowing  bands  their  brows,  with  pearls 

their  necks. 

We  also  learn  that  they  had  "  strong- 
minded  women,"  and  "  woman's  rights 
women,"  in  those  ancient  days,  and 
they  seem  to  have  been  very  much 
such  creatures  then,  as  now  : 

But  she  is  more  intolerable  yet 

Who  plays  the  critic  when  at  board  she's  set, 

Calls  Virgil  charming,  and  attempts  to  prove 

Poor  Dido  right  in  venturing  all  lor  love. 

From  Maro,  Majonides,  she  quotes 

The  striking  passages,  and  while  she  notes 

Their  beauties  and  defects,  adjusts  her  scales, 

And  accurately  weighs  which  bard  prevails. 

The  astonished  guests  sit  mute ;  grammarians 

yield, 
Loud  rhetoricians  baffled  quit  the  field ; 
E'en  auctioneers  and  lawyers  stand  aghast, 
And  not  a  woman  speaks  !  so  thick  and  fast 
The  wordy  shower  descends,  that  you  would 

swear 
A  thousand  bells  were  jingling  in  your  ear. 

To  take  the  full  force  of  this  terrible 
satire,  the  reader  needs  to  be  told  that 
Juvenal  had  been  spaking  of  the  hor- 
rors of  a  husband  who  had  a  drunken 
wile, 
Who  poiponed  all  the  house  with  vinous  scents. 


of  woman   used   to   lecture    in    those 
days  : 

She  lectures  on  the  Kalon,  and  explains, 

"  In  good  set  terms"  at  large,  the  "  End  and. 

Means1"1 — 
But  should  not  she  who  makes  a  bold  pretence 
To  more  than  female  eloquence  and  sense, 
Abjure  all  female  ornaments,  and  wear 
The  coarse,  short  coat  of  a  philosopher  ; 
A  hog,  Sylvanus,  sacrifice  to  thee, 
And  bathe  in  public  for  the  iarthing  fee  ?* 

Who  will  say  that  they  had  not,  in 
Juvenal's  time,  the  real  modern  wo- 
man's-right  lecture  ?  We  are  per- 
suaded that  two  thousand  years  have 
wrought  little  change  in  this  type  of 
womankind.     Juvenal  exclaims  : 

0,  never  may  the  partner  of  my  bed, 
With  subtleties  of  logic  stuff  my  head ; 
Nor  whirl  her  rapid  syllogisms  round, 
Nor  with  imperfect  enthymems  confound ! 

Ask  the  husbands  of  our  modern 
"strong-minded"  what  they  think  about 
it.  But  we  ought  to  remark,  before 
leaving  this  subject,  that  we  are  far 
enough  from  desiring  to  ridicule  solid 
accomplishments  in  woman.  If  God 
has  gifted  her  with  genius,  let  her,  too 
speak,  if  the  occasion  come.  But  the 
"  woman's-rights"  women,  so  far  as  we 
have  known  them,  we  grieve  to  say,, 
have  generally  possessed  neither  ge- 
nius nor  modesty.  And  that,  we  re- 
peat, seems  to  have  been  the  charac- 
ter of  the  same  class  in  Juvenal's  day, 
against  whom  he  directed  this  awful 
satire. 

The  fashionable  women  of  ancient 
Rome  yecm  to  have  been  a  frightfully 
pedantic  race,  who  gloried  in  pretend- 
ing to  know  more  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage than   they   really   did    of  their 


And  he  calls  what  we  denominate  the 
" strong-minded  woman"  "more    intol- 


*  None  buv,  men  were  allowed  to  sacrifice  a 
swine  to  Sylvanus,  or  to  frequent  the  public 
erable  yet."     It  appears  that  this  type      baths. 


220 


juvenile's  satires,  &c. 


[May, 


own.  Nor  was  this  folly  confined  to 
young  misses,  for  their  mothers  appear 
to  have,  sometimes,  taught  their  anti- 
quated tongues  even  to  lisp  love  in 
Greek : 

All  now  is  Greek:  in  Greek  their  souls  they 

pour, 
In  Greek  their  fears,  hopes,  joys— what  would 

you  more  ? 
In  Greek  they  clasp  their  lovers.    We  allow 
These  fooleries  to  girls,  indeed ;  but  thou, 
Who  tremblest  on  the  verge  of  fifty-eight, 
To  Greek  it  still !    O,  'tis  a  day  too  late. 
Foh  !  how  it  savors  of  the  dregs  of  lust, 
When  an  old  dame,  whose  blandishments  dis- 
gust, 
Affects  the  infant  lisp,  the  girlish  squeak, 
And  mumbles  out  "  my  life !  my   soul !"  in 
Greek. 

We  have  hard  work  to  persuade  our- 
selves that  these  terrible  satires  of  Ju- 
venal were  aimed  at  society  in  Rome 
as  long  ago  as  the  dawn  of  the  Chris- 
tian era.  They  seem  to  be  aimed  at 
our  own  times.  At  any  rate,  they  are 
suggestive,  to  a  disheartening  degree, 
of  the  fact  that  society  and  manners 
have  not  materially  changed  in  eigh- 


teen hundred  years.  Reform  in  the  so- 
cial and  moral  world  seems  not  to  have 
kept  pace  with  the  improvements  in 
the  world  of  science  and  machinery. 
New  fields  have  been  opened  to  the 
hands  of  man — to  his  physical  enlarge- 
ment— while  his  brain  and  heart  seem 
scarcely  to  have  moved  from  the  high- 
est points  achieved  ages  ago.  Indeed, 
in  many  things  have  we  not  fallen 
backwards  ?  Are  not  the  scales  of 
eternal  justice  even  and  well-balanced 
between  the  centuries  ?  Is  God  any 
more  a  respecter  of  ages  than  of  per- 
sons ?  While  we  have  gained  so  uni- 
versally on  former  ages  in  physical 
speed,  have  we  not  lost  in  mental  gra- 
vity? Where  shall  we  look  now  to 
find  a  Plato,  a  Socrates,  a  Homer,  a 
Cicero,  or  even  an  Epictetus,  or  a  Py- 
thagoras ?  We  study  these  men  with 
wonder  ;  and  we  have  none  to  match 
them.  We  are  able  to  more  than  match 
the  vices  of  those  times  ;  but  where 
have  we  the  equal  of  their  great  men  ? 


-♦©#- 


EPIGRAMS  FROM  MARTIAL, 


ON   SUICIDE. 

"When  all  the  blandishments  of  life  are  gone, 
The  coward  creeps  to  death,  the  brave  lives  on, 

ON  A  BEAUTIFUL  WOMAN. 

Fair  as  the  blushing  grapes  she  stands, 
Tempting  the  gatLerer's  ready  hands  ; 
Blossoms  and  fruit  in  her  together  meet, 
As  ripe  as  Autumn,  and  as  April  sweet. 


ON  A  TRUANT   HUSBAND. 


Flirts,  widows,  maids  and  girls,  you  so  respected, 
That  your  own  wife  you  utterly  neglected. 


1865.] 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND   VIRGINIA. 


221 


MASSACHUSETTS  AND  VIRGINIA. 


These  two  great  American  States 
are  respectively  the  exponents,  not  of 
the  vulgar  notion  or  stupid  prejudice 
of  North  and  South,  but  of  opposing 
ideas  and  hostile  principles.  From  the 
beginning — from  1188  to  1860 — there 
has  been  a  continual  conflict,  scarcely 
perceptible  at  times,  at  others  rising 
into  hostility  bordering  on  civil  war, 
and  finally  culminating  at  last,  in  1860, 
in  open,  bloody,  deadly  battle,  whose 
thunders  have  shaken  the  continent. 

They  were  originally  settled  by 
those,  and  the  descendents  of  those, 
who  were  parties  to  the  great  civil 
conflict  in  England  between  Charles  I. 
and  the  Parliament.  There  were  some 
from  every  class  in  England,  some  few 
even  of  the  Norman  chivalry  who  set- 
tled in  Massachusetts,  but  the  domina- 
ting element  was  from  that  rugged, 
hard-headed,  rigid,  somber,  puritanic 
middle  class  of  English  society,  which 
embodied  the  old  Anglo-Saxon  element 
that  colonized  Massachusetts,  and  real- 
ly embodied  a  larger  portion  of  that 
same  "  Anglo-Saxonism"  than  proba- 
bly remained  in  the  mother  country. 
So,  too,  in  Virginia  there  were  people 
from  every  class  of  English  society. 
Some  were  from  the  puritanic  element, 
especially  the  Scotch  and  Irish  por- 
tion, but  the  dominating  element  was 
from  the  debris  of  the  old  Norman 
aristocracy,  and  if  it  could  be  traced 
to  its  original  sources,  it  is  probable 
that  all,  or  nearly  all,  that  is  left  of 
that  once  remarkable  and  powerful 
class  would  now  be  found  in  Virginia. 
The  English    aristocracy   of  to-day  is 


almost  entirely  modern.  Great  num- 
bers of  them,  it  is  true,  claim  the 
names  as  well  as  titles  of  the  old  Nor- 
man chivalry  ;  but  the  wars  of  the 
Roses,  and  the  still  more  deadly  con- 
flict of  the  King  and  Parliament,  vir- 
tually destroyed  the  Norman  element, 
and  the  debris  of  that  element  sought 
shelter  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  or,  as 
they  themselves  expressed  it,  in  the 
"  Ancient  Dominion." 

From  these  conflicting  elements  have 
sprung  the  two  great  States  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and,  Virginia,  and  though 
the  subsequent  modifications  of  time, 
circumstances,  and  interests,  should 
have  prevented  the  present  awful 
struggle,  there  is  a  certain  consisten- 
cy, if  not  necessity,  in  this  conflict. 
Massachusetts,  though  she  had  more 
to  do  with  bringing  negroes  from  Afri- 
,  ca  than  others,  had  few  of  these  child- 
people  in  her  midst,  for  it  did  not 
"  Pay/'  and  ner  enterprising  traders, 
therefore,  supplied  other  communities 
rather  than  their  own  with  this  species 
of  labor.  It  did  not,  therefore,  in  any 
respect,  modify  the  opinions  or  men- 
tal habits  of  her  people,  who,  originally 
largely  disaffected  to  the  mother  coun- 
try, and  deeply  imbued  with  the  sense 
of  personal  liberty  when  they  left  Eng- 
land, can  hardly  be  said  to  have  ad- 
vanced in  their  political  ideas  when 
the  Revolution  of  1116  dawned  upon 
the  colonies. 

They  were  British  Americans,  pro- 
foundly disaffected  to  the  mother  coun- 
try, but  not  so  in  the  light  of  princi- 
ples} and  the  most  advanced  minds  in 


222 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND   VIRGINIA. 


[May, 


New  England  had  only  reached  that 
standard  British  idea4  that  "  taxation 
and  representation  should  go  toge- 
ther." 

It  was  widely  different  in  Virginia. 
There  was  there  a  larger  negro  ele- 
ment than  in  the  other  colonies,  and  it 
had  a  deep  and  direct  influence  over 
the  popular  mind.  Our  opinions  are 
the  result  of  circumstances,  moral  or 
material,  that  surround  us,  and  the  ac- 
tual juxtaposition  with  a  widely  differ- 
ent and  subordinate  species  of  men, 
gave  development  to  ideas  in  Virginia 
that  might  not  have  been  manifested 
elsewhere  for  centuries  to  come.  All 
who  belong  to  the  race  or  species,  are 
"  created  equal,"  that  is,  they  have  the 
same  bodily  organism,  and  the  same 
mental  qualities,  though  these  may 
vary  slightly  in  degree  in  some  cases  ; 
but  with  this  same  nature,  it  is  a  "self- 
evident  truth"  that  they  are  naturally 
entitled  to  the  same  rights,  &c.  But 
this  is  so  overlaid  by  accident,  time, 
circumstances,  political  and  religious 
systems  in  the  Old  World,  that  it  is  only 
faintly  perceived  even  at  this  day,  and 
the  original  settlers  of  Virginia  had 
probably  less  conception  of  it  than  any 
other  colonists.  But  the  actual  pre- 
sence of  a  naturally  subordinate  ele- 
ment of  population  served  to  present 
this  vital  truth,  or  fact — for  our  natu- 
ral equality  is  simply  a  physical  fact — ■ 
with  complete  distinctness.  What 
were  the  petty  distinctions  of  class  in 
comparison  with  this  great  natural 
fact  of  race  ?  What  were  family- 
claims,  wealth,  education,  manners, 
&c,  compared  with  this  great  fact  of 
nature  ?  What  were  the  distinctions 
created  by  pride,  vanity,  &c,  that  se- 
parated the  descendants  of  the  Cavi- 
liers  from  their  less  favored  brethren, 


when  compared  with  this  great  natu- 
ral law  that  alike  separated  both  from 
negroes  ?  What,  in  a  word,  were  hu- 
man inventions,  when  contrasted  with 
the  ordinances  of  the  Almighty  Cre- 
ator ?  The  result  was  that  grand  idea 
of  Jefferson  that  all  (white)  men  are 
"  created  equal,"  and  therefore  entitled 
to  equal  rights,  which  underlies  all  our 
political  systems,  State  and  Federal, 
and  which  some  day  must  become  uni- 
versal in  the  old  world  as  well  as  the 
new.  It  therefore  followed,  from  the 
presence  of  the  negro  element  in  Vir- 
ginia, that  the  descendents  of  those 
who  in  Europe  had  been  the  chief  up- 
holders of  aristocracy  became  in  x\m- 
erica  the  authors  and  champions  of  De- 
mocracy. 

The  grand  declaration  of  1116,  which 
has  made  Jefferson  immortal,  was  very 
imperfectly  comprehended  in  Massa- 
chusetts ;  but  as  both  communities 
desired  independence  from  the  control 
of  the  mother  country,  they,  and  all 
the  other  colonies,  united  heartily  for 
that  purpose.  Virginia  had  no  spe- 
cial disaffection  to  England,  or  rather 
to  English  rule,  and  really  fought  for 
an  idea;  but  Massachusetts,  incapa- 
ble of  that  idea,  desired  alone  inde- 
pendence not  of  the  English  system 
but  of  Englishmen.  Their  mutual  ex- 
ertions were  harmonious,  and  even  af- 
ter independence  was  secured,  and 
Massachusetts  had  failed  in  the  strug- 
gle to  establish  the  British  system  un- 
der the  forms  of  a  republic,  the  good 
feeling  continued  until  the  end  of 
Washington's  administration. 

The  Government  of  17 88,  or  the  Con- 
stitution rather,  was  drafted  by  Virgi- 
nia statesmen,  and  though  the  States, 
rather  than  the  Federal  Government, 
are  the  centers  of  our  Democratic  sys- 


1865.1 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND    VIRGINIA. 


223 


tem,  save  in  respect  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  it  was  made  to  harmonize  per- 
fectly with  the  Democratic  idea,  and 
the  Federative  principle  was  so  clear- 
ly defined  that  it  seemed  almost  im- 
possible that  there  should  be  any  at- 
tempt to  nationalize  or  overthrow  that 
principle.  But  no  sooner  had  the  great 
Virginian,  whose  sword  had  so  suc- 
cessfully established  the  independence 
of  the  States,  been  succeeded  by  the 
elder  Adams,  than  Massachusetts  made 
a  desperate  effort  to  overthrow  Fede- 
ration, and  to  rule  the  whole  country 
in  the  name  of  the  "Nation"  she  de- 
sired to  substitute  in  place  of  the  Fe- 
deral Union  of  the  States.  True,  she 
did  not,  as  now,  directly  and  constantly 
violate  Constitutional  principles,  or 
resort  to  mere  military  power,  but 
while  pretending  the  utmost  respect 
for  courts  and  law,  she  sought  by  far- 
fetched construction  of  the  Federal 
compact  to  indirectly  accomplish 
the  same  result,  and  under  the  forms 
of  law  break  down  the  Federal  sys- 
tem, and  build  up  an  oligarchy  under 
the  name  of  a  "Nation."  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son and  the  great  Democratic  leaders 
of  the  day  met  this  danger  at  the 
threshhold.  Resigning  their  seats  in 
Congress,  they  went  home  to  their 
States,  and,  organizing  the  Democratic 
masses  on  the  basis  of  the  Kentucky 
and  Virginia  Resolutions  of  17 98,  drove 
the  Massachusetts  party  from  power, 
and  from  that  day  the  people  of  that 
State  have  been  profoundly  disaffected 
to  the  Federal  Union,  as  well  as  to  De- 
mocratic principles.  True,  the  gene- 
ral progress  of  the  American  mind  has 
reacted  on  tin;  people  of  Massachusetts, 
and,  compared  with  revolutionary 
times,  Democratic  principles  have  made 
considerable   inroad    on    the    old  puri- 


tanic notions,  but  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  that  State  seem  as  incapable 
of  comprehending  Democratic  princi- 
ples and  the  true  uses  of  government 
at  this  moment  as  they  were  on  the  de- 
feat of  the  elder  Adams  in  1800. 

The  State,  as  a  State,  has  never  fur- 
nished a  solitary  soldier  to  defend  the 
country  since.  In  the  war  with  Eng- 
land, in  1812,  they  went  to  the  ex- 
treme limit  of  Constitutional  resist- 
ance to  the  Democratic  administration, 
and  had  President  Madison  manifested 
the  slightest  intention  to  coerce  the 
State  into  the  fulfillment  of  its  Federal 
duties,  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt 
but  that  this  would  have  been  seized 
on  by  the  disaffected  State  authorities 
to  secede  from  the  Federal  Union,  and 
to  form  a  separate  peace  with  Eng- 
land. Indeed,  had  not  the  war  closed 
at  the  time  it  did,  it  is  probable  that 
the  New  England  States  would  have 
separated  from  the  Southern  and  Cen- 
tral States,  and  either  established  a; 
New  England  Republic,  in  accord  with' 
New  England  ideas,  or  formally  re-' 
turned  to  that  English  system  which 
then  and  even  now  dominates  the  New 
England  mind.  When  Washington' 
was  menaced  by  the  British  troops, 
and  the  capital  in  the  utmost  danger 
Mr.  Madison  made  a  requisition  on  the 
Government  of  Massachusetts  for  aid 
to  repel  the  invaders,  but  even  then 
when  the  capital  and  archives,  and 
honor  of  the  whole  country  were  at 
stake,  Massachusetts  refused  to  fur- 
nish a  solitary  soldier  for  their  defence. 
The  noble  resistance  of  Baltimore 
which  gave  origin  to  the  far-famed 
song  of  the  "Star-Spangled  Banner," 
like  all  other  appeals  of  the  time,  fail- 
ed to  touch  the  spirit  or  enkindle  the 
patriotism     of     Massachusetts,       and 


224 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND    VIRGINIA. 


Pft* 


though  in  these  days  of  civil  war  she 
first  spills  fraternal  blood  in  the  streets 
of  that  same  Baltimore,  and  next  to 
"John  Brown's  Hymn,"  admires  the 
"  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  in  the  con- 
test with  a  foreign  invader  she  failed 
to  send  a  single  man  to  defend  that 
city,  and  any  one  who  then  dared  to 
sing  the  "  Star-Spangled  Banner"  in 
the  streets  of  Boston  would  have  been 
arrested  and  locked  up  by  the  police. 

All  along  our  northern  borders  are 
the  graves  of  Virginians  and  Caroli- 
nians, who  fell  in  1812  to  protect  the 
common  country  from  a  foreign  inva- 
der, and  the  homes  of  Vermont  and 
Massachusetts  from  the  desecration  of 
a  foreign  foe — the  very  homes  which 
in  these  days  send  their  sons  to  dese- 
crate and  despoil  their  own.  What  an 
astounding  fact,  to  be  sure,  the  graves 
of  Virginians  are  found  all  over  this 
broad  land,  who  fell  in  defence  of  all 
the  States,  while  not  one  can  be  pointed 
out  of  a  Massachusetts  soldier,  save 
as  an  invader  of  some  of  the  States, 
instead  of  defender  of  the  whole.  In 
the  Black  Hawk,  Florida,  and  Mexican 
wars,  it  was  the  same  ;  Massachusetts 
was  not  only  opposed  to  them,  but  her 
clergy,  her  social  influences,  as  well 
as  political  authorities,  abused  them 
all  as  barbarous,  cruel,  and  anti-Chris- 
tian, and  the  State  utterly  refused  to 
furnish  a  soldier.  Even  the  regiment 
raised  by  the  liberality  and  patriotism 
of  some  of  her  citizens  in  the  Mexican 
war — that  war  which  won  a  thousand 
miles  of  sea-coast  on  the  Pacific,  and 
the  golden  treasures  of  California — 
was  left  to  perish  in  the  streets  of 
Boston  on  its  return,  by  the  city  au- 
thorities, and  its  worn  and  mangled 
heroes  were  only  saved  from  starva- 
tion by  patriotic  individuals. 


But  the  disaffection  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  Federal  Union  was  manifested 
on  a  broader  scale  than  this  opposition 
to  the  wars  of  the  country,  and  uni- 
versal sympathy  with  the  foreign  foe, 
whether  British,  Indian,  or  Mexican. 
That  State  has  invariably  opposed 
every  acquisition  of  territory,  and 
every  increase  of  American  power  and 
prestige.  When  Mr.  Jefferson  pur- 
chased Louisiana  from  France,  her  de- 
legation in  Congress  persisted  in 
spreading  their  protest  on  the  pages 
of  the  Congressional  Journal,  in  which 
they  declared  that  the  Federal  compact 
was  broken,  and  it  was  wholly  a  mat- 
ter of  expediency  whether  the  Eastern 
States  should  or  should  not  formally 
withdraw  from  the  Federal  Union. 
The  State  Legislature  passed  similar 
resolutions  on  the  annexation  of  Tex- 
as, and  not  only  did  their  members 
of  Congress  vote  against  supplies  to 
the  armies  of  Scott  and  Taylor  in  the 
Mexican  war,  but  sought  by  every 
means  in  their  power  to  prevent  the 
acquisition  of  California,  New  Mexico, 
&c. 

The  formal  nullification  of  a  vital 
clause  in  the  Federal  compact,  that  of 
returning  negroes  held  to  service, 
scarcely  needs  to  be  referred  to,  for 
while  by  her  "  Liberty"  bills,  &c,  Mas- 
sachusetts has  clearly  and  absolutely 
broken  up  the  Federal  Union,  so  far  as 
she  is  concerned,  it  seems  insignificant 
in  comparison  with  her  sixty  years  of 
disaffection  and  deadly  hostility  to  the 
principles  of  our  Democratic  and  Fede- 
rative systems. 

But  stranger  than  all  besides,  this 
disaffected  State,  this  puritanic  and 
treasonable  community,  which  inva- 
riably has  taken  the  side  of  the  foreign 
foe  against   the   country,  and  steadily 


1865.] 


MASSACHUSETTS   AND   VIRGINIA. 


225 


opposed  all  acquisitions  of  territory 
and  increase  of  American  power,  has 
at  the  same  time  managed  to  lay  the 
other  States  under  contribution,  and 
through  navigation  laws,  tarifFs,  fish- 
ing bounties,  &c,  draws  almust  count- 
less millions  of  treasure  from  the  pock- 
ets of  the  people.  The  Federal  Gov- 
ernment had  scarcely  gone  into  ope- 
ration when  she  demanded  protection 
for  her  capital,  then  engaged  in  com- 
merce, and  when  this  capital  was 
transferred  to  manufactures,  then  she 
insisted  on  loading  down  the  com- 
merce, and  plundering  the  agricultural 
classes  for  the  benefit  of  her  manufac- 
turers. 

Briefly  summing  up  her  history,  it 
may  be  truly  stated  thus ;  She  never 
fought  for,  for  indeed  she  never  under- 
stood, the  principles  of  our  Democratic 
system,  but  on  the  contrary  has  been  dis- 
affected to  that  system  ever  since  1800, 
and  yet  while  refusing  to  furnish  a  sin- 
gle soldier  to  defend  the  country,  and 
bitterly  hostile  to  every  acquisition  of 
territory,  and  to  every  increase  of  Ameri- 
can power,  Massachusetts  has  secured 
greater  pecuniary  benefits  from  the  Fede- 
ral Union  than  all  the  other  States  toge- 
ther ! 

Such  is  the  history  of  Massachusetts. 
Let  us  now  examine  that  of  her  great 
rival,  Virginia.  Virginia  furnished 
the  three  great  men  that  may  be  truly 
said  to  have  created  the  political  coun- 
try. Washington,  who  won  Indepen- 
dence ;  Jefferson,  who  furnished  the 
principles  of  our  Democratic  system  ; 
and  Madison,  who  drafted  the  Consti- 
tution, and  organized,  or  systematised, 
these  principles  in  the  form  of  the  Fe- 
deral Union. 

When  that  Union  was  formed,  in 
1788,  Virginia  came  forward  an  1  gave 


as  a  gift  to  the  Federation  the  great 
Northwest  territory  which  she  had 
conquered  from  the  savages,  and  which 
has  since  then  grown  into  seven  sove- 
reign States,  and  now  contains  a  po 
pulation  of  ten  millions  of  people. 
Without  proviso,  or  terms  of  any  kind, 
without  exacting  one  penny  in  return, 
in  simple,  sublime  magnanimity,  that 
grand  old  commonwealth  gave  to  her 
federal  sisters  a  territory  nearly  as 
large  as  the  thirteen  original  States, 
and  that  some  day  will  contain  a  hun- 
dred millions  of  people.  Charlemagne, 
in  the  eighth  century,  gave  the  Pope 
a  little  patch  of  earth,  which,  as  the 
"  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,"  has  immor- 
talized his  generosity  for  a  thousand 
years,  but  what  was  this  in  compari- 
son with  the  generosity  and  grandeur 
of  the  "Old  Dominion,"  who  gave  to 
her  friends  and  allies  a  territory  larger 
than  Charlemagne  ever  owned  him- 
self? 

As  soon  as   the   attempt   of  Massa- 
chusetts to  overthrow  the  Federal  prin- 
ciple was  defeated,  and  the  Democracy 
came  into  power,    Mr.  Jefferson   com- 
menced negotiations  for  the   purchase 
of  Louisiana,   and   the   policy   of  the 
Virginia  statesman  has  secured  to  the 
common  country  even   larger   territo- 
ries than  Virginia   herself    had   con- 
quered and   presented   to  the  Federa- 
tion.    Either   by  the   direct  action  of 
Virginia,  or  by  statesmen  of  the  Vir- 
ginia school,   the   boundaries   of  the 
great  Confederate  Republic  have  been 
extended  to  the  Rio    Grande   and   the 
Pacific   Ocean.      Virginia   statesmen, 
or  those   bred   in    the  Virginia  school, 
have  conducted  all  our  wars,  acquired 
every  foot  of  territory,  and    built   up 
the  grandest  power  of  modern  times  ; 
and  during  all   these  sixty  years   of 


226 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND    VIRGINIA. 


[May, 


progress,  and  in  the   face  of  her    own 
unparalelled  gifts    and   magnanimous 
devotion  to  the  common    country,  she 
has  never  received  one  dollar  from  the 
common  treasury  to   benefit  any  class 
or  interest   of  her   own.     Even   when 
the  surplus  from  the  sale  of  the  public 
lands  was  donated  among  the  States, 
Virginia  proudly  refused  *to  accept  it, 
though  every  acre  of  these  lands  had 
been  presented  ae  her  own  free  gift  to 
the  Federation.     If  her    magnanimity 
was  unparalelled  in  the   original  gift, 
how  shall  we  find  terms  to  express  our 
reverence  for   such  virtuous    abnega- 
tion as  this  refusal  to  accept   her  por- 
tion of  the   surplus   revenue  of  1831. 
She  was  too   proud,  too  virtuous,  too 
true  to  the  great  principles  of  our  Fe- 
derative system  ever  to  become,  even 
in  form,  the  dependent  or  stipendiary 
of  the  Federal  Government,  even  in  a 
case  where  she  herself  had   given  all 
of  that  which  she  was   now   offered  a 
part  of.     In  truth,  Virginia  is    so  rich 
in  the  great   history  of  the   past,    so 
prolific  in  the  unequalled  warriors  and 
statesmen  she  has  given  to   the  com- 
mon country,  and  so    magnanimous  in 
all  her  dealings  with  her  Federal   sis- 
ters, that  this   refusal   to   accept  the 
share  offered  her  of  the  surplus  reve- 
nue in  183?,  is  perhaps  appreciated  by 
few,  but   in    view  of  all    the    circum- 
stances, her  original  gift  of  these  lands, 
&c,  it  was  the  grandest  manifestation 
of  public  virtue  the  world  ever  saw. 

Such,  briefly  condensed,  is  the  his- 
tory of  Virginia,  and  such  the  result 
of  the  Virginia  school  of  statesman- 
ship. While  Massachusetts  never  fur- 
nished a  solitary  soldier  to  defend  the 
Union,  refusing  even  to  send  a  man  to 
defend  the  capital  from  a  foreign  inva- 


der ;  while  opposed  to  its  own  Govern- 
ment in  every  war  waged  by  that  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  while  studiously  and 
always  opposed  to  every  acquisition 
of  territory,  and  to  every  increase  of 
American  power,  it  has  drawn  more 
money  and  reaped  greater  pecuniary 
benefits  from  the  Federal  Union  of  the 
States  than  all  the  other  States  com- 
bined. 

Virginia,  on  the  contrary,  while  ei- 
ther through  her  own,  or  statesmen  of 
her  school,  has  fought  all  our  battles, 
and  acquired  all  our  territories,  and 
built  up  this  magnificent  Confederate 
Eepublic,  and  moreover,  magnanimous- 
ly given  to  her  Federal  sisters  the 
great  Northwest  territory — an  empire 
in  itself — she  has  not  permitted  any 
class  or  interest  of  her  people  to  take 
a  cent  from  the  common  treasury. 

Is  it,  indeed,  possible  to  conceive  of 
two  States  or  communities  more  wide- 
ly separated,  or  widely  different  in 
their  history  and  bearing  on  the  other 
States  of  the  Federation.  One,  by  her 
public  virtue,  magnanimity  and  states- 
manship, secured  to  us  the  United 
States  of  1860  ;  the  other,  if  she  could 
have  ruled  the  destinies  of  this  coun- 
try, would  have  limited  that  country 
to  the  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  and 
built  up  a  bastard  nation  on  the  ruins 
of  Federation. 

The  conflicting  principles  necessa- 
rily embodied  in  these  two  great 
States  have  at  last  culminated  in  a 
war  more  deadly  and  destructive  than 
any  other  of  modern  times.  The  cen- 
tral or  Confederate  Government  creat- 
ed for  their  common  good,  had  been 
administered  by  Virginia  statesmen 
for  sixty  years  in  that  spirit,  and  for 
the  accomplishment  of  that  end,  though, 


1865.J 


MASSACHUSETTS    AND    VIRGINIA. 


221 


as  observed,  Massachusetts  had  ma- 
naged to  secure  special  pecuniary  ben- 
efits of  her  own,  at  the  expense  of  Vir- 
ginia and  the  other  States.  But,  not 
content  with  this,  the  vanity,  egotism, 
selfishness,  and  malignant  passions  of 
her  people  impelled  her  to  strive  for 
the  control  of  the  Federal  Government 
to  pervert  it  into  an  instrument  for  the 
ruin  of  Virginia,  as  well  as  an  instru- 
ment for  the  special  benefit  of  herself. 

When  this  common  Government  was 
created,  negroes  were  in  domestic  sub- 
ordination, and  excluded  from  political 
society  in  all  the  States  save  Massa- 
chusetts. 

European  governments,  especially 
the  British,  had  long  labored  to  under- 
mine- and  ruin  American  institutions 
by  abolition  of  the  distinctions  of  race, 
and  the  consequent  mongrelism  of 
whites,  Indians,  and  negroes  ;  and 
Massachusetts,  with  her  hate  of  Virgi- 
nia and  of  Democracy,  and  especially 
her  semi-Britishism,  at  a  very  early 
day  became  thoroughly  imbued  with 
the  Abolition  ideas  of  the  enemies  of 
our  institutions.  The  mental  activi- 
ty, restlessness,  and  intermeddling 
spirit  of  her  people,  had  thoroughly 
perverted  the  "  educated"  classes  of 
the  Middle  and  Western  States,  and  in 
I860,  Massachusetts  combined  these 
States  together,  and  under  the  form  of 
law  usurped  the  Government  of  all  the 
States,  with  the  open,  bold,  and  avow- 
ed design  of  using  its  prestige  and 
power  for  the  "  ultimate"  ruin  of  the 
States  south  of  the  Potomac,  or  as  her 
writers  and  public  men  expressed  it, 
for  the  M  ultimate  abolition  of  slavery." 
True,  her  deluded  and  lunatic  people 
did  not  know  this,  did  not  know  that 
the  "abolition  of  slavery"  was  in  fact 


the  abolition  of  society,  of  Democracy, 
of  republican  institutions  ;  indeed, 
multitudes  of  deluded  fools  believed, 
or  thought  they  believed,  that  to  abol- 
ish the  distinctions  between  whites  and 
negroes,  and  their  amalgamation  in 
the  same  system,  was  a  good  to  the 
people  of  Virginia.  But  they  did 
know  that  British  aristocrats,  and  the 
enemies  of  our  institutions  for  half  a 
century  past,  had  been  laboring  for 
this  "  abolition  of  slavery,"  and  there- 
fore it  must  be  hostile  to  republican- 
ism ;  and  beyond  even  that,  half  of  the 
entire  wealth  of  the  southern  States, 
according  to  the  census  of  1860,  was 
embodied  in  this  thing  termed  "  slave- 
ry," and  therefore  when  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  elected,  he  and  his  party  stood 
pledged  to  pervert  the  common  gov- 
ernment into  an  instrument  for  the  an- 
nihilation of  something  like  half  of 
the  property  of  their  fellow-citizens  of 
the  South. 

Yes,  Massachusetts,  first  debauch- 
ing the  intellect  of  the  northern  peo- 
ple, combined  together  eighteen  States, 
stole  the  Federal  Government  by  a  sec- 
tional vote,  and  elected  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, who  demanded  that  the  States 
and  people  south  of  the  Potomac, 
should  submit  to  this  "  Government," 
while  they  were  pledged  to  pervert  it 
into  a  machine  for  the  '-  ultimate"  an- 
nihilation of  half  of  the  property  of 
the  southern  people.  But  before  they 
commenced  their  work  of  destroying 
the  property  of  the  South,  they  passed 
the  Morrill  Tariff  bill,  and  sought  to 
make  the  common  Government  a  ma- 
chine for  enriching  Massachusetts, 
while  impoverishing  Virginia.  Or  in 
other  words,  a  government  made  for 
the  common   good    of    Massachusetts 


228  MASSACHUSETTS   AND   VIRGINIA.  [May* 

and  Virginia,  is  perverted  by  the  for-         Such   madness,   such   crime   is  un- 

mer  into  an  instrument  for  its  aggran-  paralleled  in  the  history  of  our  race 

dizement,  and   for   the   destruction  of  and  unless   Providence   abdicates  its 

the  latter.     So  stands  the  case  at  this  functions,  and  Lucifer  hereafter  rules 

moment,  and  so  it  has  stood  for  4  years  the  destinies   Of  human   kind   Massa- 

past ;  a  million  of  lives  have  been  sa-  chusetts  is  destined  to  a   punishment 

crificed,  and  six   thousand  millions  of  sooner  or  later,  more  awful  than  even 

property  destroyed  to  aggrandize  Mas-  that  which  overwhelmed   Sodom    and 

sachusetts,  and  to  ruin  Virginia.  Gomorrah. 


*0* 


APPEAL  TO  PATRIOTISM. 

Ho,  Copperheads !  ye  patriot  bands,  call  statesmen  to  the  lead^ 
Trust  not  expedient  demagogues,  nor  politicians  heed, 
Nor  follow  cowards  in  the  van,  when  principles  they  slight, 
But  those  who  rather  die  than  yield,  or  compromise  the  right. 

"We  demonstrate  a  compromise  is  good  for  this  effect, 
To  fix  a  standard  rule  of  right,  though  useless  to  protect 
Whate'er  it  makes,  and  fails  to  save,  and  conserve  what  exists, 
For  in  the  end  e'en  life  it  yields  to  foes  that  still  persist. 

It  is  not  well,  the  guardians  boast,  of  compromising  trusts, 
Betrayed,  pretending  to  conserve,  for  base  and  selfish  lusts 
Of  power  and  place  pecuniary.     The  bold  and  open  foe, 
No  friend  prefer,  that  fails  the  time  to  say  the  proper  no. 

Whenever  right  defers  to  wrong,  results  are  always  ill, 
Reverse  the  cause  when  that  appears,  else  take  the  evil  still. 
Contend  again  with  freedom's  foe,  on  lost  conceded  ground. 
Where  freedom  lived,  where  freedom  died,  the  foe  is  ever  found. 

What  has  been  done  can  be  again,  with  circumstance  as  fair, 
By  those  with  equal  faith  and  trust,  resolved  to  do  and  dare  ; 
Stand  firm,  with  perfect  truth  and  right  conceded,  though  extreme, 
From  compromising  middle  ground,  where  foes  and  traitors  scheme. 

Marcellus  Falls,  March,  1865.  &  G« 


1865.] 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  MURDER. 


229 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  MURDER. 


This  once  terrible  word,  "murder," 
has  grown  so  familiar  that  it  ceases  to 
startle  us.  It  shows  how  dead  the 
moral  sense  and  how  dumb  the  voice 
of  humanity  are  withiu  us.  How  our 
hearts  have  hardened,  as  if  hammered 
on  an  anvil  !  The  following  case  of 
the  murder  of  a  lad  between  fifteen 
and  sixteen  years  of  age,  by  order  of 
wretches  in  Lincoln's  uniform,  has 
been  the  round  of  the  press  without, 
so  far  as  we  know,  arousing  a  single 
practical  throb  of  manly  horror  in  the 
sluggish  bosom  of  the  public.  It  was 
written  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Trumbull, 
Chaplain  of  the  Connecticut  Tenth 
Regiment  of  Volunteers.  We  give 
the  article  entire  in  order  that  it  may 
be  preserved  in  the  columns  of  The 
Old  Guard,  as  a  chapter  in  the  history 
of  this  barbarian's  war  : 

"  Executions  for  desertion  are  com- 
mon now-a-days  in  the  armies  of  the 
Potomac  and  James.  As  many  as  six- 
ty of  the  captured  runaways  have  been 
confined  at  one  time  in  the  provost 
marshal's  prison  camp  of  a  single  di- 
vision. The  "bull-pen,"  as  this  enclo- 
sure is  universally  called,  is  a  collec- 
tion of  tents  surrounded  by  a  close 
stockade  of  pine  logs  twenty  feet  high, 
guarded  on  all  sides.  Just  at  the  right 
of  its  entrance,  and  outside  of  the 
walls,  is  a  small  log  cabin  used  as  the 
condemned  cell.  The  man  who  enters 
that  goes  out  only  to  execution.  Sad 
stories  of  remorse  and  agony  the  walls 
of  that  low,  dark,  gloomy  cabin  could 
tell.  Soon  as  convenient  after  a  de- 
serter is  arrested   on    his  way    to    the 


enemy  or  the  rear,  and  charges  are 
preferred  against  him,  he  is  tried  be- 
fore a  general  court-martial.  The  de- 
cision in  his  case  is  not  promulgated 
until  it  has  received  approval  at  the 
department  headquarters.  If  a  man 
is  sentenced  to  death,  he  knows  no- 
thing of  the  verdict  until  the  order 
comes  for  his  speedy  execution.  His 
suspense  meantime  is  often  terribly 
trying.  Recently  seven  men,  who  had 
deserted  together,  and  against  whom 
the  evidence  was  clear,  were  suddenly 
ordered  back  to  their  regiment,  when 
they  anticipated  death.  The  command- 
ing general  had  noted  a  fatal  error  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  court,  and  had 
disapproved  its  findings.  Then  a  man 
who  had  been  caught  actually  outside 
of  our  lines,  had  his  sentence  of  death 
commuted  to  imprisonment  for  one 
year.  These  acts  of  leniency  gave  en- 
couragement to  many  a  prisoner  who 
had  before  been  despondent.  But  the 
next  move  changed  the  current  of  feel- 
ing. A  soldier  arrested  one  day  was 
tried  the  next,  and  shot  the  third. 
Again,  two  men  who  had  been  tried 
four  weeks  before,  and,  from  the  lon^- 
delay,  now  felt  quite  easy  as  to  their 
prospects,  were  taken  into  the  con- 
demned cell,  and  thence  to  the  gal- 
lows. Two  or  three  da}Ts  later  ano- 
ther, whose  trial  had  also  been  loner 
previous,  was  out  on  guard  cutting 
wood  in  the  forest,  when  a  provost's 
deputy  came,  and  putting  hand-cuffa 
on  him,  led  him  back  to  that  dreary 
cabin.  Then  the  remaining  inmates 
of  the  pen  trembled.     As  the  new  vie- 


230 


THE    PROGRESS    OF   MURDER. 


[May, 


tim  was  led  out  to  be  shot,  the  provost 
called  a  bright-faced  lad  from  the  gaz- 
ing* throng  at  the  entrance  of  the  bull- 
pen to  enter  the  condemned  cell.  The 
lad's  face  blanched  as  he  obeyed  the 
summons  ;  but  he  was  only  ordered  to 
carry  back  the  blanket  of  the  culprit 
leaving  for  the  field  of  death,  and  it 
was  with  a  flushed- face  of  grateful 
joy  that  he  bounced  back  to  the  guard- 
ed pen,  saying,  as  he  drew  a  long 
breath,  "  I  tell  you  !  I  thought  they'd 
got  me  then.  He  was  probably  await-, 
ing  the  promulgation  of  his  sentence. 
But  the  saddest  case  was  the  latest. 
A  boy  not  yet  sixteen,  born  and  brought 
up  in  the  upper  part  of  New  York  city, 
was  met  in  the  street  by  a  hellish  bro- 
ker, and  enticed  away  to  Connecticut, 
to  be  sold  as  a  substitute.  He  was 
far  from  being  a  bright  boy,  seemingly 
not  full  witted,  but  his  childish  ways 
were  touchingly  attractive.  He  said — 
and  probably  with  truth — that  until 
the  broker  led  him  off  he  had  never 
passed  a  night  away  from  his  parents. 
Like  a  tired,  homesick  schoolboy,  de- 
termined to  play  truant,  he  started  to 
run  home.  Being  arrested,  he  again 
clipped  off ;  but  was  once  more  caught, 
as  he  exercised  no  shrewdness  in  his 
flight.  Being  tried  and  sentenced  to 
death,  he  was  put  into  the  condemned 
cell  in  the  evening  to  be  shot  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  His  boyish  grief 
when  told  he  was  to  die  was  heart- 
rending. With  unaffected  naturalness 
he  sobbed  out  his  lament  over  his  own 
hard  lot,  and  for  the  dear  ones  at  home. 
*  Me,  so  young,  to  go  outside  the  breast- 
works, and  see  the  coffin  and  grave 
there,  and  then  be  shot !  I  don't  want 
to  be  shot.  Won't  the  General  parole 
me  V  On  being  assured  that  his  exe- 
cution was  a   certainty,  he   urged  the 


chaplain  not  to  let  his  friends  know 
how  he  died.  '  For  they'd  feel  so  bad 
about  it,'  he  said.  '  I  suppose  it  would 
kill  my  father/  (For  some  reason  his 
father  seemed  closer  to  his  heart  than 
his  mother.)  '  I  suppose  it  would  kill 
'era  all.  They'd  be  thinking  of  it 
nights.     Don't  tell  'em  about  it.' 

"  Once  convinced  that  it  was  too 
late  to  obtain  a  reprieve — no  official 
short  of  the  department  commander 
having  the  power  to  grant  it,  and  there 
being  no  power  to  obtain  it  from  him, 
and  having  cried  his  cry  out — he  quiet- 
ed like  a  weary  child  and  listened  to 
all  the  chaplain  could  say  to  aid  in  pre- 
paring him  for  the  eternal  future. 
Kneeling  on  the  soaked,  swampy 
ground,  under  the  dripping  roof  of  that 
gloomy  cabin,  in  the  dark  and  stormy 
night,  he  folded  his  fettered  hands  and 
said  his  evening  prayer  and  commit- 
ted himself  in  seeming  confidence  to 
his  Heavenly  Father's  care.  He  could 
not  read,  but  he  had  been  taught  in 
one  of  the  blessed  mission  schools  of 
New  York,  and  appeared  to  have  a 
simple,  child-like  faith  in  God.  Prob- 
ably he  had  not  been  addicted  to  vi- 
cious habits.  He  said,  when  asked 
the  way  he  spent  his  evenings,  that  he 
1  always  worked  in  the  factory  day- 
times, and  when  evening  came  was 
tired  and  went  to  bed  early.'  His  fa- 
ther and  mother  prayed  with  him  and 
taught  him  to  do  right.  '  If  your  life 
should  be  spared,'  asked  the  chaplain, 
1  would  you  love  God  and  try  to  serve 
him  ?'  '  Why,  yes,'  he  answered,  '  I 
always  did  love  him,'  as  though  in  his 
childlike  trust  he  had  no  consciousness 
of  enmity  with  the  Father  to  whom  he 
had  been  drawn  in  grateful  confidence. 
After  his  first  hard  cry,  the  thought  of 
death  did  not  seem  to  occupy  him. 


1865.] 


THE    PROGRESS    OF   MURDER. 


23) 


"  He  was  too  much  of  a  child  to  fully 
realize  it.  Just  before  he  went  out  to 
be  shot  he  turned  to  the  chaplain  and 
asked,  in  boyish  curiosity,  *  If  I  die  to- 
day, will  my  soul  go  right  up  to  hea- 
ven to-day  V  Arriving  at  the  field  of 
execution,  he  was  not  at  all  disturbed 
by  the  terrible  preparation.  He  walk- 
ed up  to  the  open  grave  and  looked  in- 
quiringly into  it  without  a  shudder, 
and  then  he  turned  to  gaze  at  the  fir- 
ing party,  as  though  he  saw  only  kind- 
hearted  comrades  there.  He  kneeled 
again  to  pray  as  calmly  as  if  he  were 
to  lie  down  in  his  own  little  crib  at 
home.  Just  as  his  arms  were  being 
bound  a  bird  flew  by,  and  he  twisted 
his  head  around  to  follow  with  his  gaze 
the  bird  in  its  flight  as  though  he 
should  like  to  chase  it  ;  then  he  looked 
back  again  at  the  bright  muskets,  with 
steady  eye  as  before.  '  Let  me  kneel 
on  the  ground  and  rest  on  the  coffin, 
he  said,  as  they  placed  him  in  position. 
*  No,  kneel  on  the  coffin/  was  the  or- 
der. So,  kneeling  there,  he  settled 
himself  down  into  a  weary,  crouching 
posture,  as  though  he  were  to  wait 
thus  a  long  and  tiresome  time.  He 
had  hardly  taken  this  place  before  he 
fell  back  dead,  with  every  bullet  of  the 
firing  platoon  directly  through  his 
chest — three  through  his  heart.  He 
uttered  never  a  groan,  nor  did  his  frame 
quiver. 

"Even  such  boys  as  that  are  here 
shot  if  they  desert.  But  are  they 
guilty  above  those  who  sent  them 
here  V 


Comment  upon  such  a  horrible  scene 
as  is  here  described  is  unnecessary. 
The  terrible  story  cuts  through  the 
mind  of  every  person  who  reads  it. 
The  judgment  of  dispassionate  history 
will  be  tiiat  it  was  nothing  less  than 
murder  ;  and  yet  it  is  but  another  il- 
lustration of  the  barbarity  and  demo- 
ralization of  war.  At  first,  there  was 
a  hesitation  in  executing  deserters  at 
all ;  now  they  are  popped  off  with  as 
little  ceremony  and  thought  as  a  sports- 
man would  kill  his  game  1  War  has 
demoralized  us.  It  has  blunted  every 
humane  sentiment,  and  left  upon  the 
popular  mind  a  disregard  of  life  which 
cannot  fail  to  have  a  lasting  impres- 
sion upon  us  as  a  people.  The  men 
who  were  guilty  of  this  cruel  and  in- 
human execution  would,  no  doubt,  have 
shrunk  from  such  a  scene  of  horror  a 
few  years  since  with  inexpressible 
loathing  ;  but  war  has  changed  their 
natures.  The  wisest  mind  is  not  able 
to  see  where  all  this  bloodshed  will 
end  ;  or  rather  what  will  be  its  effect 
upon  the  national  character.  As  well 
suppose  that  a  tiger  who  has  lapped 
blood  will  be  mild  and  tractable,  as 
that  a  people  who  have  been  surfeited 
upon  slaughter  will  at  once  return  to 
the  ways  of  peace  and  quietness.  God 
grant  us  deliverance  from  our  cumu- 
lating woes  ;  but  should  such  tragical 
scenes  as  this  poor  boy's  untimely  fate 
continue  to  be  the  order  of  the  day, 
the  time  will  come  when  the  persons 
responsible  for  them  will  be  as  stubble 
in  the  flame  of  the  people's  wrath  !       J 


232  TIMELY  READINGS   FROM  THE   POETS.  [Ma^ 


HEADINGS  FROM  THE  POETS. 

4J  "While  glorious  murderers 
Destroy  mankind,  to  form  a  tyranny, 
We'll  destroy  tyranny,  to  form  mankind." 

— Crown  s  Darius* 

*•  So  speaks  the  fiend,  and  with  necessity, 
The  tyrant's  plea,  excus'd  his  dev'lish  deed.** 

— MHion's  Paradise  Lost* 

*4  Fear  no  stain  ; 
A  tyrant's  blood  doth  wash  the  hand  that  spills  it." 

— Cartwrighi's  Siege* 

**  Tyrants  seldom  die 
Of  a  dry  death  ;  it  waiteth  at  their  gate, 
Drest  in  the  color  of  their  robes  of  state." 

— Atteyn's  Henry  V1L 

"  It  is  a  vain  attempt 
To  bind  the  ambitious  and  unjust  by  treaties  ; 
These  they  elude  a  thousand  specious  ways  j 
Or,  if  they  cannot  find  a  fair  pretest, 
They  blush  not  in  the  face  of  heaven  to  break  them.** 

—Thomson's  Coriotarms* 

**  Tyranny 
Is  the  worst  of  treasons.     Dost  thou  deem 
None  rebels  excej>t  subjects  ?    The  prince  who 
Neglects  or  violates  his  trust  is  more 
A  brigand  than  the  robber  chief." 

— Byron's  Two  Foscari 

is  I  ne'er  approv'd  this  rash,  romantic  war, 
Begot  by  hot-brained  bigots,  and  fomented 
By  the  intrigues  of  proud,  designing  priests, 
All  ages  have  their  madness ;  this  is  ours." 

— Lfflo's  Elmerick* 

44  War,  noble  war!  when  too  far  pushed  is  butchery. 

When  manly  victory  o'erleaps  its  limits 

The  tyrant  blasts  the  laurel  of  the  conqueror." 

—Coleman's  Surrender  of  Calais* 

•'  Justice  is  lame,  as  well  as  blind  amongst  us  ; 
The  laws  corrupted  to  their  ends  that  make  them, 
And  made  by  Heaven  to  be  a  monster's  prey, 
That  every  day  starts  up  to  enslave  us  deeper." 

— Olway's  Venice  Preserved, 

"  Yet  I  must  tell  thee  it  would  better  suit 
A  fierce  despotic  chief  of  barbarous  slaves, 


|865.]  TIMELY    READINGS    FROM    THE    POETS.  238 

Than  the  calm  dignity  of  one  who  sits 
la  the  grave  senate  of  a  free  republic, 
To  talk  so  high,  and  as  it  were  to  thrust 
Citizens  from  the  native  rights  of  men." 

— Thomson's  Coriohms* 

"O,  power,  vilely  purchased! — by  the  blood 

Of  innocence — by  treachery  and  murder ! 

May  Heaven,  incensed,  pour  down  its  vengeance  on  him* 

Blast  all  his  joys,  and  turn  them  into  horror, 

Till  frenzy  rise  and  bid  him  curse  the  hour 

That  gave  his  crimes  their  birth." 

— Bowes  Barbarossa, 

"  So  smooth  is  faction,  and  so  great  a  liar, 
As  that  it  never  had  a  side  entire." — Daniel* 

"  Avoid  the  politic,  the  factious  fool, 

The  busy,  buzzing,  talking,  hardened  knave  ; 

The  quaint,  smooth  rogue,  that  sins  against  his  reason, 

Calls  saucy,  loud  sedition  public  zeal : 

And  mutiny  the  dictates  of  his  spirit." — Otway. 

"  Oh !  think  what  anxious  moments  pass  between 

The  birth  of  plots  and  their  last  fatal  periods  ; 

Oh  !  'tis  a  dreadful  interval  of  time, 

Fill'd  up  with  horror,  and  big  with  death." — Addison's  CatO» 

"  They 
Can  pray  upon  occasion,  talk  like  Heaven, 
Turn  up  their  goggling  eye-balls,  rail  at  vice, 
Dissemble,  lie,  and  preach  like  any  priest. " —  Olway's  Orphean, 

"When  devils  do  their  blackest  sins  put  on, 

They  do  suggest  at  first  with  heavenly  show." — Othello. 

"  For  though  usurpers  may  rule  the  while, 

The  heavens  are  just,  and  time  suppresseth  wrongs." — Shaksj>ear& 

"Let  such  as  deem  it  glory  to  destroy, 

Eush  into  blood,  the  sack  of  cities  seek  ; 

Unpierc'd,  exulting  in  the  widow's  wail, 

The  virgin's  shriek,  and  infant's  trembling  cry." — Thomson's  Seasons, 

"  "Where  cattle  pastured  late,  now  scattered  lies, 

"With  carcasses  and  arms,  the  ensanguined  field 

Deserted."  — Milton's  Paradise  Zosl. 

"No  blood-stained  victory,  in  story  bright, 

Can  give  the  philosophic  mind  delight ; 

No  triumph  please,  while  rage  and  death  destroy  ; 

Reflection  sickens  at  the  monstrous  joy." — Bloonifield's  Farmers'  Boy. 

"Now  usurpation,  that  eternal  slave 

To  fear,  tho  tyrant's  greater  tyrant,  dyes 

Her  thirsty  purple  deep  in  native  blood." — Jeffery's  Edwin* 


234 


HEATHEN   GENERALS   AND   CHRISTIAN   MINISTERS. 


[May, 


HEATHEN  GENERALS  AND  OUR  CHRISTIAN  MINISTERS  COMPARED. 


A  great  number  of  the  Republican 
papers  are  raving  like  hungry  tigers 
at  Horace   Greeley,   because   he   con- 
fesses he  is  sick  of  the  slaughter  and 
desolation  of  this   war.     The  clergy, 
too,  howl  like  wolves  at  the  bare  men- 
tion of  putting  a  stop  to  the  horrible 
shedding  of  blood.     What  fiends  !    In 
all  ages,  even  in  those  less   civilized 
than  ours  claims  to  be,  great  and  good 
men  have  depricated  the  existence  of 
war  as  the  greatest  scourge  that  can 
curse  a  people.     The  bad  only  have 
rejoiced  in  its    existence.      What  a 
frightful  picture   does   Pliny   give  of 
war  !     He   says  :    "  In  time   of  war, 
justice   and  humanity   are   set  aside, 
and  rapine  reigns  ;  luxury  is  set  at  li- 
berty, the  most  impious  are  in  authori- 
ty, the  virtuous   are   oppressed,  inno- 
cence is   destroyed  ;   virgins   and  ma- 
trons   are    violated ;    countries    laid 
waste,  houses  burned,  temples   demol- 
ished, sepulchres  of  the  dead   erased  ; 
all  manner  of  crimes   are   committed 
with  impunity.    Murders,   parricides, 
rapes,  incests,  sacrilege,  are  regarded 
but  as   common   actions.      All  laws, 
both  human  and  divine,  are  trampled 
on,  and  man  seems  to  be  governed  by 
no  other  precept  "than  his   own  vora- 
cious,  unbounded  will."    Such  was  a 
heathen  writer's  horror   of  war   two 
thousand  years  ago.     One  might  think 
that  he  had  his  eye  upon  our   country 
at  the  present  moment.     What  a  con- 
trast is  the   spirit   of  this   heathen  to 
that  of  the   Christian   clergy   of  our 
time.     We  should   take   him   for   the 
Christian,  and  these  ministers  for  the 


heathens.  The  greatest  of  the  Athe- 
nian generals,  Phocian,  did  all  he  could 
to  prevent  his  people  from  declaring 
war  against  the  Macedonians  ;  and 
when  some,  who  dissented  from  him, 
asked  him  when  he  would  have  them 
make  war,  answered  :  "  When  the 
young  man  shall  become  grave  and 
deliberate,  when  the  rich  shall  volun- 
tarilly  contribute  to  relieve  the  neces- 
sities of  the  poor,  and  when  the  ora- 
tors shall  refrain  speaking  in  public." 
That  is,  this  great  and  humane  gene- 
ral would  have  them  declare  war  ne- 
ver. It  was  his  wish  never  to  light  in 
an  aggressive  war.  We  look  back  to 
his  time  and  call  him  a  "  heathen,"  but 
how  much  better  was  he  than  the 
throng  of  war-howling  saints  of  this 
day !  The  Emperor  Augustus  said 
that  "  To  render  were  a  benefit ;  it 
ought  to  be  commended  by  the  gods, 
and  justified  by  the  philosophers."  A 
philosopher  having  written  a  treatise 
on  Justice,  dedicated  it  to  the  great 
Antigonus,  who  gave  the  author  this 
reply :  "  Thou  art  in  the  wrong,  my 
friend,  to  make  me  the  patron  of  Jus- 
tice, who,  as  thou  seest,  am  now  in- 
vading the  rights  of  others."  This 
king  was  a  "  heathen,"  was  he  ?  Would 
to  God  that  Abraham  Lincoln  had  a 
thousandth  part  of  the  divine  justice 
and  goodness  of  his  nature. 

The  great  general  Narses,  who  con- 
quered the  Goths,  and  a  great  part  of 
Germany,  never  gave  battle  to  his 
enemy  without  passing  the  previous 
night  in  tears  before  tha  battle —ano- 
ther "  heathen  1"    The  Emperor  Theo- 


1865.] 


HEATHEN    GENERALS   AND    CHRISTIAN   MINISTERS. 


235 


dorus,  whenever  he  besieged  a  town, 
gave  orders  to  his  army  never  to  com- 
mence an  assault  until  they  had  been 
before  the  place  ten  days,  to  allow 
them  to  capitulate,  or  to  provide  for 
the  safety  of  their  women  and  chil- 
dren— Another  "  heathen  I" 

When  Leosthenes  had  persuaded  the 
Athenians  to  go  to  war,  contrary  to 
the  advice  of  Phocian,  he  asked  this 
great  general,  with  a  sneering  air, 
what  good  he  had  done  his  country 
while  he  had  been  general  of  its  forces? 
Phocian  replied :  "  more  than  ever 
thou  wilt,  for  I  have  allowed  its  citi- 
zens to  be  honorably  buried  in  the  se- 
pulchres of  their  fathers,  instead  of 
their  bones  being  scattered  in  san- 
guinary fields."  Certainly  these  hea- 
thens lived  and  talked  like  Christians, 
while  the  Christians  of  our  country 
talk  and  act  like  "  heathens."  Some 
time  ago  a  minister  in  New  Hampshire 
received  great  praise  in  all  the  Repub- 
lican papers,  for  leaning  over  the  pul- 
pit, and,  aiming  his  arm  like  a  gun  at 
the  audience,  telling  some  soldiers  that 
they  must  be  sure  and  "  shoot  the  re- 
bels straight  through  the  heart."  Said 
Bcecher,  "  we  want  more  bloodshed. 
Blood  is  the  wine  of  the  nations.  God 
feeds  them  on  blood."  This  brutal  sen- 
tence was  applauded,  even  on  a  Sab- 
batty  evening,  in  the  Church  of  the  Pu- 
ritans in  Brooklyn.  Again,  the  same 
"  Christian  minister"  said  :  "  A  Sharp's 
rifle  is  the  true  moral  agency,  the  real 
gospel  of  freedom."  Still  again,  this 
bloody  priest  of  the  Temple  of  Mars 
says  :  "  The  peace-prater's  cry  is  '  the 
Union  as  it  was.'  It  is  a  fool's  cry, 
and  none  but  fools  will  utter  it."  Thus 
does  the  pulpit  not  only  sneer  at  peace, 
but  proclaims  every  man  a  fool  who 
sighs  for  peace  and  the   old  Union  to- 


gether. If  this  clerical  blasphemer 
would  read  his  Bible,  it  would  tell  him 
that  "  whoso  calleth  his  brother  a  fool 
shall  be  in  danger  of  hell-fire."  0,  the 
roasting  which  these  pulpit  demons 
will  get  when  they  go  to  their  final 
account  !  The  Rev.  Dr.  Bellows,  a 
leading  Unitarian  minister,  who  is, 
like  Beecher,  of  the  New  England  Pu- 
ritan stock,  utters  such  language  as 
the  following  in  his  sermons  :  "  I  as- 
sume that  this  is  a  war  for  the  subju- 
gation or  extermination  ot  all  persons 
who  wish  to  maintain  the  slave  pow- 
er." That  is,  all  persons  who  believe 
in  sustaining  the  Constitution  as  it 
was  formed  by  our  fathers,  are  to  be 
•' subjugated  or  exterminated!"  That 
is  a  specimen  of  gospel  preaching  !  The 
wretch  has  mistaken  his  calling.  He 
should  have  been  a  butcher  in  one  of 
the  meat-shops  of  the  cannibals  of 
Africa.  Take  another  specimen  from 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Huval :  "  I  sincerely  hope 
that  civil  war  may  soon  burst  upon  the 
country.  *  *  And  when  the  time 
arrives  for  the  streets  to  run  with 
blood  to  the  horses  bridles,  if  1  am  liv- 
ing there  will  be  one  heart  to   rejoice 

at  the  retributive  justice  of  Heaven." 
This  was  uttered  several  years  before 
the  beginning  of  this  war.  When  it 
came  it  had  been  long  prayed  for  and 
preached  for  by  the  clergy  of  the  North. 
We  ask  the  reader  to  compare  the  ex- 
tracts we  have  given  from  heathen  ge- 
nerals, who  lived  before  the  Christian 
era,  with  those  of  the  so-called  Chris- 
tian ministers  of  our  day.  These  ex- 
tracts might  be  multiplied  to  the  di- 
mensions of  a  book.  What  mockery  ! 
what  impudence  !  what  blasphemy  ! 
for  these  disciples  of  blood  to  call 
themselves  preachers  of  the  "  gospel 
of  peace  I"  What  a  sin  for  any  true 
Christian  to  sit,  for  even  live  minutes, 
under  the  preaching  of  such  impostors 
and  hypocrites  I 


286 


LINCOLN  AND  MAXIMILIAN. 


[May,  1865.] 


LINCOLN  AND  MAXIMILIAN. 


Mr.  Lincoln,  unhappy  man,  has  seve- 
ral very  big  elephants  on  his  hands 
just  now,  among  which  is  Maximilian, 
the  Emperor  of  the  Republic  of  Mexi- 
co. Mr.  Lincoln  wants  to  recognize 
Maximilian's  government.  It  is  most 
important,  for  the  success  of  his  own 
plans  in  relation  to  the  subversion  of 
the  republican  form  of  government  in 
this  country,  that  an  empire  should 
overthrow  the  republic  of  Mexico.  It 
is  not  only  important,  it  may  indeed 
be  necessary.  For  should  the  people 
of  Mexico  succeed  in  re-settling  the 
republic  on  a  firm  basis,  the  Austrian 
principle  of  consolidated  despotism, 
which  Lincoln  is  trying  to  fasten  upon 
us,  would  receive  a  death-blow  here. 
An  empire  in  Mexico  is  therefore  a  very 
essential  companion  to  Mr.  Lincoln's 
plans.  He  is,  by  the  force  of  his  own 
designs,  a  friend  to  an  empire  in  Mex- 
ico, triadly  would  he  recognize  it  ; 
but  he  hesitates.  He  knows  that  the 
masses  of  the  American  people  are 
friends  of  what  is  known  as  the  Mon- 
roe doctrine.  He  fears  that  the  Demo- 
cratic party  will  run  up  the  standard 
of  that  doctrine,  and  rally  the  people 
so  powerfully  to  its  support  that  his 
administration  will  fall  under  the 
mighty  pressure  of  that  popular  sen- 
timent. For  the  success  of  his  own 
scheme,  he  feels  that  he  must  recog- 
nize Maximilian  ;  and  yet,  to  preserve 
his  administration  from  disgrace,  he 
hesitates.  The  thing  which  he  has 
made  up  his  mind  to  do,  he  dare  not 
do.  That  which  he  has  promised  to  do 
he  shrinks  from.     He  holds  back  ;  he 


postpones;  but  he  only  postpones. 
The  question  is,  will  Napoleon  and 
Maximilian  be  postponed  ?  Will  they 
wait  for  him  to  experiment  in  the  busi- 
ness of  overcoming  the  popular  senti- 
ment on  this  subject  ?  Maximilian's 
temper  is  yet  to  be  proved  ;  but  we 
know  that  Napoleon  is  not  a  man  to 
be  trifled  with.  Mr.  Lincoln,  there- 
fore, must  recognize  the  government 
of  Maximilian,  or  take  certain  unplea- 
sant foreign  consequences  ;  and  if  he 
does  recognize  it,  he  dreads  certain 
very  unpleasant  consequences  at  home. 
Mr.  Seward's  genius  for  equivocating 
and  deceiving,  if  we  do  not  say  for  ly- 
ing, will  be  taxed  to  its  utmost  to  get 
an  extension  of  time  in  which  to  for- 
mally recognize  the  new  empire.  In 
the  meantime  his  newspaper  organs 
will  take  such  a  course  as  it  is  sup- 
posed will  quiet  the  popular  demands 
in  relation  to  the  Monroe  doctrine. 
Somebody  is  to  be  cheated  ;  and  that 
somebody  is  our  own  people.  Mr. 
Lincoln's  great  concern  just  now  is  to 
prevent  that  cheat  from  being  discov- 
ered by  the  people,  befor  his  plans  are 
sufficiently  ripe  to  enable  him  to  defy 
their  disappointment  and  wrath. 

In  the  meantime  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  the  very  best  portion  of  the 
Northern  people  have  their  eyes  and 
their  hearts  fixed  on  Mexico,  as  a  re- 
fuge from  the  abhorred  contact  with 
the  negroized  puritanism  which  has  de- 
stroyed our  country.  Led  on  by  the 
thought  of  Mexico  and  liberty,  they 
would  gladly  leave  puritanism  and  des- 
potism behind  them  forever  I 


EDITOE'S   TABLE. 


— Miscegenation  flourishes  badly  in  Bergen 
County,  New  Jersey.  A  negro,  by  the  name 
of  Moor,  for  paying  his  suit  to  a  Mrs.  Van 
Horn,  (white  woman, )  was  lately  tarred  and 
feathered,  and  ridden  several  miles  on  a  rail. 
When  let  loose,  as  he  approached  his  home, 
his  father  came  near  shooting  him  for  the 
devil.  The  women  of  the  place  have  warned 
Mrs.  Van  Horn  that  she  must  leave  within  a 
stated  time,  or  they  will  give  her  a  spring 
suit  of  tar  and  feathers  also.  Is  not  this  a 
subject  for  a  bill  in  Congress?  Will  Sumner 
rest  quiet  under  such  an  insult  to  the  "wrong- 
ed race  ?"  One  of  the  editors  of  the  New 
York  Tribune  has  colonized  Bergen  County 
with  himself,  with  a  view,  we  suppose,  of 
being  a  missionary  among  the  Copperheads. 
This  case,  right  under  his  very  nose,  shows, 
to  say  the  least,  but  a  very  indifferent  suc- 
cess in  converting  the  Bergenders. 

— The  following,  from  Punch,  has  a  lesson 
for  our  negro  elevators,  who  are  not  in  the 
least  concerned  at  the  depression  and  misery 
of  poor  white  people  : 

YOUE   OWN  LITTLE   BLACK. 

Ain't  I  black  enough  to  be  cared  for  ? 

I'm  not  a  black  nigger  'tis  true, 
As  armies  and  fleets  is  prepared  for, 

And  missionaries  is  sent  to. 
But  I'm  black  as  dirt  can  well  make  me, 

And  if,  by  the  look  of  my  skin, 

You'd  nigh  for  a  blackamore  take  me, 

I  ain't  much  lighter  within. 

Although  I'm  no  nigger,  I  look  it, 
And  haven't  been  no  better  taught 
an,  seein'  a  Bobby,  to  hook  it, 
In  course,  to  avoid  bein'  caught, 

We're  very  much  like  one  another, 
We  are,  artcr  all's  said  and  done. 

If  ho  is  a  man  and  a  brother, 
Why,  ain't  I  a  boy  and  a  son? 

And  'as  to  his  place  in  creation, 
No  doubt  my  own  is  tho  same, 
Young  monkey  without  eddication ; 

And  who  aro  the  parties  to  blame? 


But  while,  for  all  washin'  an'  rabbin', 

The  nigger  a  nigger  will  be, 
Your  honors,  with  some  little  scrubbing 

May  make  a  white  Christian  of  me  ? 

— A  California  editor,  who  bespatters  Miss 
Heron  with  a  nauseating  amount  of  senseless 
praise,  winds  up  by  saying  "  the  critic  should 
approach  her  with  awe."  Yea,  he  might  say 
with  fear  and  trembling,  if  he  has  the  least 
dread  of  finger  nails  before  his  eyes.  Miss 
Heron  has  some  talent — not  much — but  not 
a  particle  of  genius.  We  have  never  seen 
her  rise  an  inch  above  bare  respectability  in 
any  part  except  that  of  Camille ;  and  even  in 
that  we  failed  to  discover  genius,  except  a 
certain  cleverness  of  imitation.  All  the  best 
points  of  Miss  Heron's  Camille  we  have  seen 
on  the  stage  in  Paris,  where  we  are  sure  "the 
Heron"  found  them.  They  have  gained  no- 
thing, but  rather  lost,  in  their  voyage  across 
the  ocean.  Of  Miss  Heron,  in  this  play,  the 
California  critic  says  :  "  We  know  that  it  is 
above  criticism,  for  we,  poor  critics,  are  hid 
and  blind  in  the  earth,  like  moles,  as  we 
are,  while  she  soars  to  the  Empyrean,  looks 
the  sun  in  the  face,  and  does  not  blink.  She 
need  not,  for  she  is  "kindred  fire,"  What 
is  strange  is,  that  this  critic,  this  "mole,"  who 
has  such  a  perfectly  just  appreciation  of  his 
own  powers,  should  be  such  a  fool  in  rela- 
tion to  those  of  this  actress.  It  is  an  unfor- 
tunate thing  for  a  lady  when  her  lover  turns 
critic — particularly  if  that  lover  is  a  fool. 

— Some  of  our  exchanges  complain  that 
James  Guthrie,  ex-Treasurer  of  the  United 
States,  is  placed  at  the  tail  end  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Finance.  Perfectly  right,  for 
Guthrie  had  placed  himself  at  the  tail  end  of 
all  society  by  his  unnatural  support  oi  tho 
Abolition  war. 

— Mr.  Lincoln  thinks  that  the  South  daro 
not  arm  the  "slaves,"  because  "  history  no 
where  gives  us  an  account  of  slaves  fighting 
for  their  masters."  It  is  an  illustration  of 
tho  saying  that  "an  ignoramus  never  opens 


238 


editor's  table. 


[May, 


his  mouth  but  to  show  his  teeth."  The  Par- 
thians  armed  forty-five  thousand  slaves,  who 
served  faithfully  under  four  hundred  free 
men,  against  Mark  Anthony.  If  Mr.  Lin- 
coln only  had  read  history,  he  would  find  that 
millions  of  slaves  have  served  with  distin- 
guished devotion  in  the  armies  of  their  mas- 
ters. During  the  great  military  period  of  the 
Roman  empire,  three-fourths  of  its  inhabit- 
ants were  slaves.  Some  time  ago  Mr.  Lin- 
coln said  he  was  ' '  making  history  ;"  and  a 
very  impudent  and  lying  history  it  is.  At 
the  most  prosperous  time  of  Athens,  there 
were  only  twenty  thousand  citizens  to  four 
hundred  thousand  slaves  ;  and  these  slaves 
often  fought  for  their  masters.  What  will 
Lincoln  do  with  that  history  ? 

■ — In  the  French  Senate,  on  a  late  occasion, 
the  Marquis  De  Boissy  called  the  armies  of 
this  country  "  an  army  of  five  or  six  hundred 
thousand  scoundrels."  We  blame  the  French 
Marquis  ;  but  is  the  opinion  of  the  most  en- 
lightened men  throughout  the  civilized  world 
different  from  his  ?  We  have  made  war  like 
savages,  in  total  contempt  of  the  laws  of  civ- 
ilized warfare,  and  as  long  as  history  lasts 
our  name  will  be  connected  with  the  idea  of 
brutality,  cruelty,  and  plunder.  But  it  is  not 
the  American  people.  It  is  the  ever  to  be 
abhorred  puritanism. 

— Eev.  Mr.  Osgood,  a  Unitarian  preacher 
of  the  New  England  persuasion,  delivered 
an  address  in  this  city  on  Washington's  birth- 
day, in  which  he  ventilated  the  abominable 
nonsense  of  the  spiritual  rappers,  in  a  way 
that  proved  him  to  be  also  of  that  persua- 
sion of  lunatics  or  impostors.     He  said  : 

"In  1861,  Washington  has  been  complet- 
ing his  cycle  of  military  and  civic  influence 
at  once,  by  strengthening  our  national  de- 
fence, and  maturing  our  national  power. 
There  is  something  remarkable  in  this  union 
of  military  daring  with  civic  wisdom  in  our 
people  under  his  lead.  Washington  stood 
by  Anderson  when  he  raised  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  on  Fort  Sumter  in  1861  ;  and  Wash- 
ington was  with  Gil  more  last  Saturday  when 
he  put  that  good  old  flag  there  once  more. 
(Applause. )  He  was  with  Abraham  Lincoln 
when  he  called  the  nation  to  avenge  the  in- 
sult to  our  banner,  and  recover  our  stolen 
forts,  storehouses  and  treasure.  He  was 
with  Butler  at  New  Orleans,"  &c. 


To  make  Washington  responsible  for  the 
blunders,  savagery,  and  downright  brutality, 
of  our  part  of  this  atrocious  war,  one  would 
think  was  bad  enough  ;  but  to  go  further, 
and  accuse  him  of  keeping  the  company  of 
Ben  Butler  at  New  Orleans,  in  his  career 
of  theft,  murder,  and  every  other  crime 
known  in  the  history  of  piracy,  is  a  degree 
of  abomination  which  ought  to  doom  this 
clerical  wretch  to  the  moral  and  social  hell 
which  Butler  has  prepared  for  his  own  name 
forever.  To  make  Washington  a  compa- 
nion of  the  cruelty  and  theft  of  Ben 
Butler,  exceeds  anything  we  have  heard  from 
even  Beecher,  Cheever,  and  Anna  Dickinson. 
Some  of  Osgood's  friends  think  that  the  spi- 
ritual rapping  women  have  crazed  him  ;  we 
hope  it  is  true,  for  that  would  save  the  man 
from  the  charge  of  being  a  scoundrel  at 
heart. 

— A  cotemporary  accuses  us  of  underrat- 
ing certain  of  our  poets.  We  underrate  no 
poet ;  but  we  do  not  call  these  word-mong- 
ers, and  mere  rhymers,  poets.  A  man  may 
be  a  fine  rhymer  and  a  mean  poet.  Or  he 
may  be  a  careless  rhymer  and  a  great  poet. 
Voltaire  once  said,  "Rousseau  despises  me 
because  I  am  careless  in  my  rhymes  ;  and  I 
despise  Rousseau  because  he  -is  only  a  rhy- 
mer." The  mere  rhymer  is  far  enough  from 
being  a  poet.  It  takes  something  besides  a 
fondness  for  negroes,  and  an  aptness  at 
rhymes,  to  make  a  poet. 

— A  writer  in  the  Boston  Advertiser  shows 
off  Mr.  Lincoln  as  quoting  from  Montes- 
quieu's Spirit  of  Laws,  where  that  author 
laments  the  blindness  of  Francis  the  First 
in  rejecting  the  proposal  of  Columbus  to  dis- 
cover this  continent.  Now,  who  believes 
that  Lincoln  ever  heard  of  Montesquieu's 
Spirit  of  Laws?  It  is,  however,  unfortu- 
nately true  that  the  quotation  this  ignoramus 
makes  is  actually  in  Montesquieu's  book, 
notwithstanding  Columbus  discovered  this 
continent  before  Francis  the  First  was  born. 
But  of  that  fact  we  suppose  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
be  as  ignorant  as  we  imagine  him  to  be  of 
the  works  of  Montesquieu. 

— The  question,  which  of  the  New  York 
dailies  is  edited  by  a  man  who  boards  in  the 
Bloomingdale  Insane  Asylum,  we  think  is 
solved  by  the  following  from   the    World 


1865.] 


editor's  table. 


239 


* '  When  thoroughly  educated  in  the  State 
rights  (not  State  sovereignty)  creed,"  &c. 
This  genius  appears  to  be  a  believer  in 
State  rights,  but  'not  in  State  sovereignty, 
lie  probably  thinks  the  rights  of  the  States 
are  those  of  subjects,  not  of  sovereigns. 

— We  notice  that  many  of  our  exchanges 
have  contracted  a  bad  habit  of  spelling  An- 
dy Johnson,  Brandy  Johnson.  Is  it  right 
thus  to  trifle  with  the  name  of  the  worthy 
representative  man  of  the  Republican  par- 
ty ?  Andy  and  Brandy  may  be  synonomous, 
but  to  tell  the  naked  truth  is  not  always 
agreeable  to  the  morality  of  the  Eepublicans. 

— It  looks  now  as  though  an  immense  emi- 
gration would,  before  long,  leave  this  coun- 
try for    Mexico.      Mexico  and  Maximilian 

sounds  amazingly  like  makes-a-go  and  makes- 
a-million.     Cheerful  words,  certainly. 

— The  Philadelphia  Press  accuses  the  "re- 
bels" of  "whistling  over  their  victories  in 
North  Carolina,"  We  have  blowed  a  good 
deal  over  victories  which  we  have  and  have 
not  obtained.  Of  the  two,  we  have,  per- 
haps, bJowed  the  hardest  over  those  we  ne- 
ver did  achieve,  except  in  the  "Government 
telegraph." 

— The  following  lines  of  a  'recruit"  are 
graphic,  if  not  elegant.  We  advise  every 
man  who  voted  for  Lincoln  not  to  read  them, 
but  to  go  at  once  to  the  war.  Those  who  did 
not  vote  for  him  may  commit  them  to  mem- 
ory, and  act  fully  up  to  their  letter  and  spi- 
rit : 

To  go,  or  not  to  go  ;  that  is  the  question  • 
Whether  it  pays  best  to  suffer  pestering 
By  idle  girls  and  garrulous  old  women, 
Or  to  take  up  arms  against  a  host  of  "reb- 
els ;" 
And  by  opposing  get  killed— to  die,  to  sleep, 
(Git  eout)  and  in  this  sleep  to  say  we  "sink 
To  rest  by  all  our  country's  wishes  blest," 
And  live  forever — (that's  a  consummation 
Just  what  I'm  after.)    To  march,  to  fight- 
To  fight !     Fcrchanco  to  die  ;  ayo,   there's 

the  rub ! 
For  while  I'm  asleep  who'd  take  care  of  Mary 
And  the  babes— when  Bill  is  in  the  lower 

ground, 
Who'd  feed  'em,  hey?    There's  the  respect 
I  have  for  them  that  makes  life  sweet ; 
For  who  would  bear  the  bag  to  mill, 


Plow  Dobbin,  cut  the  wheat,  dig  taters, 
Kill  hogs,  and  do  all  sorts  of  drudgery, 
If  I  am  fool  enough  to  get  a  "rebel" 
Bullet  on  the  brain?     Who'd  cry  for  me  ? 
Would  patriotism  pay  my  debts  when  dead  ? 
But  oh !  the  dread  of  something  after  death; 
That  undiscovered  fellow  who'd  court  Mary, 
And  do  my  huggin' — that's  agony, 
And  makes  me  want  to  stay  at  home, 
'Specially  as  I  ain't  mad  with  nobody. 
Shells  and  bullets  makes  cowards  of  us  all, 
And  blam'd  my  skin  if  snortin'  steeds, 
And  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war, 
Are  to  be  compared  with  feather  bed, 
And  Mary  by  my  side. 

— There  is  a  "Golden  Eule  Oil  Company" 
in  Philadelphia,  in  which  the  shares  are  ten 
cents  !  We  know  nothing  of  its  merits,  but 
if  it  is  not  an  impudent  swindle,  we  shall  be 
compelled  to  confess  that  "  appearances  are 
deceitful."  It  certainly  has  the  ear-marks 
of  a  rascal.  Golden  Bule  Oil  Company! 
Shares  ten  cents  !  Does  it  not  look  like  a 
scheme  to  swindle  the  foolish  and  the  poor? 

— The  people  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  are 
much  to  be  pitied.  Their  Governor,  Andy 
Johnson,  was  a  drunken  boor ;  their  present 
Governor,  Parson  Brownlow,  is  a  brutal  mad 
man.  If  the  Aboliti  on  army  were  withdrawn, 
neither  of  these  specimens  of  debased  hu- 
manity could  live  an  hour  among  the  people 
they  "govern." 

— An  army  correspondent  says,  "it  is 
characteristic  with  our  generals  to  affect  great 
contempt  for  literary  men,  and  especially  for 
poets."  And  the  poets  seem  to  return  the 
contempt,  with  interest,  in  their  contempt  of 
generals.  Sir  William  Temple  says:  "Of 
all  the  numbers  of  mankind  that  live  within 
the  compass  of  a  thousand  years,  for  one 
man  that  is  bom  capable  of  making  a  great 
poet,  there  may  be  a  thousand  born  capable 
of  making  as  great  generals  or  ministers  of 
State  as  the  most  renowned  in  story."  For 
tho  space  of  three  hundred  years  Greece  pro- 
duced only  one  Homer  ;  but  in  that  time  she 
gave  birth  to  we  know  not  how  many  hun- 
dreds of  great  generals. 

—Tho  great  number  of  Abolition  tracts 
and  political  pamphlets  reminds  one  of  the 
toads  and  vermin  that  once  afflioted  poor 

old  Egypt. 


f 


warn  -     aram 


Just  as  we  go  to  press,  the  terrible  | 
news  of  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lin 
coin  is  received  in  this  city.  It  cannot 
fail  to  fill  every  heart  with  horror  and 
alarm.  An  assassin  is  justly  held  to 
be  the  foe  of  mankind,  and  every  man 
is  interested  in  his  detection  and  pun-  J 
ishment.  Nor  do  we  disguise  our  con- 
viction that  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is 
the  greatest  calamity  to  our  country. 
It  is  generally  believed  that  he  had  J 
fully  settled  upon  a  policy  which  would 
speedily  end  our  civil  strife,  and  give 
rest  to  our  bleeding  land.  There  was  1 
a  smile  of  hope  and  peace  on  the  face 
of  the  whole  country,  and  thousands 
who  had  never  expected  pacification  to 
come  from  him,  began  to  regard  him 
with  feelings  of  approving  expecta- 
tion, when  he  was  struck  down  by  the  | 
assassin's  hand.  The  blow  was  as 
blind  as  it  was  great  in  the  enormity  | 
of  its  crime.  A  President,  like  the 
humblest  individual  in  society,  is  ame-  j 
nable  to  law  for  any  wrongs  he  may 
commit,  and  it  is  to  this  arbiter  that 
we  have  always  appealed. 


What  effect  his  tragical  death  will 
have,  it  must  remain  for  time  to  tell. 
|  Generally  fanaticism  is  embittered  and 
increased  by  the  attack  of  its  antago- 
nists upon  it,  but  in  this  instance  it 
does  not  seem  possible  to  give  it  that 
direction.  Booth,  if  he  were  the  assas- 
sin, cannot  be  accused  of  devotion  to 
"the  slave  power,"  which  Abolition 
regards  as  its  mortal  enemy.  He  pro- 
bably never  owned  a  negro,  never 
wished  to,  and  may  be  regarded  as  far 
more  of  a  northern  than  a  southern 
man.     What  motive   inspired   him  to 

the  commission  of  the  awful  crime,  can 
be  known  only   to   him   who  sees   the 

hearts  of  all  men.  It  stands  recorded 
on  the  pages  of  American  history,  ne- 
ver to  be  effaced  while  time  lasts.  The 
most  we  can  do  is  to  execrate  the 
crime,  punish  its  authors,  and  deplore 
the  condition  of  the  country,  fervently 
hoping  and  praying  that  the  sad  event 
may  be  over-ruled  for  the  good  of  our 
suffering  land,  and  that  it  may  be  ex- 
empt from  any  similar  occurrence,  now* 
henceforth,  and  forever  ! 


THE  OLD  GUARD, 


A  MONTHLY  JOURNAL,   DEVOTED   TO   THE   PRINCIPLES   OP    1776   AND    1787. 


VOLUME    III.  — JUNE,    1865.  — No.    VI. 


UNION— DISUNION— REUNION. 


We  are  at  this  moment  in  great  dan- 
ger of  political  ruin,  and  indeed  social 
disintegration  ;  but  we  have  also  ar- 
rived at  a  stand-point  from  which  we 
may  see  the  dangers,  and  avoiding 
them,  restore  our  shattered  political 
system,  and  again  advance  harmo- 
niously and  gloriously  a  united  people, 
in  the  fulfillment  of  our  mission  as  the 
advanced  guard  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion. 

The  greatest  evil  of  the  hour  is  the 
wide-spread  misconceptions  prevalent, 
individual,  partisan,  and  sectional,  and 
as  always  in  revolutionary  and  excit- 
ing times,  multitudes  of  men  are  ready 
to  destroy  each  other,  while  really, 
though  blindly,  desiring  the  same  ulti- 
mate object.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  a  vast  and  overwhelming  majority 
of  Americans  do  now,  and  have  clear 
through  the  bloody  trials  of  the  past 
four  years,  desired  the  "Union" — the 
condition  or  thing  which  for  eighty 
years  was  so  identified  with  their  pros- 
perity, freedom  and  happiness,  but  the 
means  or  mode  of  realizing  this  "  Union" 
is  intepreted  indefinitely,  in  not  only 
parties  and  sections,  but  scarcely  two 


individual  citizens  have  exactly  the 
same  notions  on  the  subject.  Indeed, 
it  is  certain  that  the  Abolitionists,  per 
se,  are  the  only  considerable  body  in 
the  country,  North,  or  South,  that  have 
clear,  defined,  and  absolutely  deter- 
mined "  principles n  or  purposes  in 
view.  They  believe  that  negroes  are 
black-white  men,  or  "  colored  men,"  with